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"This book is Volume IV in the Official History of Criminal Justice in England and Wales. Previous volumes have focused on the moral reforms of the 1960s, the changes to the criminal courts and the introduction of an independent prosecution service, and the broad shifts in penal policy that have taken place in the post-war era. This volume examines the changing politics of law and order, charting the gradual shift toward greater political conflict and dispute. Until the early 1970s law and order rarely occupied a privileged place in political debate. From that point this began to change with, initially, the Conservatives utilising crime and penal policy as a means of distinguishing themselves from their opponents. This volume charts these changes in the politics of law and order and examines the rise in the temperature of political debate around such issues as the Labour Party markedly shifted its direction in the 1990s This book will be of interest to students of British political history, criminology and sociology"--

"This book is Volume IV in the Official History of Criminal Justice in England and Wales. Previous volumes have focused on the moral reforms of the 1960s, the changes to the criminal courts and the introduction of an independent prosecution service, and the broad shifts in penal policy that have taken place in the post-war era. This volume examines the changing politics of law and order, charting the gradual shift toward greater political conflict and dispute. Until the early 1970s law and order rarely occupied a privileged place in political debate. From that point this began to change with, initially, the Conservatives utilising crime and penal policy as a means of distinguishing themselves from their opponents. This volume charts these changes in the politics of law and order and examines the rise in the temperature of political debate around such issues as the Labour Party markedly shifted its direction in the 1990s This book will be of interest to students of British political history, criminology and sociology"--

This text seeks to explain how political actors know how to change, interpret, and apply the rules that comprise rule-based global order. It argues that actors in world politics are simultaneously engaged in an ongoing social practice of rule-making, interpretation and application.

This text seeks to explain how political actors know how to change, interpret, and apply the rules that comprise rule-based global order. It argues that actors in world politics are simultaneously engaged in an ongoing social practice of rule-making, interpretation and application.

Two-page letter from Lysander Spooner in Boston [Massachusetts] to Gerrit Smith dated September 30, 1860, briefly discussing their religious views.

von K. Gutzkow ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- P.o.germ. 532 ma

von K. Gutzkow ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- P.o.germ. 532 kf

AbstractThe article aims to explain the 2020 approval of 'Next Generation EU', the program for helping the EU member states to go beyond the pandemic. The approval of NG-EU is interpreted in the context of a confrontation between three distinct interstate coalitions, coordinating a group of countries from the north (the Frugal coalition) against the core of continental countries (the Solidarity coalition) and then a group of countries from the east (the Sovereignty coalition) against the previous two coalitions allied together. Based on the discursive institutionalism's approach, the article reconstructs the policy discourse shared by the members of each coalition, coherently utilized along the fault lines which conceptually structured the 2020 policy-making process. The policy coherence and the organizational consistency of the three coalition cores affected the EU policy-making process more than the inter-institutional relations between the Commission and national governments. The article concludes advancing arguments for interpreting the sub-regional segmentation of the EU.

This paper contributes to the literature on the relationships between the state and other actors around the politics of the extraction of value from urban developments by focusing on one planning institution in the Tehran metropolitan area, the Tehran Point 5 Committee (TPC). Drawing from studies on state capture, the paper shows how this planning institution, initially established to make spatial plans flexible and implementable through deliberating on zoning relief requests, has been captured by strong political actors and their networks of front companies. By collecting and analyzing quantitative and qualitative data on the decisions of this institution from 2009 to 2019 and the corresponding spatial pattern of the projects with granted zoning relief, I examine how these actors cluster around the TPC to shape, expand, and exploit opportunities from urban development to their benefit while harming the public good. I argue that the explanatory frameworks of neoliberalism, elite informality, and corruption fail to adequately account for the political drivers that undergird the operation of this institution. The paper draws attention to the susceptibility of the planning systems, in particular those components with discretionary powers, to be a target of state capture under circumstances of political distortions, due to the role they can play in extracting and distributing significant economic returns from urban development.