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"As the Soviet communist regime gave way to democracy the emergence of an entirely new political and social landscape had the potential to turn Russian society upside down. In Mothers and Soldiers Amy Caiazza looks at the effects of this seismic change on gender roles, and specifically the role of women in a newly democratic Russia. Observing through a gendered lens, institutions like the military, and the process of making public policy, Caiazza finds that despite the institutional disruption, the pattern of gender role ideologies maintained continuity from the former times while at the same time embracing aspects of Western feminism."--Jacket

Power games : political blogging in Malaysian national elections -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations of Politica l Parties -- Introduction -- 1. The Cultural, Social and Political Fabric of Malaysia -- 2. Trends in Social Media Use in Malaysian Cyberspace -- 3. A Political Marketing Tool and a Network of Cyber Battles -- 4. Psychological Warfare and Leadership Change -- 5. Negotiating Political Reform and Change -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author.

Рассмотрены вопросы совершенствования нормативно-правового обеспечения взаимодействия Службы безопасности Украины и Национальной гвардии Украины. Определены основные проблемы правового регулирования указанных субъектов взаимодействия при выполнении служебно-боевых задач по урегулированию чрезвычайных ситуаций социального характера. Наданы предложения по совершенствованию правового регулирования взаимодействия Службы безопасности Украины и Национальной гвардии Украины в условиях чрезвычайных ситуаций социального характера. ; Problem setting. Recent crisis events in the world led to emergency social situations. Unfortunately, Ukraine does not remain aloof from the present crisis. Contemporary complex social and geopolitical situation led the counterterrorist operation in southeastern Ukraine. Under these conditions, the improvement of military service and law enforcement forces are particularly important. In order to successfully carry out their service and combat missions necessary to perform these entities joint action agreed in advance. The practice of counter-terrorist operation showed the need to improve the interoperability of the Security Service of Ukraine units and divisions of the National Guard of Ukraine, and therefore in the context of the theory of military service and interagency interaction forces law enforcement plays a major role. Recent research and publications analysis. Currently, research on the improvement of the legal basis for cooperation between the Security Service of Ukraine and National Guard of Ukraine in emergency social situations practically not carried out, there are several dissertations which deals with various aspects of this activity. However, these studies do not determine the characteristics of the legal basis for cooperation between Ukraine and the Security Service units National Guard of Ukraine in emergency social situations. Thus, the improvement of interaction between these departments in responding to emergency social situations is very important. Paper objective. Proposals to improve the legal basis for cooperation between the Security Service of Ukraine and the National Guard of Ukraine in emergency social situations. Paper main body. First place among emergency social situations is armed attacks, the seizure and retention of important objects of force or a real threat of such shares. The counterterrorist operation is a form of emergency response social issues that are caused by the presence of terrorist acts. Departments of National Guard of Ukraine is an important component of emergency response basis of a social nature and interaction of divisions Security Service of Ukraine and National Guard of Ukraine is legal, organizational and tactical components. Key measures to improve the legal basis for cooperation between the Security Service of Ukraine and National Guard of Ukraine in emergencies social issues can be divided into three groups: legal drafting principles for cooperation between the Security Service of Ukraine and the National Guard of Ukraine during emergency social situations; Develop principles for cooperation between units of Security Service of Ukraine and National Guard of Ukraine during emergency social situations; improving tactical principles for cooperation between Ukraine and the Security Service units National Guard of Ukraine during emergency social situations. Conclusions of the research. Currently imperative is to develop meaningful interagency legal acts on the organization of cooperation in different variants emergency social situations. Development of organizational principles of interaction of units of the Security Service of Ukraine and National Guard of Ukraine during the emergency response is primarily a social nature in the creation of interagency operational management based situational centers of technical and application software decision support. Improving tactical principles for cooperation between Ukraine and the Security Service units National Guard of Ukraine during emergency response social character is working out the tactics of joint actions in the performance of service and combat missions.

During the revolutions that occurred in the Middle East, the social network Twitter has been a real-time information stream for international-news junkies. It has become the essential tool for following and understanding the momentous changes occurring in the Arab regions, overstepping traditional media. Twitter is often used as a broadcast platform, moreso than other social networks. Adapted from the source document.

The social gospel for which the Century-spoke led it to just such active involvement. It brought its Christian commitment to bear on every important facet of American life. These facets fall into three broad classifications. They are social issues, economic issues and political issues. Attention will be focused on these to determine just how the Christian Century put its creed into practice.

International audience The black man's body is subject to two types of representations in the French medical literature from the nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth century. Descriptions of black men often contributed to emphasizing the virility of white men. Indeed, African men were described as physically and intellectually effeminate, similar to women and children, inferior and lacking authority. This inferiority was used to legitimize the colonization of Africa by men of the French nation, who were presented as manly and powerful, and thus able to protect the African population. Parallel to this representation, another stereotype emerged at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth century with the development of the naturist doctrine and colonization, this time foregrounding the hyper-virility of black men. The representation of his robust, resistant, strong and muscular body, was contrasted to the weakened body of white men, at a time when, in the colonies, white men suffered from the climate and tropical diseases and, in France, the defeat of 1870 led to rising fear about the "decline of the race". So, the definition of black man's masculinity evolves during the nineteenth century and the beginnings of the twentieth century according to the political context and the sexual and social norms prevailing in France. ; Le corps de l'homme noir est soumis à deux types de représentations dans la littérature médicale française du xixe siècle jusqu'au milieu du xxe siècle. Ces descriptions s'établissent souvent en miroir de celles de l'homme blanc et contribuent à renforcer la virilité de ce dernier. En effet, l'homme africain est décrit par les médecins comme un être efféminé, physiquement et intellectuellement, proche de la femme et de l'enfant, inférieur et dénué d'autorité. Cette infériorité semble en outre légitimer la colonisation des terres africaines par les hommes de la nation française, présentés quant à eux comme virils et puissants, et censés apporter une protection à ces peuples. ...

[ES] Esta investigación quiere dar cuenta del nexo estético entre el desarrollo de las TIC y los movimientos sociales de los últimos años partiendo de un análisis del fenómeno quincemayista que parece haber marcado un punto de inflexión en este sentido. Es este vínculo el que da cuenta de la hipótesis principal de la tesis, a saber: que la progresiva implementación de las TIC en la vida diaria ha generado una metáfora o imagen del mundo según la que se tiene mucha más capacidad de participación y de decisión en los procesos políticos de la que realmente existe, algo que ha motivado numerosas iniciativas ciudadanas con el fin de alcanzar cambios fehacientes en esta dirección. La tesis está dividida en tres partes que se corresponden respectivamente a la presentación y la contextualización de la investigación, sus precedentes más inmediatos y sus primeras consecuencias que ahora, con el paso de 6 años y 3 elecciones generales desde el 15-M —que en un principio tenían que ser 5 años y 1 elecciones generales—, empiezan a poder analizarse con cierta rigurosidad. De todo este análisis se desprende que la capacidad ciudadana para intervenir en los procesos políticos, tanto municipales como estatales, sigue siendo precaria pese a la asunción contraria. El uso de internet se ha asentado, pero la capacidad de participación en dichos asuntos todavía deja mucho que desear. Se pueden generar debates e introducirlos en la opinión pública, pero en base a los análisis estéticos realizados en el presente trabajo se descubre un uso recursivo de elementos emocionales que si bien han sido determinantes para gran parte del efecto contagio de los movimientos sociales de los últimos años, también han actuado como distracción, o incluso como engaño. Si bien no tiene por qué tratarse de un uso imprudente de los medios, sí puede concluirse que ha habido, por norma, un uso atrevido o precipitado de los mismos, una utilización excesivamente entusiasta. Esta se ha visto reflejada, sobre todo, en el análisis de la imaginería surgida alrededor de las Revueltas de la Dignidad: pese a los discursos de triunfo que se generaron el resultado no fue tal, llegando incluso a recrudecerse, en muchos casos, la situación denunciada. El 15-M fue algo más modesto y combinó lo entusiasta con la muestra de lo visible, sobre todo en su relación con los movimientos en torno a la vivienda digna donde la PAH ha desempeñado, junto con sus asambleas de vivienda, un rol protagonista. En este caso sí que han podido verse cambios en el modo de abordar, incluso a niveles institucionales, las problemáticas manifestadas. De hecho, hasta una de sus activistas más reconocidas, Ada Colau, ha sido investida alcaldesa de Barcelona desde otras iniciativas vinculadas al movimiento que han alcanzado el ámbito institucional, en este caso concreto desde un incipiente municipalismo. Queda pendiente, no obstante, ver cómo evolucionarán ahora estos nuevos senderos abiertos tanto en lo institucional, donde Podemos parece recaer en la espectacularidad, como desde las calles. Las TIC, que ahora forman una parte importante en la constitución de los movimientos ciudadanos, sobre todo en lo que se refiere a los discursos en torno a ellos, no resultan útiles si no se sabe cómo operan tanto ellas como los elementos que se transmiten a través de ellas. Mientras que las imágenes fascinantes que acompañan las narraciones épicas o heroicas son muy provechosas a la hora de generar emociones, que se transmiten a gran velocidad por medio de estas tecnologías, la nueva capacidad que aportan estos instrumentos para mostrar lo que realmente ocurre se descubre mucho más reveladora en la dirección de una progresiva autonomía a nivel social. Además, a todo esto se le suma el hecho de que la mayor parte de los canales a través de los que se se establecen las comunicaciones con un fin activista son privativos –como lo son casi todos –, pertenecientes a grandes empresas privadas y con un código opaco. Esto significa que por mucho que se estudie el contenido que va a ser publicado va a hacerlo dentro de una estructura predeterminada que va a configurarlo. Si al desconocimiento de las tecnologías con las que se opera, se le suma una arquitectura de las mismas diseñada por terceros no accesibe y una falta de competencias en materia estética, hay que concluir que no es que las TIC no sean emancipadoras, sino que difícilmente pueden serlo en estas condiciones. Existe una idea del ciudadano como hacker porque es posible intervenir en algunos de los debates públicos por medio de las RSI y porque sin duda las TIC tienen un gran potencial para incidir políticamente. Pero se trata de herramientas, no de sujetos, y dependen enteramente del modo en que se manejen. Se revela importante tener todo esto en cuenta para aprender a emplearlas en la consecución de una progresiva autonomía. Mientras tanto, y por mucho que se introduzcan elementos tecnológicos participativos, la democracia seguirá siendo de tipo representativo.

The Spanish 15M movement (also known as the Indignados) was very critical of political parties and the current system of political representation. However, the protest cycle has evolved into a growing and complex process of institutionalization in which activist have been participating in the creation and development of a number of new parties (Partido X, Ganemos and Podemos). This paper analyzes the role played by new technologies in this process. The basic hypothesis is that the extensive use of digital tools, which encourage participation and deliberation in the creation and development of these new parties, in some ways reproduces essential values and practices of the movement, thus facilitating the identification between the 15M activists and the parties. In this way, the transition between movement and party has been conditioned by, among other things, a component of technological mediation, generating an environment of horizontal deliberation, participation distributed and decentralized structure. The use of these tools has been accompanied by the development of a certain technophile frame that stresses the potential of new technologies for social and political change. Thus, the classical notions of representation or participation are redrawn allowing a smooth evolution from the squares to the Parliaments. This article examines the construction of technophiles frameworks, which influenced by the presence of free software and open source, help us to understand the organization of the new movement-parties and the transition between the different forms of collective action. Likewise, some of these digital tools are mentioned and outlined and the role that they have played in order to forge new organization models for these movement–parties are described. ; El movimiento 15M se caracterizaba, entre otras cosas, por una fuerte crítica a los partidos políticos y el sistema actual de representación política. Sin embargo, el ciclo de movilización ha derivado en un proceso de institucionalización creciente y complejo en el que los activistas del movimiento han participado de manera relativamente visible y continuada en el surgimiento y el desarrollo de nuevos partidos (Partido X, Ganemos y Podemos). Este artículo analiza el papel desempeñado por las nuevas tecnologías en este proceso bajo la hipótesis de que la apropiación de herramientas digitales diseñadas para deliberar, interaccionar o generar formas diversas de participación política en los nuevos partidos reproduce valores y prácticas esenciales del movimiento, allanando con ello el camino para una identificación entre los activistas y los partidos. La mediación tecnológica ha modulado el paso del movimiento al partido al generar un entorno de deliberación horizontal, participación distribuida y estructura descentralizada que reduce las diferencias visibles entre ambos. El desarrollo de las herramientas digitales se ha visto acompañado a su vez de un cambio en los marcos de interpretación de los movimientos sociales con respecto a la tecnología como factor político. De esta forma, las nociones de representación o participación clásicas quedan redibujadas permitiendo una transición suave entre las plazas y los parlamentos. El artículo rastrea la construcción de marcos tecnófilos que, influidos por la presencia del software libre y el código abierto, ayudan a entender la organización de los nuevos partidos-movimiento y la transición entre las diversas formas de acción colectiva. Igualmente, se perfilan y describen algunas de estas herramientas y las funciones que han cumplido de cara a forjar unos modelos de organización originales en estos partidos-movimiento.The Spanish 15M movement (also known as the Indignados) was very critical of political parties and the current system of political representation. However, the protest cycle has evolved into a growing and complex process of institutionalization in which activist have been participating in the creation and development of a number of new parties (Partido X, Ganemos and Podemos). This paper analyzes the role played by new technologies in this process. The basic hypothesis is that the extensive use of digital tools, which encourage participation and deliberation in the creation and development of these new parties, in some ways reproduces essential values and practices of the movement, thus facilitating the identification between the 15M activists and the parties. In this way, the transition between movement and party has been conditioned by, among other things, a component of technological mediation, generating an environment of horizontal deliberation, participation distributed and decentralized structure. The use of these tools has been accompanied by the development of a certain technophile frame that stresses the potential of new technologies for social and political change. Thus, the classical notions of representation or participation are redrawn allowing a smooth evolution from the squares to the Parliaments. This article examines the construction of technophiles frameworks, which influenced by the presence of free software and open source, help us to understand the organization of the new movement-parties and the transition between the different forms of collective action. Likewise, some of these digital tools are mentioned and outlined and the role that they have played in order to forge new organization models for these movement–parties are described.

This research paper presents the basic characteristics of social security institutions in which they are placed on people with intellectual disability. When defining the institutional accommodation for this social group were used government reports and documents nongovernment this form of protection are determined, primarily, as a restrictive measure and end in the social protection. Accordingly defined the subject of research that is focused on examining the characteristics of existing residential institutions and the possibilities of improvements to make humane approach towards this social group and their integration into the community. Furthermore, the paper is determined by the overall objective of the research in accordance with it defined the individual tasks of research. The research was done in the five largest residential institutions for care people with intellectual disabilities in Serbia, and the data were provided by professionals who are engaged in activities of professional support in these institutions, in the form of questionnaires. Accordingly, the part that refers to a discussion of results is designed to enable an assessment of all indicators that determine the level of service quality institutional placement: guidance professionals to more open forms of support; detected problems in social care institutions with skilled workers; compliance of the organization's dormitory life in relation to their needs, strengths and weaknesses of the institutional model of care, opportunities for social integration into the community's dormitory. The last part concerns the display of the concluding observations on the characteristics of residential services for people with intellectual affecting the quality of daily functioning of users and hinder social integration into the community. ; U ovom radu dat je prikaz osnovnih karakteristika institucija socijalne zaštite u kojima se na smeštaju nalaze osobe sa intelektualnom ometenošću. Prilikom definisanja institucionalnog smeštaja za ovu društvenu grupu ...

Islamic sociology; Islam; social aspects

This book critically engages with the proliferation of literature on postcapitalism, which is rapidly becoming an urgent area of inquiry, both in academic scholarship and in public life. It collects the insights from scholars working across the field of Critical International Political Economy to interrogate how we might begin to envisage a political economy of postcapitalism. The authors foreground the agency of workers and other capitalist subjects, and their desire to engage in a range of radical experiments in decommodification and democratization both in the workplace and in their daily lives. It includes a broad range of ideas including the future of social reproduction, human capital circulation, political Islam, the political economy of exclusion and eco-communities. Rather than focusing on the ending of capitalism as an implosion of the value-money form, this book focuses on the dream of equal participation in the determination of people's shared collective destiny

"In Tools and Weapons, Brad Smith and Carol Ann Browne take us into the cockpit of one of the world's largest and most powerful tech companies as it finds itself in the middle of some of the thorniest emerging issues of our time. These are challenges that come with no preexisting playbook, including privacy, cybercrime and cyberwar, social media, the moral conundrums of artificial intelligence, big tech's relationship to inequality, and the challenges for democracy, far and near. While in no way a self-glorifying "Microsoft memoir," the book pulls back the curtain remarkably wide onto some of the company's most crucial recent decision points, as it strives to protect the hopes technology offers against the very real threats it also presents. There are huge ramifications for communities and countries, and Brad Smith provides a thoughtful and urgent contribution to that effort"--

This handbook covers the technical, social and cultural history of surgery. It reflects the state of the art and suggests directions for future research. It discusses what is different and specific about the history of surgery - a manual activity with a direct impact on the patient's body. The individual entries in the handbook function as starting points for anyone who wants to obtain up-to-date information about an area in the history of surgery for purposes of research or for general orientation. Written by 26 experts from 6 countries, the chapters discuss the essential topics of the field (such as anaesthesia, wound infection, instruments, specialization), specific domains areas (for example, cancer surgery, transplants, animals, war), but also innovative themes (women, popular culture, nursing, clinical trials) and make connections to other areas of historical research (such as the history of emotions, art, architecture, colonial history).

"Als de dozen met feministische boeken die langs de kant van de weg worden gezet je eenmaal gaan opvallen dan zie je ze overal." Dit is de openingszin van het nieuwe boek van Marja Vuijsje. Die afgedankte boeken zijn bijvoorbeeld 'De tweede sekse' van Simone de Beauvoir, en 'De schaamte voorbij' van Anja Meulenbelt. Achter die boeken doemt de cultuur op van jongeren die vonden dat alles anders moest. Een deel van de naoorlogse generatie wilde af van de braafheid van hun vaders en moeders. Ze vormden een tegenbeweging die onder meer het christendom, de sekseongelijkheid, Amerika, het kapitalisme en truttige ouders aanklaagde. 'Oude dozen' is autobiografie, lees- en sociale geschiedenis in één. Met haar zo bekende scherpzinnige en ironische blik kijkt Marja Vuijsje terug op de Tweede Feministische Golf, haar eigen leven en dat van de min of meer feministische vriendinnengroep die toen gevormd werd."--back cover