Suchergebnisse

Three major questions are raised in this paper. First, why did the Dengist leadership pursue the 'specific' reform policies that ultimately proved to be successful? Second, how could the Chinese Communist party (CCP) legitimise its role in society after compromising on most of the socialist agenda? And third, why has the economic liberalisation not led to the democratic form of government in China even after more than two decades of reforms? By using Berman's ideational approach (Berman 1998), it is found that a specific variant of socialism, which also allowed some of the capitalist tendencies, became institutionalised in the early history of the CCP. The 'programmatic beliefs' and 'policy legacies', which characterise this variant of socialism in China, constrained and guided the Dengist leadership to pursue the reforms that were compatible with Chinese conditions. As these reforms were within the framework of the 'programmatic beliefs' of the CCP, the party did not face legitimacy crisis in the eyes of the Chinese people, and thus retained its power after reforms.

Der Wahlerfolg der Kommunistischen Partei der Ukraine bei den Parlamentswahlen vom März 1998 wird von politischen Beobachtern als ein Protest der Wähler gegen den von der politischen Führung des Landes eingeschlagenen Kurs und die damit verbundene Wirtschaftskrise interpretiert. Der Wahlsieg der Kommunisten könnte zu einer Revision der - wenngleich nur zaghaft begonnenen - Reformpolitik führen und auch Auswirkungen auf die ukrainische Außenpolitik haben. Aber selbst wenn es nicht zu einer konservativen Revolution kommen sollte, wird das durch den Wahlausgang herbeigeführte andauernde politische Patt zwischen Präsident Kucma und dem von den Kommunisten dominierten Parlament die Fortdauer des legislativen Stillstands und des wirtschaftlichen Niedergangs zur Folge haben. (BIOst-Mrk)

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

"The present lines raise the question of the necessity of a thorough study of a largely ignored chapter in the history of Romanian communism, namely the system of party education and cadre schools. If in a first phase, in Romanian post-socialist historiography, the orientation towards the research of the extremes of the system, of terror and repression has prevailed, nowadays it is at least as necessary to understand the mechanisms by which the communist system was perpetuated and regenerated. Party schools were more than mere instruments of indoctrination, manipulation and propaganda, they represented key institutions that fully contributed to the construction of the system itself. Keywords: political education, party schools, cadres, Romanian Communist Party"

Between 1944 and 1989, the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) took several steps in order to transform the Romanian women into political actors. The first direction of action was the creation of a communist women mass organization whose name and structure changed several times: the Union of Antifascist Women of Romania, the Union of Democratic Women of Romania, the Women National Council. The role of this mass organization was to attract the feminine population to the major projects of PCR: gain of power, collectivization of agriculture, a better promotion for women in all spheres of public life, the demographic project during Nicolae Ceausescu's regime, the administration of public goods and services. In second place, the PCR, according to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine, taking as model the USSR, PCR introduced a so-called egalitarian legislation. In order to apply these principles to the Romanian society, the communist propaganda encouraged women to join the paid working force. The women presence within the PCR was one of the lowest of all the communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. In the mid-1970s the Nicolae Ceausescu' regime introduced the principle of quotas for women representation, as members and candidates, in all party structures. The result was an increase in the percentage of women in the party up to 36% at the fall of the Romanian communism regime. With regard to the positions of authority, except a small group surrounding Elena Ceausescu, the feminine participation remained modest. ; Dans l'intervalle 1944 -1989, le Parti Communiste Roumain (PCR) a pris plusieurs mesures pour transformer les femmes roumaines en acteurs politiques. La première direction d'action a été la création d'une organisation féminine de masse dont le nom et la structure ont changé plusieurs fois: l'Union des Femmes Antifascistes de Roumanie, l'Union des Femmes Démocrates de Roumanie; le Conseil National des Femmes. Le rôle de l'organisation féminine de masse a été d'attirer la population féminine vers les principaux ...

Between 1944 and 1989, the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) took several steps in order to transform the Romanian women into political actors. The first direction of action was the creation of a communist women mass organization whose name and structure changed several times: the Union of Antifascist Women of Romania, the Union of Democratic Women of Romania, the Women National Council. The role of this mass organization was to attract the feminine population to the major projects of PCR: gain of power, collectivization of agriculture, a better promotion for women in all spheres of public life, the demographic project during Nicolae Ceausescu's regime, the administration of public goods and services. In second place, the PCR, according to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine, taking as model the USSR, PCR introduced a so-called egalitarian legislation. In order to apply these principles to the Romanian society, the communist propaganda encouraged women to join the paid working force. The women presence within the PCR was one of the lowest of all the communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. In the mid-1970s the Nicolae Ceausescu' regime introduced the principle of quotas for women representation, as members and candidates, in all party structures. The result was an increase in the percentage of women in the party up to 36% at the fall of the Romanian communism regime. With regard to the positions of authority, except a small group surrounding Elena Ceausescu, the feminine participation remained modest. ; Dans l'intervalle 1944 -1989, le Parti Communiste Roumain (PCR) a pris plusieurs mesures pour transformer les femmes roumaines en acteurs politiques. La première direction d'action a été la création d'une organisation féminine de masse dont le nom et la structure ont changé plusieurs fois: l'Union des Femmes Antifascistes de Roumanie, l'Union des Femmes Démocrates de Roumanie; le Conseil National des Femmes. Le rôle de l'organisation féminine de masse a été d'attirer la population féminine vers les principaux ...

Between 1944 and 1989, the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) took several steps in order to transform the Romanian women into political actors. The first direction of action was the creation of a communist women mass organization whose name and structure changed several times: the Union of Antifascist Women of Romania, the Union of Democratic Women of Romania, the Women National Council. The role of this mass organization was to attract the feminine population to the major projects of PCR: gain of power, collectivization of agriculture, a better promotion for women in all spheres of public life, the demographic project during Nicolae Ceausescu's regime, the administration of public goods and services. In second place, the PCR, according to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine, taking as model the USSR, PCR introduced a so-called egalitarian legislation. In order to apply these principles to the Romanian society, the communist propaganda encouraged women to join the paid working force. The women presence within the PCR was one of the lowest of all the communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. In the mid-1970s the Nicolae Ceausescu' regime introduced the principle of quotas for women representation, as members and candidates, in all party structures. The result was an increase in the percentage of women in the party up to 36% at the fall of the Romanian communism regime. With regard to the positions of authority, except a small group surrounding Elena Ceausescu, the feminine participation remained modest. ; Dans l'intervalle 1944 -1989, le Parti Communiste Roumain (PCR) a pris plusieurs mesures pour transformer les femmes roumaines en acteurs politiques. La première direction d'action a été la création d'une organisation féminine de masse dont le nom et la structure ont changé plusieurs fois: l'Union des Femmes Antifascistes de Roumanie, l'Union des Femmes Démocrates de Roumanie; le Conseil National des Femmes. Le rôle de l'organisation féminine de masse a été d'attirer la population féminine vers les principaux ...