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Gros user of polls, political marketing is a growing discipline at still poorly defined borders. There are two common trends in the profession. One based its analyses on socio-political models similar to those proposed by political science. The other proposes a model of social and even political analysis, which puts cultural determinants at the forefront. ; As a heavy user of polls, political marketing is a discipline in full expansion whose limits are still badly defined. Two trends divide the profession - One bases its analysis on models of a socio-political science. The other proposes a model of social and even political analysis which puts emphasis on cultural factors. ; Gros user of polls, political marketing is a growing discipline at still poorly defined borders. There are two common trends in the profession. One based its analyses on socio-political models similar to those proposed by political science. The other proposes a model of social and even political analysis, which puts cultural determinants at the forefront. ; Gros utilisateur de sondages, le marketing politique est une discipline en pleine expansion, aux frontières encore mal définies. Deux tendances se partagent la profession. L'une fonde ses analyses sur des modèles de type sociopolitique proches de ceux proposés par la science politique. L'autre propose un modèle d'analyse sociale, voire politique, qui place au premier plan les déterminants culturels.

The 2019 elections in Belgium yielded contrasted results between the two main regions of the country, Flanders and Wallonia. It is often posited that at the core of this regional difference is the intermingled question of identity and state reform preferences. In this context, this article asks the following question: does the presence or absence of inter-regional contacts can explain voting behaviour? To answer this question, we use structural equation modelling in order to compare 2019 voting behaviour in Flanders and in Wallonia. We rely on the 2019 RepResent cross-sectional post-electoral survey that offers a representative sample of the population in both regions, including indicators of their inter-regional contacts and vote choice.

This research report follows on from previous work trying to understand the causes of electoral participation in Quebec elections. At the same time, the study seeks to identify sources of abstentionism from a quantitative point of view. As the phenomenon has already been the subject of previous analyses among young people (Dostie-Goulet et al., 2012) as well as from a more qualitative perspective (Steben-Chabot, 2016), this analysis complements knowledge on this subject. Finally, 10 years after the 2008 elections, which were analysed by researchers from the Research Chair on Democracy and Parliamentary Institutions (Gélineau and Morin-Chassé, 2009), this report puts the results obtained in this election into perspective with those of the survey administered in 2018. ; Le présent rapport de recherche s'inscrit en continuité avec les travaux antérieurs qui tentent de comprendre les causes de la participation électorale aux élections québécoises. L'étude cherche parallèlement à identifier les sources de l'abstentionnisme d'un point de vue quantitatif. Le phénomène ayant déjà fait l'objet d'analyses antérieures chez les jeunes (Dostie-Goulet et al., 2012) ainsi que dans une perspective plus qualitative (Steben-Chabot, 2016), la présente analyse vient complémenter les connaissances à ce sujet. Finalement, 10 ans après le scrutin de 2008 qui a fait l'objet d'une analyse par des chercheurs de la Chaire de recherche sur la démocratie et les institutions parlementaires (Gélineau et Morin-Chassé, 2009), ce rapport met en perspective les résultats obtenus lors de cette élection avec ceux de l'enquête administrée en 2018.

Summary The case-law of the Chilean Municipal Elections Court, which is now virtually unknown, contains important substantive and procedural elements. The reference to that case-law is both institutional and dogmatic, and its relevance does not refer to a purely historical analysis, but also offers important aspects of the administrative, electoral and procedural law of today. ; Resumen La jurisprudencia del Tribunal de Elecciones Municipales de Chile, hoy prácticamente desconocida, contiene elementos sustantivos y procesales importantes. El aporte de dicha jurisprudencia es tanto institucional como dogmático, y su relevancia no se remite a un análisis meramente histórico, sino que también ofrece aspectos de interés al derecho administrativo, electoral y procesal de nuestros días.

The 2020 municipal elections in Brazil: a local anchor of the conservative vote — Municipal elections were held on 15 November 2020 and on 29 November in 57 cities where a second round was needed. In a context marked by the health crisis and the arrival in Brazil of a second wave of Covid-19, 148 million Brazilian and Brazilian authorities were called to renew the executive (prefeites and vice-prefeitos) and legislative (vereators) powers of the country's 5.570 municipalities. Although voting was mandatory, these elections were characterised by a historic abstention rate. This is not simply due to the health situation, but confirms a growing lack of interest in local elections among the electorate. The level of violence was also unprecedented: the High Electoral Court recorded two hundred and sixty-four crimes against candidates during the election campaign (compared to forty-six in 2016), including eighty-five murders. ; Las elecciones municipales de 2020 en Brasil: un arraigo local del voto conservador -- Las elecciones municipales se celebraron el 15 de noviembre de 2020 y, el 29 de noviembre en cincuenta y siete ciudades en las que fue necesaria una segunda vuelta. En un contexto marcado por la crisis sanitaria y la llegada al Brasil de una segunda ola de Covid-19, 148 millones de brasileñas y brasileños fueron llamados a renovar los poderes ejecutivo (prefeitos y viceprefeitos) y legislativo (vereadores) de los 5.570 municipios del país. Aunque el voto era obligatorio, estas elecciones se caracterizaron por una tasa de abstención histórica. Esto no se debe simplemente a la situación sanitaria, sino que confirma una creciente falta de interés en las elecciones locales entre el electorado. El nivel de violencia también fue sin precedentes : el Tribunal Superior Electoral registró doscientos sesenta y cuatro delitos contra candidatos durante la campaña electoral (en comparación con cuarenta y seis en 2016), incluidos ochenta y cinco asesinatos.

National hearing Saisi by means of referrals by Ms Clémentine Autain and 'La France insoumise', the Conseil d'État had to decide on the legality of provisions laid down by decree regulating, for reasons connected with the Covid 19 epidemic, freedom of assembly and demonstration during the election period. By order of 11 June 2021, the High Administrative Court applied in the present case classic methods designed to reconcile norms of equal constitutional value, to review the proportionality of the police measures adopted and to ensure compliance with the principle of equality. More visibly, he interprets the contested provisions in order to "save" them as not limiting the possible number of participants in an election meeting. ; National audience Saisi par voie de référé-liberté par madame Clémentine Autain et « La France insoumise », le Conseil d'État devait trancher la question de la légalité de dispositions fixées par décret encadrant, pour des raisons liées à l'épidémie de Covid 19, la liberté de réunion et de manifestation en période électorale. Par une ordonnance du 11 juin 2021, la Haute juridiction administrative applique en l'espèce des méthodes classiques visant à concilier des normes d'égale valeur constitutionnelle, à contrôler la proportionnalité des mesures de police adoptées et à assurer le respect du principe d'égalité. De manière plus audacieuse, il interprète les dispositions attaquées afin de les « sauver » comme ne limitant pas le nombre de participants possible à une réunion électorale.

What place does the caste system have in modern India with its globally-integrating market economy? The most influential anthropological approaches to caste have tended to emphasize caste as India's traditional religious and ritual order, or (treating such order as a product of the colonial encounter) as shaped politically, especially today by the dynamics of caste-based electoral politics. Less attention has been paid to caste effects in the economy. This article argues that the scholarly framing of caste mirrors a public policy 'enclosure' of caste in the non-modern realm of religion and 'caste politics', while aligning modernity to the caste-erasing market economy. Village-level fieldwork in south India finds a parallel public narrative of caste either as ritual rank eroded by market relations, or as identity politics deflected from everyday economic life. But locally and nationally the effects of caste are found to be pervasive in labour markets and the business economy. In the age of the market, caste is a resource, sometimes in the form of a network, its opportunity-hoarding advantages discriminating against others. Dalits are not discriminated by caste as a set of relations separate from economy, but by the very economic and market processes through which they often seek liberation. The caste processes, enclosures and evasions in post-liberalization India, suggest the need to rethink the modernity of caste beyond orientalist and postcolonial frameworks, and consider the presuppositions that shape understanding of an institution, the nature and experience of which are determined by the inequalities and subject positions it produces.

The article proposes to elaborate an anthropology of the Cameroonian State in order to understand the political stakes of the last presidential election of 2018 and the failure of the multiparty system introduced at the beginning of the 1990s. From a postcolonial perspective, it seems that Cameroon reorganized itself around a unitary Francophone State to consolidate the current power of the elite. The article describes the mechanisms of this reification by relying on the constitutional texts and the institutions protecting the status quo. It also discusses the geopolitical challenges of the terrorist group Boko Haram and the crisis of the English-speaking part. These threats tend to strengthen the unitary and security State to the detriment of a political debate on the future of Cameroon. ; L'article se propose d'élaborer une anthropologie de l'État camerounais afin de comprendre les enjeux politiques de la dernière élection présidentielle de 2018 et le rendez-vous manqué du multipartisme au début des années 1990. Dans une perspective postcoloniale, il semble que le Cameroun se soit réorganisé autour d'un État unitaire francophone pour consolider le pouvoir d'une élite en place. L'article décrit les mécanismes de cette réification en s'appuyant sur les textes constitutionnels et les institutions chargées de protéger le statu quo. Il revient également sur les défis géopolitiques que constituent le groupe terroriste Boko Haram et la gestion de la crise de la partie anglophone. Ces menaces tendent à renforcer l'État unitaire et sécuritaire au détriment d'un débat politique sur l'avenir du Cameroun.

Foreign policy towards Latin America in the period March to September 2019 was somewhat characterised by a low level of activity mainly due to the country's electoral landscape, which was shared with two other neighbouring countries: Bolivia and Uruguay. On 11 August, officialism was defeated in the PASO elections by a greater than expected difference, which undermined the legitimacy of the President-in-Office with the particularity that the elections defined only pre-emptive ones. The result was a context of great uncertainty regarding the near future (the general elections would be in October, two months later, and the handover in December, four months later). Between 12 August, the day on which the relative calm that the exchange rate had had weeks before the elections came back to the aires, and on 27 October, the day of the general elections, we saw the paradox of a legitimate candidate who had no office or formal decision-making power, who actually began to roll out an international agenda which he intensified after he finally became successful in October, but also with a smaller margin than expected, living side by side with a president whose political livelihood seemed to be tempting and who became a key priority: recovering in the elections, disciplining dissident voices within their space and positioning themselves as the leader of the future opposition, as well as the manism built around the possibility to turn it back and its impressive scenisation in the mass marches around the country. In this complex context, there are three issues to highlight outside bilateral relations with individual countries in the region: firstly, the situation in Venezuela addressed jointly by the Lima Group. Secondly, the signing of a free trade agreement between Mercosur and the EU, which the Argentinian government was tasked with promoting in its speeches as the main achievement of its external policy and even more so in recent years of Argentinian diplomacy. Thirdly, in April Argentina formally withdrew from Unasur, ...

Summary The electoral processes and their associated political communication practices represent essential elements in democratic regimes. I propose to enrich the understanding of electoral campaigns from a deliberative perspective. The key advantage of high deliberative quality in campaigns is the possibility to contribute to increasing the rationality of voting, a crucial factor in emerging democracies. This article sets out the analysis and assessment of the discursive and deliberative behaviour of presidential candidates in six debates in the Mexican federal elections in 2012 and 2018. To assess deliberative quality in the discussions, I used elements of Discourse Quality Index2 (DQI). The results of the 2012 election show that, in contrast to the first two discussions in traditional formats, the design of the third (#YoSoy132) "forced" candidates to justify their positions and to relate dialogically. For its part, in the 2018 election, where moderators, auditorials and candidates interacted directly, deliberative quality was increased in certain respects, although not necessarily at the level of reasoning. ; Resumen Los procesos electorales y sus prácticas asociadas de comunicación política representan elementos esenciales en regímenes democráticos. Propongo enriquecer la comprensión de campañas electorales a partir de la perspectiva deliberativa. La ventaja clave de una alta calidad deliberativa en campañas consiste en la posibilidad de contribuir al incremento de la racionalidad del voto, factor crucial en democracias incipientes. Este artículo expone el análisis y la evaluación del comportamiento discursivo y deliberativo de candidatos a la presidencia en seis debates en las elecciones federales mexicanas de 2012 y 2018. Para evaluar la calidad deliberativa en los debates, empleé elementos del Discourse Quality Index2 (DQI). Los resultados en la elección de 2012 muestran que, en contraste con los primeros dos debates efectuados bajo formatos tradicionales, el diseño del tercero (#YoSoy132) "forzó" a los ...

summing up Mexico, in the context of a social crisis, is undergoing a process of alternating elections which, for many, is the beginning of a new way of doing politics, which brings with it the hope of ending poverty, insecurity and educational deterioration. Based on this scenario, this test contains a discussion on the premodern conditions prevailing in Mexico and hampering economic, educational and social security development, which is intended to provide elements to visualise the complexity of factors involved, albeit expressed in different ways, in the social deterioration. The document highlights how poverty, crime and education are embedded, while pointing out the need to contain early school leaving at the upper average level, which is linked to difficulties in entering the labour market and its consequent link to poverty, similarly, early school leaving is more likely to encourage crime. At the end of the manuscript, education is seen as one of the ways to tackle poverty and crime, but not the education currently being provided, problems of academic quality, desertification at medium and higher levels, as well as coverage at these levels of education, would first have to be solved. This calls for differentiated education. ; Resumen México, en el marco de una crisis social, atraviesa un proceso de alternancia electoral que para muchos representa el inicio de una nueva forma de hacer política, lo cual trae consigo la esperanza de acabar con la pobreza, la inseguridad y el deterioro educativo. A partir de este escenario, el presente ensayo contiene una discusión sobre las condiciones de premodernidad que prevalecen en México y obstaculizan el desarrollo económico, educativo y de seguridad social, con lo cual se pretende aportar elementos para visualizar la complejidad de factores involucrados, aunque manifestados en diferentes maneras, en el deterioro social. El documento señala la forma en que están imbricadas la pobreza, delincuencia y educación, al tiempo que apunta la necesidad de contener el abandono ...

Territory, nation and environmental languages: Aragonesista footprint of the bipartite regional government PSOE-CHA (2015-2018) Summary: In 2015, with the crisis of bipartisan in Spain, the results of the regional elections further divided a number of traditionally multi-partisan Cortes of Aragon. The new proposals from Podemos and Citizens were added to the state parties (PP, PSOE and IU), while the territorial parties, the Aragonese Party (Par) and Chunta Aragonesista (CHA), maintained their parliamentary presence in the Cortes de Aragón. In the Palace of the Aljafería, the seat of the Aragonese parliament, a progressive majority was reached (35 MEPs with the sum of PSOE, Podemos, CHA and IU) compared to the 32 members of the conservative block (PP, Citizens and Par). This resulted in an unprecedented coalition in the executive branch (PSOE-CHA) with the ad hoc parliamentary support of Podemos and Izquierda Unida. We will see how CHA nationalists, although weakened, have managed to impose, from a single regional government ministry, crucial topics of their Aragonesista agenda: historical rights, territorial structure, language policy. Key issues: Aragon — Aragonesismo-Chunta Aragonesista-Language Policy of Aragon — Aragonese Government — Coalition PSOE-CHA-IX parliamentary term of Aragons-Human Rights — Vertebración ; International audience ; Territory, nation and environmental languages: Aragonesista footprint of the bipartite regional government PSOE-CHA (2015-2018) Summary: In 2015, with the crisis of bipartisan in Spain, the results of the regional elections further divided a number of traditionally multi-partisan Cortes of Aragon. The new proposals from Podemos and Citizens were added to the state parties (PP, PSOE and IU), while the territorial parties, the Aragonese Party (Par) and Chunta Aragonesista (CHA), maintained their parliamentary presence in the Cortes de Aragón. In the Palace of the Aljafería, the seat of the Aragonese parliament, a progressive majority was reached (35 MEPs with the sum of ...

Summary: Introduction. This research develops a descriptive analysis of the topics promoted on Twitter by the candidates for lehendakari during the cyber campaign of the Basque regional elections in September 2016. Methodology. To this end, the study includes four categories of framing and three discursive strategies that have been applied to the analysis of 411 messages from the lead candidates from the five trainings that received parliamentary representation. Results. Candidates' activity on Twitter has been mixed, although in all cases policy issues have been the most common framework. It has not been possible to establish a link between the gender of the candidates and the topics addressed. The presence of the gender perspective has also been almost testimonial in its messages. Conclusions. The study therefore points to the contradiction between the institutionalised approach of political parties and their candidates. ; Resumen: Introducción. Esta investigación desarrolla un análisis descriptivo de los temas promovidos en Twitter por los candidatos a lehendakari durante la cibercampaña de las elecciones autonómicas vascas de septiembre de 2016. Metodología. Con este fin, el estudio incluye cuatro categorías de encuadramiento y tres estrategias discursivas que se han aplicado al análisis de 411 mensajes de los cabezas de lista de las cinco formaciones que obtuvieron representación parlamentaria. Resultados. La actividad de los candidatos en Twitter ha sido dispar, aunque en todos los casos los policy issues han sido el encuadre más habitual. No ha podido establecerse una relación entre el sexo de los candidatos y las temáticas abordadas. Asimismo, la presencia de la perspectiva de género ha sido casi testimonial en sus mensajes. Conclusiones. Por todo ello, el estudio permite señalar la contradicción entre el enfoque institucionalizado de los partidos políticos y el de sus candidatos.

Summary: No more AFP demonstrations emerged in 2016, calling for a shift to the Chilean pension system, using a varied directory of strategies. The purpose of this article is to describe the set of tactics used by the movement, beyond the traditional border insiders-outsiders; and to explore the factors that determine innovation in the directory of strategies of the movement. To this end, we take Rossi's proposal (2015), which builds the concept of a directory of strategies to overcome the distinction between conventional and non-conventional repertoires. The innovation of the Non-Most AFP repertoire is linked to the political context — Myriam Olate case, tax benefits of MAFAs and national elections — and internal definitions — in particular concerns about the autonomy of social movements vis-à-vis political parties. ; Resumen:Las manifestaciones de No Más AFP emergieron en 2016, exigiendo el cambio al sistema de pensiones de Chile, utilizando un repertorio de estrategias variado. Este artículo tiene como objetivos describir el conjunto de tácticas usadas por el movimiento, más allá de la tradicional frontera insiders-outsiders; y explorar cuáles son los factores que determinan la innovación en el repertorio de estrategias del movimiento. Para ello, tomamos la propuesta de Rossi (2015), quien construye el concepto de repertorio de estrategias para superar la distinción entre repertorios convencionales y no convencionales. La innovación del repertorio de No Más AFP está asociada al contexto político - caso Myriam Olate, beneficios tributarios de las AFP y elecciones nacionales - y a definiciones internas - en particular la preocupación por la autonomía de los movimientos sociales respecto a los partidos políticos.

This article investigates the role of war experiences on voters and veterans' party choices in postwar elections. The literature has looked at the relation between military experience and electoral behavior, and at the political consequences of war-related psychological distress, yet has never integrated the two. This article looks at the war experiences and specifically the development of war trauma on the likelihood of casting a vote for a nationalist party during a postwar election. Based on a 2003 survey of 1,000 Croatian voters, I find that veterans of Croatia's war of independence are more likely to vote for nationalist parties. However, voters who showed signs of trauma were less likely to vote for these parties. In addition, veterans suffering from psychological trauma after the war were far less likely to vote for nationalist parties.