Suchergebnisse

This study focuses on modeling community empowerment programs for MSMEs affected by Covid-19 in DIY. Pandemic Covid-19 that has occurred since the end of 2019 has impacted the cessation of activity of MSMEs in DIY. The absence of activity in the tourist area, the implementation of online learn- ing has a slight influence on this condition. The research method used in this research is the descriptive exploratory qualitative research method. The purpose of this research is to determine the appropriate empowerment model for MSMEs during the Covid-19 pandemic and to contribute in the form of an academic policy paper for relevant stakeholders. This study uses a desk study and interview technique. Desk studies are carried out through secondary data tracking. Interviews were conducted with regional apparatus organizations (OPD) which handle MSMEs and MSMEs' actors. From the research conducted, it is known that the efforts made by the Provincial / Regency / City Governments within the scope of DIY or CSO in order to help MSMEs actors to survive in this pandemic situation if they are framed by using the empowerment models are used the second and third models. The second model seeks to strengthen the potential or power possessed by the community by implementing concrete steps, accommodating various inputs, providing good infrastructure and facilities. The third model seeks to empower the community in the sense of protecting and defending the interests of the weak community. From the research, it concludes that the model of empowering MSMEs affected by Covid-19 in DIY, both carried out by the local government and by CSO such as Muhammadiyah / 'Aisyiyah is done to strengthen the potential or power possessed by MSMEs by implementing real steps, accommodating various inputs, providing infrastructure and facilities good and empowering the community in the sense of protecting and defending the interests of MSMEs.

Politics "is the set of points of view (.) that different agencies take and which express a certain way of intervention, in relation to matters that move social actors" (Oszlak and O´Donnel, 1982). Thus housing policy is the result of the set of decisions and actions of the public sector in the field of housing within a specific social, political and economic system. So its formulation and implementation is the result of the correlation of different social forces which have diverging political viewpoints within society. Just like the state has been restructured in order to adapt to the new neoliberal way, its policies and organisations have been integrated to the capitalist movement. Two ways of accessing housing have thus endured : the private sector and its close connection to the free market laws and on the other hand the focalised customer oriented state help as a way of social protection. Faced with this reality and as a result of decentralisation, the local agencies, at the centre of the confrontation between the neoliberal political models and the real needs of the people, are faced with conflict and opposing interests. Nonetheless and in spite of their limitations, they have become the ideal space from which management processes have started to develop . They work as systematic integration and participatory articulation points, making the paradigms that rule social policies under the present free market context more flexible. Within the context of the supporting actions that AVE-CEVE carries out along with the Argentinean town councils , the Esperanza case shows the permanent tension between the ideal and what is actually possible given the context of a narrowing and focalised political framework . This case also shows that it is possible to find flexibility in neoliberal policies in order to come up with better solutions than the existing ones. ; Toda política "es el conjunto de tomas de posición (…) de diferentes agencias estatales que expresan una determinada modalidad de intervención, en relación con ...

Provision of antipoverty and other social services by nonstate organizations is growing in importance in both the United States and the Russian Federation. Th e history of such provision in the United States may off er insights for the emerging system of nonstate provision in Russia. To illuminate these points, we provide historical overviews of both contexts and then we examine data from two surveys of social service organizations in the United States: the Multi-City Survey of Social Service Providers and the Rural Survey of Social Service Providers. We fi nd that nonstate actors strengthen social capital in poor neighborhoods and oft en link poor persons to public agencies. Nonstate actors strengthen other local institutions through programmatic partnerships and collaboration. However, fi nancing arrangements of nonstate welfare provision may favor effi ciency over concerns about equity, sustainability, and predictability. In addition, the primacy of nonstate provision leads to a welfare state that is more varied geographically than might be anticipated otherwise. Such variability appears to disadvantage highpoverty and predominately minority communities the most. Finally, politically, nonstate welfare provision may occur with little public discussion, debate, or refl ection as it evolves over time. Th ese fi ndings invoke important questions for Russian policy-makers as they seek to develop an equitable and effi cient means of providing assistance to their population.

"Although prospects for peacekeeping and peacebuilding in Africa have significantly improved since the end of the East-West conflict, creating the conditions for lasting peace nevertheless remains a challenge. While liberal peace as ideological frame and strong regional security organisations (RSOs) account for positive impacts and great potential, their effectiveness remains a hope, rather than a given. This report contributes to the debate on the effectiveness of peacekeeping/ peacebuilding on the African continent by analysing the policies and activities of the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU) as well as some of its member states regarding two global norms: a) Protection of Civilians (POC) as one task of peacekeeping operations and b) Security Sector Reform (SSR). Based on the examples of Darfur, Chad, Sierra Leone and Zimbabwe, the report finds that the similar interpretation of doctrines is promising and can be considered an indicator that a layered system of global security governance based on strong and connected RSOs could be both effective and legitimate. However, this alignment of doctrines remains fragile and does not always translate into increased effectiveness at the local level due to three classes of frictions the report identifies." (author's abstract)

PurposeThe successful identification and management of environmental risks remains one of the most important challenges facing mankind. The global nature of environmental risks makes the assumption and practice of environmental responsibility difficult. This paper aims to examine the nature of this difficulty, arguing that although environmental responsibility remains global, it is situated and practiced at the local level.Design/methodology/approachUsing a case study methodology, the paper examines three family dairy farms in Belsize, New South Wales, Australia. Repeated interviews with adult members of the farming families explored their perspectives of the past, present and future of the farm, eliciting rich narratives about relationships between farm, environment, community and individual, and the role that responsibility plays in negotiating these relationships.FindingsEnvironmental responsibility is established as multi‐faceted, and negotiated between social actors as one of myriad other, competing responsibilities. Responsibility is positioned as a critical factor in the generation and maintenance of social relationships, but one which is often mobilized as a mechanism of governance. The paper argues that this can result in tension for some social actors.Originality/valueThis paper positions responsibility generally, and environmental responsibility in particular, as situated on the junction between local and global networks. This occurs as a result of the intrusion of the global into the local, and the corresponding need for individuals to act on the global stage through the medium of their local contexts. In managing the changes in behavior and identity necessary to do this successfully, responsibility is identified as one means of establishing social identity and group members, and a way of defining specific social roles.

Decentralisation and local governance aim at local economic development, but collaboration among key actors at the local level is essential in realising this objective. However, at district assembly level Ghana exhibits problematic conflicts between district chief executives (DCEs), who head the executive committee, and presiding members (PMs) who convene and preside over assembly deliberations, acting as speaker. This study aims to unpack the main causes of such unsavoury conflicts by using 13 case studies from the Ashanti Region. Both primary and secondary data were collected for the study. Primary data was gathered from a selection of 40 key informants drawn from three main groups including DCEs, PMs, and other stakeholders such as regional coordinating council members, assembly members and chiefs. The main research instrument was one-on-one in-depth interviews with participants. The study found deep-seated conflicts between DCEs and PMs, in some cases even transcending these two actors to involve a greater section of actors within the local government administration. The study noted that professional bureaucrats within the local government service are affected when allegations of affiliation are levelled against them. The study also found that the legal status of DCEs and PMs appears to be the main driver of potential conflict, although other context-specific issues were also prevalent.

The proposal raises the necessity to assume an intellectual commitment for the collective building of social directives in methodological, inductive and analytical perspective, that involves characteristic problems of the local life (economic development restricted by cession of the local market to the transnational companies; nourishing insecurity that affects the labor force reproduction and absence of democratic participation) and indicates the actors and contradictions. In this context, mediations are analyzed as well as government action strategies in the local, regional and national instances, tending to the satisfaction of needs and the solution of difficulties, injustices and conflicts. If these problems are not solved they become situations of ungovernability, illegitimacy and authoritarianism, which, on their side, generate citizen and collective reactions and answers expressed in the social mobilization. The changes induced by the global capitalist accumulation, under the direction of the market model, have conferred primacy to the financial economic policy over the commercial and productive one, which sustains a world-wide government that doesn't have the capacity to avoid the reproduction of the problems about the globalization of wealth and the localization of poverty, which are the causes of conflicts, wars and vast anti-globalization movements. ; La ponencia plantea la necesidad de asumir un compromiso intelectual para la construcción colectiva de directrices sociales en una perspectiva metodológica, inductiva y analítica, que involucre problemas propios de la vida local (desarrollo económico restringido por cesión del mercado local a las transnacionales, inseguridad alimentaria que afecta la reproducción de la fuerza de trabajo y ausencia de democracia participativa) y señale actores y contradicciones. En este contexto, se analizan mediaciones y estrategias de acción gubernamental en las instancias local, regional y nacional, tendientes a la satisfacción de necesidades y a la solución de dificultades, injusticias y conflictos. Si estos problemas no son resueltos se convierten en situaciones de ingobernabilidad, ilegitimidad y autoritarismo, las que a su vez generan reacciones y respuestas ciudadanas y colectivas expresas en la movilización social. Los cambios inducidos por la acumulación capitalista global, bajo la orientación del modelo de mercado, han conferido primacía a la política económica financiera sobre la comercial y productiva, lo que sustenta a un gobierno mundial que no tiene capacidad para evitar la reproducción de los problemas de la globalización de la riqueza y de la localización de la pobreza, causantes de conflictos, guerras y de vastos movimientos antiglobalización.

This book presents an overview of European migration policy and the various institutional arrangements within and between various actors, such as local councils, local media, local economies, and local civil society initiatives. Both the role of local authorities in this policy field and their cooperation with civil society initiatives or networks are under-explored topics for research. In response, this book provides a range of detailed case studies focusing on the six main groups of national and administrative traditions in Europe: Germanic, Scandinavian, Napoleonic, Southeastern European, Central-Eastern European and Anglo-Saxon

In this paper we examine the contested character of local civil society in rural North West Wales. Recent years have seen an increasing research and policy interest in the nature of civil society activity at the local level. In contributing to this, we argue that greater attention be paid to how relationships between civil society actors and organisations are shaped by local context. Drawing on the accounts of key individuals in a rural locality, we identify how the actors who have skills and experiences in running organisations relate to people in a disadvantaged, former slate-quarrying village in which such capacities are perceived to be lacking. Such relations between key actors, and between key actors and local people, are overlaid by divisions of class, language and incomer status, producing a contested field. We argue that these tensions have significant implications for statutory area-based regeneration projects aimed at community empowerment, which, in the worst instances, work to reaffirm rather than overcome such divisions.

AbstractIn this paper, we demonstrate what influences the evolution of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) debates. Using the idea of 'governing at a distance' (Rose & Miller, 1992) from the Foucauldian governmentality perspective, we identify the mechanisms behind CSR's context‐based evolution. Examining 72 academic texts on CSR from the 1940s to the 2000s, we find that spatial political contexts and power interests shape CSR. We argue that CSR discourse is linked to governing systems and was part of a post‐WWII restructuring to support capitalism against communism in the global order. Our study reveals that academic journals and scholars introduced American CSR concepts to Turkish academia through strong ties to institutions like Harvard Business School and the Ford Foundation, influencing the emergence and change of CSR over time. Changes in CSR discourse are contextually embedded and politically laden with its emergence having a strong governmentality dimension for which academics (through their texts, academic acumen, and affiliated institutions) play a key role as intermediaries governing at a distance. While the critical perspective emphasizes the issues of coercion and contestations, our paper suggests the importance of cooperation and concerted efforts in shaping the global construction of CSR. We have demonstrated the nuanced interplay between the local and global governance of business and academic associations, challenging the perceived rigidity of their boundaries.

Affordable housing delivery for low and lower middle income families is a prominent problem in many developing countries; governments alone are unable to address this challenge due to diverse financial and regulatory constraints, and the private sector's contribution is rare and assists only middle-income households even when institutional and legal reforms are conducted to persuade it to go down market. Also, the market-enabling policy measures advocated by the World Bank since the early nineties have been strongly criticized and proven to be inappropriate to developing country contexts, where it is highly unlikely that the formal private sector can reach low income population. In addition to governments and private developers, affordable housing delivery systems involve an intricate network of relationships between diverse ranges of actors. Collaboration between them was proven to be vital, and hence, an approach towards partnership schemes for affordable housing delivery has emerged. The basic premise of this paper is that addressing housing affordability challenges in Egypt demands direct public support, as markets and market actors alone would never succeed in delivering decent affordable housing to low and lower middle income groups. It argues that this support would ideally be through local level partnership schemes, with a leading decentralized local government role, and partners being identified according to specific local conditions. It attempts to identify major attributes that would ensure the fulfilment of the goals of such schemes in the Egyptian context. This is based upon evidence from diversified worldwide experiences, in addition to the main outcomes of a questionnaire that was conducted to specialists and chief actors in the field.

Affordable housing delivery for low and lower middle income families is a prominent problem in many developing countries; governments alone are unable to address this challenge due to diverse financial and regulatory constraints, and the private sector's contribution is rare and assists only middle-income households even when institutional and legal reforms are conducted to persuade it to go down market. Also, the market-enabling policy measures advocated by the World Bank since the early nineties have been strongly criticized and proven to be inappropriate to developing country contexts, where it is highly unlikely that the formal private sector can reach low income population. In addition to governments and private developers, affordable housing delivery systems involve an intricate network of relationships between a diverse range of actors. Collaboration between them was proven to be vital, and hence, an approach towards partnership schemes for affordable housing delivery has emerged. The basic premise of this paper is that addressing housing affordability challenges in Egypt demands direct public support, as markets and market actors alone would never succeed in delivering decent affordable housing to low and lower middle income groups. It argues that this support would ideally be through local level partnership schemes, with a leading decentralized local government role, and partners being identified according to specific local conditions. It attempts to identify major attributes that would ensure the fulfillment of the goals of such schemes in the Egyptian context. This is based upon evidence from diversified worldwide experiences, in addition to the main outcomes of a questionnaire that was conducted to specialists and chief actors in the field.

This article analyzes agricultural reform as an element of broader shifts in the Japanese welfare regime. In postwar Japan, agricultural support and protection served as a "functional equivalent" to welfare provision in rural and semi-rural areas. However, an ongoing agricultural reform process has put pressure on aging smallholders and on JA, the powerful organization of agricultural cooperatives. This article investigates how these local actors have responded to an increasingly hostile socio-economic and political environment. To address this question, the article focuses on hamlet-based collective farming, which is a form of agricultural production that can reproduce the welfare character of the postwar support and protection regime on the local level. Based on field research in several rural and semi-rural communities, the article argues that the functions and the local proliferation of hamlet-based farming are shaped by village institutions: hamlet-level norms and rules governing land use and agricultural cooperation, as well as social ties between hamlets, local co-ops, and local governments. While the integration of village institutions into local cooperative and administrative structures can support a systematic local proliferation of collective farming, municipal and cooperative mergers have rendered such comprehensive local responses more complicated. More generally, the article proposes to investigate local acts of recombining community ties and norms with changing macro policies as a promising analytical angle to understand the ongoing renegotiation of East Asian welfare regimes. (Pac Aff/GIGA)

At the beginning of the 2000s, the Ministry of Justice encouraged magistrates to resort to comparutions immédiates, which leads to an increase of their use. Public policy, as well as the ecological analysis, are nevertheless insufficient to explain the widely different evolutions from a territory to the other one. Magistrates'practices are also the product of their respective positions within a local figuration as well as within a national one, this position depending on their own social properties. These figurations are structured systems of interdependence,characterized by stability as well as by permanent movement, and they force individual practices. In the national figuration, a prosecutor's practices depend on the position of his court in the "competition" for comparutions immediates, as well as on the social properties of the prosecutor. Especially, these local policies are the product of the structuration of the alliances and oppositions involving a plurality of local actors, such as magistrates,policemen, lawyers and regional journalists. ; Au début des années 2000, le Ministère de la Justice encourage les magistrats à recourir davantage aux comparutions immédiates, ce qui entraîne une hausse de leur usage. Les politiques publiques, ainsi que l'analyse écologique, sont pourtant insuffisantes pour expliquer les évolutions très contrastées d'un territoire à l'autre. Les pratiques des magistrats sont en réalité le produit de leurs positions respectives au sein d'une configuration locale ainsi qu'au sein d'une configuration nationale, cette position dépendant de leurs propriétés sociales singulières. Ces configurations sont des systèmes d'interdépendance structurés, à la fois stables et toujours mouvants, lesquels contraignent les pratiques des individus. Dans la configuration nationale, les pratiques d'un magistrat dépendent de la position de sa juridiction dans la « compétition » pour les comparutions immédiates, ainsi que des propriétés sociales du procureur. Surtout, ces politiques locales sont le produit de la structuration des alliances et des oppositions mettant en jeu une pluralité d'acteurs locaux, magistrats, policiers, avocats et journalistes régionaux.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- List of figures and tables -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Political actors: city council composition, town meetings, and other contributing factors to citizen/politician relationships and attitudes -- 3 Institutionalized participatory mechanisms -- 4 Koenkai (personal support organization) -- 5 Lowering of the voting age -- 6 Survey results -- 7 Discussion, recommendations, and conclusion -- Appendix A - Oita city political attitudes, opinions, and experiences survey - English version -- Index