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This paper deals with new forms of political mobilisation and participation in social media, such as blogs, social network sites and the likes. The main focus is on the impor-tance of social networks in providing a "media filter", functioning as a kind of collective gatekeeper to spread news and information perceived as important, in contrast to the image of the single individual media consumer faced with an in-surmount¬able mass of information. I argue that by investing one's personal ethos in spreading information and encourage one's peers in the personal social network to civic engagement and direct action, vital news and calls for action spread quickly across nations and cultures. A form of viral politics ensues that, in con¬cordance with traditional types of mediation and formation of political opinion, pro¬vides an important civic power that might help balancing the biases and failures of ethnocentrism and localism. Drawing on earlier research concerning the effect of social capital created by weak ties on civic engagement, I argue that social networks organised online provide a new type of post-organisational weak ties, functioning as maintained social capital building institutions, encouraging to and organising actions of civic engagement. I also argue that in a cosmopolitan civic culture, it is not important that each and every individual must act with the same amount of time and work effort on each and every worthy social and poli¬tical cause brought to one' attention, and I point to the necessity of temporal elites based on voluntarism, taking responsibility for different cases of cosmopolitan acti¬vism. The aim is not only to describe an existing media situation, but also to point out some possible developments that, if nurtured in a proper way, could spur a common cosmopolitan identity and, in coordination with efforts made by exi-sting formal political structures, enable global political problem solving. More specifically, a case is made for the need for more thorough conceptualisation of new modes of participation: spontaneous, individualised, "unorganised" forms of action. Two concepts, "temporal elites" and "viral politics" are developed for describing how social network membership and density determine how people are recruited to political campaigns. The theoretical assumptions are further illustrated by the preliminary empirical findings of an ongoing study of Swedish Facebook users and their attitudes and behaviour concerning political participation in social media.

The pdf available contains only Abstract - Contents - Prologue. ; Defence date: 5 November 2008 ; Examining board: Prof. Bo Stråth (Helsinki University, European University Institute)-supervisor ; Prof. Peter Wagner (University of Trento, European University Institute) ; Prof. Alan Brinkley (Columbia University) ; Prof. Yvonne Hirdman (Stockholm University) ; This dissertation aims to problematize the historical concept of "social engineering." In historiography, social engineering is usually understood as the application of scientific theory to political and social practice. As such, it is thought to have characterized much of early 20th century expansion of public interest and state responsibility into previously non-politicized areas of private life, especially when deceptive and/or technological in nature. It has also been seen as an expression of mechanistic "modernity" and "technocracy." Through a comparative and conceptual histoire croisée of social engineering this dissertation studies how this concept was "spoken" in Sweden and the USA circa 1890-1950. The comparison shows that social engineering rhetoric emphasized the role of human agency and voluntarism in social change, rather than social laws or mechanistic determinism. As such, it highlighted the "constructed" character of the social and opened up the reach of the political. While it did indeed make an analytical separation between science and politics (in the interest of "efficiency" and "objectivity" of science) it also sought to bridge this very gap functionally (in the interest of the "justice" and "representativity" of politics). Rather than a technocratic attempt at moving against, above, or beyond politics social engineering rhetoric sought an intermediary role between science and politics as a kind of "intrapolitics." Such a modern code of conduct, a "social diplomacy" of sorts, strove to bring opposed social interests into controlled intercommunication with one and another instead of promising a Utopian end to all conflict. Thus, social engineering ran against both the laissez-faire liberal ideal of a harmonious balance between various interests as well as the socio-biological and historical materialist doctrines of an apocalyptic conflict between classes and/or races. When these ideologies were cornered as a result of World War II and the Cold War, social engineering rhetoric also lost much of its raison d'être and faded away from public discourse.

"This volume presents for the first time an in-depth analysis of the origins of Greek euergetism. Derived from the Greek for 'benefactor, ' 'euergetism' refers to the process whereby citizens and foreigners offered voluntary services and donations to the polis that were in turn recognised as benefactions in a formal act of reciprocation. Euergetism is key to our understanding of how city-states negotiated both the internal tensions between mass and elite, and their conflicts with external powers. This study adopts the standpoint of historical anthropology and seeks to identify patterns of behaviour and social practices deeply rooted in Greek society and in the long course of Greek history. It covers more than five hundred years and will appeal to ancient historians and scholars in other fields interested in gift exchange, benefactions, philanthropy, power relationships between mass and elite, and the interplay between public discourse and social praxis"--

Presents a collection of essays in honour of Clemens N Nathan, a man occupying a remarkable position in the public life of the United Kingdom. This book offers insights into many topics.

In the United States, public talk about charity for the poor is highly moralistic, even in our era of welfare reform. But how do we understand the actual experience of caring for the poor? This study looks at the front lines of volunteer involvement with the poor and homeless to assess what volunteer work means for those who do it

Una retrospectiva lingüística permite afirmar que la acción de tutela del Derecho público constitucional tiene raíces en el Derecho privado romano. El término tutela proviene del latín tutelae, expresión usada en Derecho romano para hablar de la relación entre pupilo y tutor. Tal origen se soporta no sólo en la similitud textual de las dos instituciones, sino en el origen remoto del juicio de amparo mexicano en el Derecho romano, juicio que inspiró la tutela colombiana. El origen de la actual tutela tiene repercusiones en la forma como en Colombia se percibe la relación entre individuos y Estado. En efecto, desde 1991, estando la tutela en el corazón de la Constitución, se puede construir la siguiente comparación: Estado es a individuo como tutor es a pupilo. Con base en esta comparación, al Estado le corresponde la diligente administración de los bienes de los individuos en interés de éstos. No obstante esta consecuencia positiva, tal administración se da en virtud de que los individuos se estiman incapaces de tal tarea, situación diferente a la de los individuos dentro de un contrato social. Por tanto, la opción de una democracia participativa parece inalcanzable. ; Based on a linguistic retrospective, one can argue that the guardianship (tutela) action has its origins in Roman private law. Guardianship comes from the Latin tutelae, term used in Roman law to encapsulate the relationship between pupil and tutor. This origin is based not only in a textual resemblance, but also in the Roman law origins of the Mexican juicio de amparo in which the guardianship (tutela) action is inspired. This origin has consequences in the way individuals interact with the State. Since 1991, being the guardianship (tutela) action at the heart of the Constitutional Constitution, it is possible to draw the following analogy: State is to individual as tutor is to pupil. Thus, the State has the duty of proper administration of the individuals' patrimony. This administration, however, is based on the individuals' inability to develop this task in opposition to what happens under the figure of the social contract. Therefore, participatory democracy seems illusory.

Based on a linguistic retrospective, one can argue that the guardianship (tutela) action has its origins in Roman private law. Guardianship comes from the Latin tutelae, term used in Roman law to encapsulate the relationship between pupil and tutor. This origin is based not only in a textual resemblance, but also in the Roman law origins of the Mexican juicio de amparo in which the guardianship (tutela) action is inspired. This origin has consequences in the way individuals interact with the State. Since 1991, being the guardianship (tutela) action at the heart of the Constitutional Constitution, it is possible to draw the following analogy: State is to individual as tutor is to pupil. Thus, the State has the duty of proper administration of the individuals' patrimony. This administration, however, is based on the individuals' inability to develop this task—in opposition to what happens under the figure of the social contract. Therefore, participatory democracy seems illusory. ; DOI:10.5294/dika.2010.19.1.7 Una retrospectiva lingüística permite afirmar que la acción de tutela del Derecho público constitucional tiene raíces en el Derecho privado romano. El término tutela proviene del latín tutelae, expresión usada en Derecho romano para hablar de la relación entre pupilo y tutor. Tal origen se soporta no sólo en la similitud textual de las dos instituciones, sino en el origen remoto del juicio de amparo mexicano en el Derecho romano, juicio que inspiró la tutela colombiana. El origen de la actual tutela tiene repercusiones en la forma como en Colombia se percibe la relación entre individuos y Estado. En efecto, desde 1991, estando la tutela en el corazón de la Constitución, se puede construir la siguiente comparación: Estado es a individuo como tutor es a pupilo. Con base en esta comparación, al Estado le corresponde la diligente administración de los bienes de los individuos en interés de éstos. No obstante esta consecuencia positiva, tal administración se da en virtud de que los individuos se estiman incapaces de tal tarea, situación diferente a la de los individuos dentro de un contrato social. Por tanto, la opción de una democracia participativa parece inalcanzable. DOI:10.5294/dika.2010.19.1.7

This dynamic natureof CSR has a significant impact on how the roles of the public sector in particular and other stakeholders in general, need to align in order to fully realize the benefits of CSR, both to the society and towards these entities themselves. Recent literature and legislature dose also show, at least internationally, the concept CSR being incorporated both in relevant regulations and policy agendas regarding national and international development. However, the role of the public sector as the driver of the agenda for CSR has still persistent and the areas where the contemporary social responsibility agenda has itself given rise to new kinds of policy instrument, or new roles for government. This dominant role is needed especially in countries such as Ethiopia, where public support is essential for the development of the concept of CSR. Being one of the least developed countries internationally, the concept of CSR is at the initial stages in Ethiopia, specifically the application of CSR responsibility has not evolved from the confines of philanthropy to an issue encompassing social and economic implications. Hence, the research has formulated its question based on issues like what the policy making organ should do with regards formulation and overall understanding of CSR and what preference of laws should exist. This questions have assisted in gaining a firsthand insight about understanding CSR in Ethiopian context by the stakeholders. For this purpose, qualitative data was collected from both primary (interview and discussions) and secondary sources by employing purposive and area sampling method to later analyze the data using deductive reasoning. The method helped the researcher in categorizing respondents based on conceptual typologies. Hence, the findings showed that first, there is still a gap on by the policy making public sector organ on to what extent its role should be and second, there is a lack of consensus on what CSR constitutes and preference of CSR laws as mandatory or voluntary. However, even if many argue in favor of voluntarism and agreed that CSR initiatives by nature should be governed by soft laws, they have also agreed that policy making organ needs to pay an active role in developing regulations, guiding principles, minimum standards and impact measurement instrumentsso as to promote CSR initiatives meaningfully and to prevent free-rider and 'irresponsible' behavior which can have an adverse impact on social and environmental well-being.

The sculptures of the idea of political control appeared with the principle of separation of power and the need for mutual control and restriction of different branches of government. To mitigate and neutralize the possibility of abuse, one of the mechanisms is to organize the government in a way that one power oversees the other government. In that sense, in the relations between the legislature and the executive, it is necessary that the legislation does not have a legal means to stop the decisions of the executive power, but with the possibility and authority to control it.Conversely, the executive has the right to veto the legal acts, but can not participate in their voting. Political control is one of the essential and standardly established functions of parliaments in all countries with a parliamentary or mixed system of government organization. It is a process in which parliament continuously and systematically monitors, analyzes, checks and evaluates the work of the government. In addition, the controlling parliamentary prism observes the overall work of the government as a collegial body of the executive power and the work of ministers as its members in terms of whether they achieve the goals and policies of parliament expressed in the constitution and laws, and whether the manner of who act, the means and the methods they use are purposeful. Subtlety in the use of instruments of political control is necessary in order not to jeopardize the fundamentals of the independence of the executive, that is, not to undermine the necessary independence of the ministers in undertaking measures within the scope of their portfolio, as well as on the activities for consistent implementation of government policy in general. However, political control, on the other hand, has been established, first of all, to prevent the independence of the holders of the executive power from reaching beyond the limits of the normatively projected trajectory of movement and action, not to turn into arbitrariness, arbitrariness and voluntarism, not to manifest ignorant attitude towards the policies and attitudes of the parliament expressed in the laws, and thus indirectly in accordance with the will of the citizens represented in the parliament. The focus of the scientific-research interest will be deep and extensive study and awareness of the immanent features of parliamentary issues and interpellations, as forms through which parliamentary control over administration is effectuated. Also, in this context, the author's intention is to capture the effectiveness of these control mechanisms, which are normatively established and practically established in the parliamentary systems. Key words: political control, parliamentary issues, interpellation, political responsibility.

This paper develops an analysis of documentary sources of chilean's Public Health Policy of Indigenous Peoples from a critical medical anthropology standpoint. Understanding public policy as ideological productions, it analyses the axis of interculturality, equity and participation in the context of Chile's governmental "Neoliberal multiculturalism", showing the socioculturalism and voluntarism that guide their diagnoses and actions. From an analysis of hegemony/subalternity relationships, it shows how de-historization allows the production of horizontality imaginary in contexts of power asymmetry, fulfilling the ideological function to support intercultural health as an answer to the problem of health inequity, darkening the participation that this policy has in the process of the same inequity's production. In the end, we conclude by asking the significance of a policy constructed from other ideological assumptions. ; El artículo desarrolla un análisis documental de la Política de Salud Pueblos Indígenas chilena desde la Antropología Médica Crítica. Entendiendo las políticas públicas como producciones ideológicas, la contextualiza en la apuesta gubernamental del "Multiculturalismo neoliberal", analizando el sentido que en ese marco tienen los ejes de interculturalidad, equidad y participación, mostrando el carácter socioculturalista y voluntarista de los diagnósticos y abordajes que la constituyen. Desde un análisis de relaciones de hegemonía/subalternidad, muestra como la ahistoricidad que la caracteriza permite la producción de un imaginario de la horizontalidad en contextos de asimetría de poder, cumpliendo la función ideológica de sostener a la salud intercultural como respuesta ante el problema de la inequidad en salud, opacando la participación que esta política tiene en el proceso de producción de la misma inequidad. Se concluye interrogando la pertinencia de una política construida desde otros supuestos ideológicos. ; El artículo desarrolla un análisis documental de la Política de Salud Pueblos Indígenas chilena desde la Antropología Médica Crítica. Entendiendo las políticas públicas como producciones ideológicas, la contextualiza en la apuesta gubernamental del "Multiculturalismo neoliberal", analizando el sentido que en ese marco tienen los ejes de interculturalidad, equidad y participación, mostrando el carácter socioculturalista y voluntarista de los diagnósticos y abordajes que la constituyen. Desde un análisis de relaciones de hegemonía/subalternidad, muestra como la ahistoricidad que la caracteriza permite la producción de un imaginario de la horizontalidad en contextos de asimetría de poder, cumpliendo la función ideológica de sostener a la salud intercultural como respuesta ante el problema de la inequidad en salud, opacando la participación que esta política tiene en el proceso de producción de la misma inequidad. Se concluye interrogando la pertinencia de una política construida desde otros supuestos ideológicos.

Показывается, что для российского философского сообщества история и со временное состояние философии науки и науковедения являются предметом особого интереса в силу выделенного места в системе университетского обра зования. Этот статус также подкрепляется ее близостью к мировому философ скому мейнстриму XX в. и ее особой предметностью, связью с наукой. Одновре менно философия науки сохраняет определенную нейтральность по отноше нию к доминирующей политической идеологии и претендует на объективное знание. История философии науки поэтому выступает во многом как история философского рационализма, а ее перспективы определяются укреплением роли науки в современной культуре. Однако современное бытие философии науки претерпевает существенное изменение, испытывая на себе целый ряд вызовов. Среди них принижение роли интеллектуала и ученого в обществе по литического волюнтаризма, массового потребления и культа мистики. Фило софское исследование науки и техники в таком случае вынуждено брать на се бя задачи социальной критики и формировать в целях самосохранения особые гражданские институты. Тем самым в философию науки интегрируются поли тические, этические и даже социотехнические компоненты, позволяющие рас сматривать ее как жесткое ядро междисциплинарного взаимодействия всех социально гуманитарных дисциплин. ; The article shows that Russian philosophical community is very sensitive towards the history and the current state of philosophy of science and of science studies, which are a subject matter of special interest by virtue of a dedicated space in the university education system. This status is also supported by its proximity to the international philosophical mainstream of the 20th century and its specific object, its connection with science. Philosophy of science at the same time retains some neutrality in relation to the dominant political ideology and proposes claims for an objective knowledge. History of philosophy of science, therefore, serves largely as a history of philosophical rationalism, and its prospects are determined by the strengthening of the role of science in modern culture. However, the modern existence of philosophy of science is undergoing substantial change and experiences a series of challenges. Among them there are the humiliation of intellectuals and scientists in society political voluntarism, mass consumption and the cult of mysticism. Under these conditions, a philosophical study of science and technology is forced to take on the challenges of social criticism and shape special civil institutions for self-preservation. Thus philosophy of science integrates the political, ethical and even social engineering components that allow for treating it as a hard core of interdisciplinary interaction of all socio-humanitarian disciplines.

Теории общественного развития склонны к рыночной регуляции общественных отношений. Рыночная регуляция, вроде, чрезвычайно гуманна, так как сориентирована на интересы потребителя. Но в их перечень нередко попадают: порнография, проституция, заказные убийства. Рыночные отношения зависят и от естественных монополий, которые становятся транснациональными корпорациями, и навязывают невыгодные для других правила. В итоге ТНК демонстрируют реальную рыночную власть в экономике и политике. Специалисты вспоминают и о государственной регуляции. Она, как централизованная сверху донизу власть, подчас, действует быстро и эффективно ради всеобщих интересов государства. Правда, в истории жёсткая централизованная власть приводила к концентрационным лагерям и массовым убийствам. Потому нужен принципиально иной тип регуляции. Реальная основа социального прогресса – широчайшее поле творческих представителей человечества. В статье предлагается на этой основе выстроить радикально новую модель человеческих отношений. Эта модель состоит из четырёх ярусов. Специфика каждого яруса рассмотрена в сравнении с рыночной и централизованной структурой отношений. В итоге становится ясно, что прогностический вариант структуры общественных отношений, в отличие от централистской модели, достаточно гибок и универсален. И в то же время новая модель общественных отношений в структурном плане чётко организована, преодолевая волюнтаризм рынка. ; The theories of social development are prone to market regulation of social relations. Market regulation, like, extremely human, because focusing on the interests of the consumer. But in their list often are: pornography, prostitution, contract killing. Market relations depend on natural monopolies, which are becoming transnational corporations, and impose disadvantageous for other rules. As a result, TNCS have real market power in economics and politics. Specialists recall and on State regulation. She, as a centralized authority, sometimes from top to bottom, works quickly and efficiently for the sake of the general interests of the State. However, in the history of the rigid centralized power led to concentration camps and massacres. Because you need a different type of regulation. The real basis of social progress-the widest field of creative human beings. In the article on that basis to build a radically new model of human relations. This model consists of four tiers. The specifics of each tier is discussed in comparison with a market and a centralized structure of relations. In the end it becomes clear that look version of the structure of social relations, in contrast to the centralist model is sufficiently flexible and versatile. And at the same time, the new model of social relations in the structural plan clearly organized, breaking the voluntarism of the market.

For a century, the Algerian Saharan territories have been characterized by strong social and spatial mutations. Spatial and economic integration, which started with the French colonization, increased after the independence as a result of the State's voluntarism. The progressive and massive urbanization around 1950 deeply reconfigured the Saharan territories and led to the emergence of different kinds of tensions. These environmental, economic and social mutations question today the traditional balances and mechanisms of those territories. The increasing concentration of population generated environmental problems, increase of economic inequalities and, overall, emergence of structural spatial disparities. Considering these phenomena, the spatial planning policy in Algeria has recently integrated the paradigm of sustainable development to generate a more coherent development of territories. This research has two complementary objectives. The first one aims to develop knowledge about the Saharan territories, their structures and related dynamics. This step is based on a multidisciplinary approach which is applied at different spatial levels. The second objective aims at thinking about the contributions of the territorial governance and management concepts and tools, in order to develop an original approach of the observation of Saharan territories. ; Depuis un siècle, l'espace saharien algérien a été le théâtre de mutations sociales et spatiales prégnantes. Même si elles ont répondu à des objectifs différents, l'intégration et l'appropriation territoriale et économique entamées pendant la période coloniale se sont accélérées et renforcées à partir de l'indépendance avec l'action volontariste de l'État. L'entrée dans "l'ère urbaine" a profondément reconfiguré les territoires sahariens et a fait émerger des tensions multiformes. Ces dernières, qui relèvent de dimensions environnementales, économiques et sociales, ont remis en cause les équilibres et les fonctionnements traditionnels de ces territoires. L'agglomération croissante de la population a engendré une fragilisation des écosystèmes, l'accroissement des inégalités économiques et plus globalement l'émergence de disparités territoriales structurelles. Face à ces constats, les politiques d'aménagement et de gestion du territoire ont récemment intégré le paradigme du développement durable afin de stimuler des processus d'évolution plus cohérents et durables. Cette recherche sous-tend deux objectifs complémentaires. Le premier consiste à développer une grille de lecture des structures territoriales sahariennes et de leurs dynamiques. Elle met en œuvre une approche pluri-disciplinaire appliquée à différents échelles spatiales. Le second objectif est de mener une réflexion sur les apports des concepts et des outils de gestion et de gouvernance territoriale pour proposer une approche originale de l'observation territoriale du Sahara.

For a century, the Algerian Saharan territories have been characterized by strong social and spatial mutations. Spatial and economic integration, which started with the French colonization, increased after the independence as a result of the State's voluntarism. The progressive and massive urbanization around 1950 deeply reconfigured the Saharan territories and led to the emergence of different kinds of tensions. These environmental, economic and social mutations question today the traditional balances and mechanisms of those territories. The increasing concentration of population generated environmental problems, increase of economic inequalities and, overall, emergence of structural spatial disparities. Considering these phenomena, the spatial planning policy in Algeria has recently integrated the paradigm of sustainable development to generate a more coherent development of territories. This research has two complementary objectives. The first one aims to develop knowledge about the Saharan territories, their structures and related dynamics. This step is based on a multidisciplinary approach which is applied at different spatial levels. The second objective aims at thinking about the contributions of the territorial governance and management concepts and tools, in order to develop an original approach of the observation of Saharan territories. ; Depuis un siècle, l'espace saharien algérien a été le théâtre de mutations sociales et spatiales prégnantes. Même si elles ont répondu à des objectifs différents, l'intégration et l'appropriation territoriale et économique entamées pendant la période coloniale se sont accélérées et renforcées à partir de l'indépendance avec l'action volontariste de l'État. L'entrée dans "l'ère urbaine" a profondément reconfiguré les territoires sahariens et a fait émerger des tensions multiformes. Ces dernières, qui relèvent de dimensions environnementales, économiques et sociales, ont remis en cause les équilibres et les fonctionnements traditionnels de ces territoires. L'agglomération croissante de la population a engendré une fragilisation des écosystèmes, l'accroissement des inégalités économiques et plus globalement l'émergence de disparités territoriales structurelles. Face à ces constats, les politiques d'aménagement et de gestion du territoire ont récemment intégré le paradigme du développement durable afin de stimuler des processus d'évolution plus cohérents et durables. Cette recherche sous-tend deux objectifs complémentaires. Le premier consiste à développer une grille de lecture des structures territoriales sahariennes et de leurs dynamiques. Elle met en œuvre une approche pluri-disciplinaire appliquée à différentes échelles spatiales. Le second objectif est de mener une réflexion sur les apports des concepts et des outils de gestion et de gouvernance territoriale pour proposer une approche originale de l'observation territoriale du Sahara.

For a century, the Algerian Saharan territories have been characterized by strong social and spatial mutations. Spatial and economic integration, which started with the French colonization, increased after the independence as a result of the State's voluntarism. The progressive and massive urbanization around 1950 deeply reconfigured the Saharan territories and led to the emergence of different kinds of tensions. These environmental, economic and social mutations question today the traditional balances and mechanisms of those territories. The increasing concentration of population generated environmental problems, increase of economic inequalities and, overall, emergence of structural spatial disparities. Considering these phenomena, the spatial planning policy in Algeria has recently integrated the paradigm of sustainable development to generate a more coherent development of territories. This research has two complementary objectives. The first one aims to develop knowledge about the Saharan territories, their structures and related dynamics. This step is based on a multidisciplinary approach which is applied at different spatial levels. The second objective aims at thinking about the contributions of the territorial governance and management concepts and tools, in order to develop an original approach of the observation of Saharan territories. ; Depuis un siècle, l'espace saharien algérien a été le théâtre de mutations sociales et spatiales prégnantes. Même si elles ont répondu à des objectifs différents, l'intégration et l'appropriation territoriale et économique entamées pendant la période coloniale se sont accélérées et renforcées à partir de l'indépendance avec l'action volontariste de l'État. L'entrée dans "l'ère urbaine" a profondément reconfiguré les territoires sahariens et a fait émerger des tensions multiformes. Ces dernières, qui relèvent de dimensions environnementales, économiques et sociales, ont remis en cause les équilibres et les fonctionnements traditionnels de ces territoires. L'agglomération croissante de la population a engendré une fragilisation des écosystèmes, l'accroissement des inégalités économiques et plus globalement l'émergence de disparités territoriales structurelles. Face à ces constats, les politiques d'aménagement et de gestion du territoire ont récemment intégré le paradigme du développement durable afin de stimuler des processus d'évolution plus cohérents et durables. Cette recherche sous-tend deux objectifs complémentaires. Le premier consiste à développer une grille de lecture des structures territoriales sahariennes et de leurs dynamiques. Elle met en œuvre une approche pluri-disciplinaire appliquée à différentes échelles spatiales. Le second objectif est de mener une réflexion sur les apports des concepts et des outils de gestion et de gouvernance territoriale pour proposer une approche originale de l'observation territoriale du Sahara.