This work is to study the confrontation between two distinct legal systems relating to marriage and its effects. It is the receipt of the Moroccan family law which is of religious essence by the legal order french through its international law private, a legal secular. The first part of this book is devoted to understanding Moroccan marriage and its effects which is indispensable for the reception of foreign institutions by the french legal order. Achieve this, to understand the evolution of the marital institution since the creation of the first Code of the Moroccan family, until the reform of the latter in 2004. Ithighlights the assimilation by the Moroccan legislator of the marriage and its effects in a modern family Code while keeping its religious essence. This indispensable approach leads to understand the scope of the reform of the Moroccan wedding of 2004 and the difficulty that knows its application.Understanding its limits allows to capture the design of the concept of family in the Morocco of today.The second part is devoted to this concept through the Moroccan wedding reception and its effects byfrench private international law. The study of the application of the rules of private international law shows the difficulty that Moroccan law applicable on french territory despite the existence of the Franco-Moroccan agreement of 10 August 1981. Moroccan law is, despite its jurisdiction, either before a difficult qualification of its unknown institutions of the french legal system and in this case, it is denatured. It is against the intervention of the mechanism of the public order exception as its institutions and its rules are considered offensive the fundamental principles of the Forum and consequently, he was waived. By analyzing the methodology of french private international law, a certain relativism arises in the application of its provisions that shipments to wonder about the limits of respect for the fundamental values of the Forum. A relativism that struggles between pursuing the goal of private ...
This thesis proposes to develop a modern Chinese archival science and the social use of archives since the mid-twentieth century in the light of the evolution of the state and society value. It is composed of five parts: First of all, we are going to take a historical review with its impact on the archives and the profession of archives in a socio-cultural aspect. Second of all, we'll look back into the evolution of the archives in China so as to make clearer the context in which the communication and the valorization of the archives have been established. In the third part are explained the origin and the development of the archival legislation in China, from the Qing dynasty till nowadays. Here we'll consider the legislation of archives in general and the one who concerns more specifically the communication of archives. It's the basis that is essential to the communication of archives. The forth part presents a comparative study of Chinese politic about the archives communication comparing with that of France, as well as the organization of the lecture rooms— locations where the archivists and their "customers" get in touch with each other directly, are also where confront usually some contradictions. In the last part, we'll examine the relations between the archivists and its public, which are generally recognized, particularly when it comes to cultural activities, as important means to promote the archives conserved, including the publication, the on-site and virtual exhibitions. ; La présente thèse se propose de mettre en valeur le développement d'une archivistique chinoise moderne et de l'usage social des archives depuis le milieu du XXe siècle, à la lumière de l'évolution de l'État et de la société. La thèse comporte cinq chapitres. Le premier est un rappel de l'histoire politique de la Chine et de son impact socioculturel sur les archives et le métier d'archiviste. Le deuxième présente l'évolution de l'archivistique chinoise, afin d'expliquer le contexte dans lequel s'établissent la communication et la ...
The beginning of the 21st century has seen the implementation of profound legislative reforms which have upset the criminal law and the criminal policy. They took place in a society of risk characterized by the acceleration of the modernity and the production of multiform risks which are linked to it. Gradually the precautionary principle, taken forcibly from the environmental perspective and as an incantation and a refrain, will interfere in those matters to such an extent as to generate consequences on the principle of legality which structures the modern legal rationality, to impose the revision of some other key principles like the presumption of innocence and the principle of necessity, and to place at the center of decisions critical notions such as the danger. Under the influence of the precautionary principle, the very concepts of infraction, of legal responsibility and of punishment are being dislocated by the urgent appeal to take more and more into consideration the future and its potentiality of danger. In this perspective and under the growing pressure of the precautionary principle, the right to security tends to focalize upon a victimizing approach of the society at the expense of an old conception of criminal law founded upon the legal balance between security and liberty. And the criminal policy guiding those developments operate as a new model, which in its obsessional quest of security, makes of the precautionary principle both its internal and external finality. This thesis is thus devoted to the study of the precautionary principle as it is applied to the criminal law and to the criminal policy which it examines through theories and multidisciplinary approaches .Its main objective is, by the examination of the evolution of the criminal policy and of some theories of criminology, and in contact with the ideology of precaution, to highlight the current emergence of a new legal rationality of precaution which operates according to a specific methodology and by the use of a specific terminology. ...
International audience ; Those who teach communication ethics face a major dilemma: whether to add notions of ethics (philosophical) to their classes and issues concerning the right to information or to limit themselves to including ethical questions and professional ethics in communication. The findings of a study conducted on this issue in 14 member countries of the European Union are presented in this article. ; Los profesores de ética de la comunicación se enfrentan a un gran dilema: si añaden a sus clases nociones de ética (filosófica) y cuestiones relaciona-das con el derecho o bien se limitan a incluir cuestiones de ética y deon-tología de la comunicación. En este artículo se presentan los resultados de una investigación sobre esta cuestión llevada a cabo en 14 países miembros de la UE.
International audience ; On 20 April 1911, the young Portuguese Republic adopted its law on the separation of Church and State. According to the analysis peddled by high Church dignitaries and taken up by the French press, this law copies both the letter and the spirit of the French law of 1905 ; its only particularity would lie in the addition of "bravado measures", a manifestation of the government's anticlericalism. This feeling hardly resists analysis: despite its name, and because of the crushing weight of Catholicism in Portugal, this so-called twin of the French law does not organise a system of separation and instead maintains an ambiguous supervision on all aspects of religion and religious life (exequatur, placet, control over seminaries and worship associations, control of priests.). Expressly rejecting "the free Church in the free State", the government deliberately decided in favour of "the suspicious Church in a vigilant State", accepting without hesitation the legacy of Portuguese regalism. It remains to be seen whether this programme was not aimed at establishing a Lusitanian Church separate from the universal Church, following the forgotten analysis of Moura Pinto, author of the 1918 decree ending the most dubious measures of this "separation law". ; Le 20 avril 1911, la jeune république portugaise adopte sa loi de séparation des Eglises et de l'État. Suivant l'analyse colportée par de hauts dignitaires de l'Eglise et reprise par la presse française, cette loi de 1911 copie autant la lettre que l'esprit de la loi de 1905 ; son unique particularité résiderait dans l'ajout de « mesures de bravade », manifestation de l'anticléricalisme du gouvernement. Ce sentiment ne résiste guère à l'analyse : en dépit de son nom, et en raison du poids écrasant du catholicisme au Portugal, ce prétendu jumeau de la loi de 1905 n'organise pas un système de séparation et entretient au contraire une mise sous tutelle équivoque sur tous les aspects de la vie religieuse et cultuelle (exequatur, placet, mainmise sur les ...
International audience ; L'année 2015 a été celle de la grande réforme du rail voulue par le gouvernement français. Elle a « réunifié » dans une même entreprise, sous la forme d'une holding, l'entreprise en charge du réseau ferroviaire (RFF) et l'opérateur historique de transport ferroviaire français (SNCF).Cette nouvelle organisation s'écarte du modèle d'organisation prôné par l'Europe - et par une majorité de la recherche économique contemporaine - : une séparation verticale entre infrastructure et exploitation permettant la mise en concurrence dans des conditions non discriminatoires de l'exploitation sous le contrôle d'un régulateur indépendant. Dans la logique communautaire, le secteur ferroviaire est en effet considéré comme un archétype d'industrie de réseaux. La meilleure organisation de ce secteur est donc issue du même moule que celle déjà mise en place pour d'autres secteurs, en particulier les télécommunications.Le présent article va à rebours de cette vision qui ne conçoit le secteur ferroviaire que comme un exemple, parmi d'autres, d'industries de réseaux à reformer. Il part de l'histoire de ce réseau depuis 1823, en France, et décrit les modes d'organisation qui ont existé dans ce secteur. Il se concentre en particulier sur la place de la concurrence et le rôle de l'Etat, qui sont au cœur des débats actuels.En se fondant sur les débats parlementaires contemporains aux différentes évolutions institutionnelles et aux débats économiques qui les ont accompagnées, il démontre que la recherche économique, loin d'être indifférente aux spécificités sectorielles - comme le laisserait penser le choix par la Commission européenne d'un mode d'organisation unique pour l'ensemble des industries de réseaux - est en fait profondément marquée par l'industrie la plus dynamique de l'époque, c'est-à-dire le transport ferroviaire au XIXème siècle et les télécommunications aujourd'hui.
International audience ; Middle English Breton lays often depict a feudal world that rests on mutual trust and fealty between a lord and his vassals, and in which love relations are conceived in terms of a covenant that binds the knight to his beloved, whether mortal or fairy. Be it a court, a family or simply a married couple, the harmonious unity of a social group depends on the loyalty of its members to its representative, values and beliefs. The stability and order of a group and the lovers' unbreakable vow of fidelity are always jeopardised by a felonious character that acts as a treacherous opponent in thwarting the designs of the hero or heroine in their quest for self-fulfilment. The author of the article has chosen to examine the subtle and meaningful interaction between loyalty and betrayal in the lays edited by Laskaya and Salisbury. The severance of close political, familial, marital and amorous ties at the hands of a traitor brings about a crisis that needs to be resolved. Though a secondary figure in the plot, the villain actually fulfils a significant dramatic role in his obstinacy in impeding the main protagonist's progress to successful recognition by the community and/or the beloved. The study of the lays on the agrégation syllabus, as well as The Franklin's Tale but also The Erle of Tolous and Sir Gowther, focuses on a multi-faceted key notion in the Middle Ages: pledging and keeping one's word and its opposite, breaking one's promise and betraying.
International audience ; L'objet de cet article est d'analyser les transformations de la question de l'intégration économique régionale en Eurasie post-soviétique, provoquées par le conflit en Ukraine. A partir de la fin novembre 2013, la question de l'intégration économique de l'espace eurasiatique a été emportée par le conflit militaire. L'ombre de ce conflit s'est étendue sur l'ensemble de la région. Les conséquences humaines, politiques, diplomatiques et économiques de la réaction militaire de la Russie en Crimée et dans le Donbass sont lourdes dans la région. A des degrés divers, c'est toute l'Eurasie qui est touchée et avec elle, les projets d'intégration économique portés par la Russie.
This paper pleads for revisiting Urban Development Projects (UDPs) in the light of the financializationof the urban built environment. If the rising integration of the urban fabric and financialmarkets has been acknowledged, it remains incidental to most of the literature on UDPs. The restructuringof the built environment (real estate, infrastructures) into bundles of assets providedfor finance capital investors looking to diversify their portfolio through risk-adjusted strategies isdeveloping on an increasing scale, from so-called 'developed' to 'emerging' countries. We posit thatcontemporary UDPs are an attempt to transform land-use by leveraging resources (including capital)exchanged on real estate markets. Therefore, the financialization of UDPs can be tackled throughan analysis of the processes through which investors' strategies and requirements may be circulatedamong key actors of UDPs (e.g. local authorities, planners, development agencies, property developers).Three paths through which UDPs are shaped for finance capital investors are examined. First,the production of market representations, by internationalized property consultants, skewed towardsinvestors' standards. Second, the tailoring of buildings as 'quasi-financial' assets in the course of realestate development, through which developers seek to address this now dominant financial clientele.Third, the evolution of strategic planning and land development, whether as a byproduct of greaterroom gained by developers, or as a result of a direct targeting of the investment industry by localpublic authorities and their development agencies. Eventually, the paper discusses three avenues forresearch for an urban political economy of one salient, though undersearched, aspect of the financializationof cities. ; Cet article analyse les projets urbains à la lumière de la financiarisation de la fabrique urbaine. Deuxconstats de départ sont formulés : les projets urbains opèrent une transformation du foncier aumoyen de ressources (notamment en capital) ...
The paper critically examines Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy, which it adopted after the 9/11 incident, by arguing that it has proved ineffective and counter-productive to uproot the terrorist network of Pakistan-based militant Jihadi and extremist groups, which also have links with Al-Qaeda. In this respect, the paper, besides defining and assessing Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy, also analyzes various factors which have contributed to the inefficacy of the country's counterterrorism strategy. Moreover, the paper also analyzes implications of the ineffectiveness of Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy for domestic, regional and international security. In the concluding analysis, the paper emphasizes upon the need of formulating an effective counterterrorism strategy of Pakistan. ; Cette étude porte un regard critique sur la stratégie contre-terroriste du Pakistan adoptée après les attentats du 11 septembre, dans la mesure où elle a été inefficace, voire contre-productive. Elle n'a pu déloger les réseaux terroristes des groups jihadistes et extrémistes basés au Pakistan, qui ont aussi des liens avec al Qaeda. L'évaluation de la stratégie contre-terroriste pakistanaise porte donc aussi attention aux divers facteurs qui ont contribué à son inefficacité. Les conséquences de cet échec sur la sécurité nationale, régionale et internationale sont également analysés. En conclusion, l'étude souligne la nécessité de formuler enfin une stratégie efficace pour vaincre le terrorisme.
The 2008/2009 financial crisis raised issues related to the monetary policy doctrine of the last two decades. Inflation targeting has been criticized as its main objective of inflation stabilisation might have diverted central banks from other concerns such as financial stability. As a first attempt in the literature on emerging countries, this study aims at investigating (i) whether inflation targeting is associated to higher financial instability, and (ii) whether inflation targeting central banks are less responsive to financial imbalances relative to non-targeters. To this end, we build a composite index in order to get a more complete and comprehensive view of the financial conditions in emerging countries. The paper concludes that, in spite of a stronger central banks' response to financial imbalances, inflation targeters are facing more financial instability than others. These findings suggest that, even if inflation targeting might be associated to higher financial fragility, this can hardly be attributed to the central banks 'carelessness' about developments in the financial sector. For emerging market economies, especially those implementing inflation targeting, this highlights the need for a broader and more integrated framework such as macro-prudential policies to tackle the issue of financial stability. ; La crise financière de 2008-2009 a suscité un certain nombre de questionnements concernant la conduite de la politique monétaire au cours des deux dernières décennies. La stratégie de ciblage d'inflation fait notamment l'objet de critiques, car son principal objectif de stabilité des prix aurait détourné les banques centrales d'autres préoccupations telles que la stabilité financière. Pour un échantillon de pays émergents, cet article vise à répondre à deux questions principales : (i) Le ciblage d'inflation est-il associé à davantage d'instabilité financière ? (ii) Les banques centrales "cibleuses" d'inflation sont-elles moins réactives aux déséquilibres financiers ? A cet égard, nous construisons ...
Faced with the rise of resistance to monotherapies, the artemisinine-combination therapies (ACTs) have become the early 2000s, the golden standard in the fight against plasmodium falciparum malaria. Because of the need to substitute these therapies to older drugs and given the vastly more expensive ACTs, WHO has established itself in global prescriber, enacting, on the one hand, health policy recommendations towards the endemic countries and organizing, on the other, a global supply chain. This article analyzes the disconnect that results from this model of governance, between the national and global levels and the consequences on the health status of malarious countries. ; Face à la montée des résistances aux monothérapies, les combinaisons thérapeutiques à base d'artémisinine (CTA) sont devenues, au début des années 2000, le golden standard de la lutte contre le paludisme à plasmodium falciparum. En raison de la nécessité de substituer ces thérapies aux anciens médicaments et compte-tenu du prix énormément plus élevé des CTA, l'OMS s'est posé en prescripteur global, édictant d'un côté des recommandations de politique sanitaire en direction des pays endémiques et organisant, de l'autre, une filière de production mondiale. Cet article analyse la déconnexion inhérente à ce modèle de gouvernance, entre les niveaux national et mondial et les conséquences qui en découlent quant à la situation sanitaire des pays impaludés.
Mobility is a subject of complex research, which is inseparable from another complex subject: the city. Both subjects naturally request an interdisciplinary approach that has been engaged in this work. We wanted to study this subject with the city bus system of medium sized cities. The main challenge of this thesis was to understand the issue of the bus by examining the interactions between its uses and its images, between the organizers of transport policies and the users (in their practices or their perceptions of bus travel), which would reveal the consonance or dissonance in perceptions / practices that can appear between what the first imagined and how the second appropriates it.The mobility issue can also be brought up in different ways according to national and urban cultures. We compare our reference city (Belfort) and its neighbor city (Montbéliard) in Franche-Comte, with a far-away medium sized city (Changwon) in South Korea. These three cities share a common industrial identity and have a city bus as their only means of public transportation. The urban culture of France (horizontal structure) and that of Korea (vertical structure) have generated different urban transport systems and influenced the behavior of its use, and also the perceptions of the bus service. ; La mobilité est un objet de recherche complexe, en émergence, qui n'est pas dissociable d'un autre objet, tout aussi complexe : la ville. Ces deux objets appellent naturellement une approche interdisciplinaire. Nous avons voulu aborder cette problématique à partir du bus urbain en villes moyennes. L'enjeu principal de cette thèse était d'appréhender la question du bus par les deux bouts de la chaîne : du côté des usages comme du côté des images ; du côté des organisateurs des politiques de transport comme du côté des utilisateurs, que ce soit dans leur pratiques ou leur perception de ce mode de déplacement, ce qui permettait de révéler les consonances ou les dissonances de perceptions/de pratiques qui pouvaient surgir entre ce que les ...
International audience ; This article examines the blurring of the boundaries between literature and sociology in Annie Ernaux's autosociobiographical work. From the 'extimate' diary Journal du dehors (Gallimard, 1993; translation : Exteriors, Seven Stories Press, 1996) to the 'narrative-fusion' Les Années (Gallimard, 2008; translation, The Years, Seven Stories Press, 2017), the French woman writer aims to be an ethnologist of ordinary everyday life, traditionally obscured in literature. She has been constantly searching for the 'right' form for her narratives, where she is taking an objective look, informed by sociological readings, in particular the works of Pierre Bourdieu and Richard Hoggart, at her own trajectory of upward social migration and that of her social peers, but also, and more broadly, at the lives of her contemporaries. Her singular enunciative devices are carried by a minimalist style, deliberately stripped down, ostensibly sparing of literary means and effects, often described by literary critics as "flat" or "white" writing.Deepening this distinctive literary approach, it is, after that of "ethnotext", a new label in the form of an oxymoron, that of "collective" or "impersonal" autobiography" that Annie Ernaux proposes to qualify the specific narrative project of the story Les Années. Formally complex and innovative in its conception, this "narrative-fusion" mixing literature, sociology and history, appears literally "composite": it re-reconstructs in their socio-political context past events - not sublimated - of the daily life of the writer, but also and inseparably of a whole generation, especially of women.Annie Ernaux thus adopts a singular posture in the contemporary French literary field: her work, which nevertheless presents itself above all as "literary", is also sociologically educated and strongly marked by the double refusal (sociological and political) of the miserabilistic pitfall and the populist posture, pointed out by the sociologists Jean-Claude Passeron and Claude Grignon ...
This thesis is situated at the intersection of two historical phenomena: the publicization of social problems and the transformation of activist commitment. The research undertaken has sought to explain, through an approach that is both local and international in scope, the rise of grassroots volunteering since the 1970s in working-class urban neighborhoods on the periphery of Paris and Buenos Aires. The first part presents an analysis of the various political theories which relate to the voluntary movement, and discusses their place within an empirical sociological study of grassroots volunteering. The intellectual genealogy of the notion of civil society is considered in relation to the appearance of modern democracy, in order to situate the rise of volunteerism in recent decades within a larger historical perspective. Attention is given to the emergence of three characteristic themes: the third sector, social capital, and activism. The second part relates volunteerism to socio-economic transformations within the working class and to the development of social policy at the local community level. The study of grassroots organization in France reveals the importance of possibilities created by the breakdown of the communist political system in certain Paris suburbs (banlieues rouges) along with increased state intervention in working-class neighborhoods through urban policy initiatives. An analysis of the activities and the workings of the grassroots organizations which appeared in these neighborhoods between the 1980s and the 2000s, reveals that these organizations had the capacity to self-organize for the purpose of addressing public problems at a local level, and that tensions resulted from partnership arrangements with local public authorities. In Argentina, consequences of the labor society's weakening in terms of working-class social solidarity in neighborhoods on the outskirts of Buenos Aires are analyzed through the prism of grassroots organizations operating in the wake of social movements among unemployed workers (piqueteros). The grassroots organization's role as an intermediary for social policy raises questions concerning the link between these popular movements and public authorities, and the possible redeployment of Peronist corporatism. The third part relates volunteer participation to historical transformations within the principal working-class political parties and to the changes observed in the local political landscape. In France, popular withdrawal from communism and the disassociation of the Party's former "satellite organizations" are considered through an analysis of a grassroots organization composed primarily of former communist partisans. Their personal trajectories as activists, as well as the workings of their organization, reveal the causes of a change in the operative forms of political commitment and give rise to questions concerning the processes by which these local organizations are made autonomous of political systems. In Argentina, new links emerging between the Justicialist party and the working class are considered through the study of an organization founded by Peronist partisans in a context where political institutions are represented as lacking legitimacy. The adaptation of these political activists to grassroots volunteerism is likewise indicative of changes in the operative forms of political commitment and gives rise to questions concerning the proximity between grassroots organizations and political parties. ; La thèse se positionne au croisement de la problématique de la publicisation des problèmes sociaux et de celle de la transformation des engagements militants. La recherche entend expliquer, par une double approche locale et internationale, l'essor de la participation associative depuis les années 1970 dans les quartiers populaires urbains situés en périphérie de Paris et de Buenos Aires. La première partie est consacrée à l'analyse des théories politiques du fait associatif et à leur insertion au sein d'une sociologie empirique de la participation associative. La généalogie de la notion de société civile est mise en relation avec l'avènement de la démocratie moderne afin d'inscrire l'essor associatif des dernières décennies dans une perspective historique de longue portée. Notre approche de la participation associative est ensuite explicitée en référence à trois grandes thématiques du fait associatif : le tiers secteur, le capital social et l'engagement militant.La deuxième partie articule la participation associative avec les transformations socio-économiques des classes populaires et le développement des politiques sociales territorialisées. L'analyse d'une association dans le territoire français illustre d'abord les possibilités offertes par la désagrégation du système politique communiste des « banlieues rouges » et l'intervention croissante de l'État dans les quartiers populaires au travers de la politique de la ville. L'étude de l'activité et du fonctionnement de cette association, des années 1980 aux années 2000, met en lumière à la fois la capacité des acteurs à s'auto-organiser en référence à un problème public local et les tensions générées par la relation partenariale avec les pouvoirs publics. En Argentine, les conséquences de la fragilisation de la société salariale sur les formes de sociabilités populaires dans la périphérie urbaine de Buenos Aires sont analysées au travers d'une association qui s'inscrit dans le prolongement du mouvement social des travailleurs au chômage (piqueteros). Le rôle d'intermédiaire des politiques sociales joué par cette association permet de questionner les liens qui unissent ces organisations populaires aux pouvoirs publics et le possible redéploiement des réseaux politiques clientélaires du péronisme.La troisième partie s'attache à analyser la participation associative en relation avec les évolutions des principaux partis politiques des classes populaires et les changements intervenus dans les configurations politiques locales. Dans le cas français, les phénomènes de désengagement communiste et de désarticulation des « organisations satellites » du parti sont intégrés à l'analyse d'une association regroupant d'anciens militants communistes. Les trajectoires de ces militants et le fonctionnement de cette association permettent de cerner les raisons d'un changement dans les formes d'engagement et de s'interroger sur le processus d'autonomisation des associations locales à l'égard des systèmes politiques. Dans le cas argentin, la recomposition des liens entre le parti justicialiste et les classes populaires est questionnée au travers de l'analyse d'une association fondée par des militants péronistes dans le contexte d'un discrédit des institutions politiques. L'adaptation de ces militants politiques à la forme associative illustre les changements dans les modalités d'engagement et permet une réflexion sur la proximité entre les associations locales et les partis politiques.