Suchergebnisse

Youth participation literature is yet to fully explore the ways in which young marginalised LGBTIQ+ identifying youth engage in the political sphere. While there is a significant amount of existing literature about youth and their participation habits, research has not quite begun to explore the intersection of youth and LGBTIQ+ marginalisation, and identification, in relation to political participation. This research seeks to address these knowledge gaps, and explore the ways in which high school aged LGBTIQ+ youth in the Wellington region participate in politics. To do so, it organized a survey among Wellington high school students (N=91). The empirical data showed that most of the participants did not view their LGBTIQ+ identity as being political. It also found that the majority of respondents felt as though they have greater political efficacy and ability to make a change as LGBTIQ+ peoples than they do as young citizens under the voting age. Furthermore, the analyses revealed that the extent to which youth feel as though they belong to the queer community positively affects the extent to which they are involved in the LGBTIQ+ community. This research has served to challenge normative assumptions of political participation, and thus broaden understandings of how minority groups perform their citizenship, and engage in politics.

This thesis provides an overview of the history of satire, its rhetorical structure, and my interpretation of its historically culminated five fundamental characteristics. I also introduce that the rise in popularity of American political satire through various media has inspired a new wave of American satirists who project their own political satirical messages through social media platforms and how Twitter, in particular, has provided those "average" individuals with the opportunity to more actively, directly, and satirically take part in political discussions. With a collection of two data sets of tweets—one larger live tweet sweep during the first 2016 presidential debate and a study of five "average" individual political satirists' tweets throughout a majority of the 2016 presidential campaign and after—I analyze how these tweets command a legitimacy into the established satirical realm because of their adherence to the fundamental characteristics presented. I also analyze how this particular social media platform affects these texts' productions through the challenges presented to satirists and strategies that have emerged to combat those challenges. I then discuss the implications for and opportunities provided to average American citizens as political satirical commentators on Twitter in the changing world of American politics.

The first modern political parties were formed at the end of the 18th century and have, from those times up to now, undergone 4 developing phases; each of the phases is bound to ideal-type political party model: cadre parties, mass parties, catch-all parties and cartel parties. Each of these party models differentiates in various characteristics: party foundation, number of members, and way of leading the election campaigns, but also in ways of financing. This paper describes the above mentioned 4 phases of political parties' development and 4 phases of parties' finances development; it will be analysed in detail positive and negative sides of each of the models of party financing.

In recent years, there has been a drive to recruit more women into science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) careers. However, a perceived lack of interest by girl learners in STEM subjects and careers presents a challenge. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to investigate the reasons that encourage high school girls to choose STEM subjects and careers. A qualitative design that adopted the case study approach using the interpretivist paradigm was chosen for this study. The data were collected using a focus group with a novel sample of girls taking technical subjects at a technical high school in a rural area. The study identified four facilitating factors that steer girl learners towards choosing STEM subjects and STEM-related careers. These factors were primary school experience, parental influence, prosperity through employment and entrepreneurial opportunities, breaking stereotypes, and being a role model. The insights gained from this study could be beneficial to the government, businesses, social activists, schools, teachers, and other relevant stakeholders in encouraging girl learners to choose STEM-related and related careers.

The article is shaped by two objectives. First, it reviews approaches and contributions by European scholars with records of continuous and cumulative research into political communication, identifying eight common features of their work. A core notion is that of a `political communication system', including its structure (focusing especially on relations between politicians and journalists), the role of media power, the external influences to which it responds in different societies and how it changes. Audience studies are pursued and normative assessments developed within this perspective as well. Second, a few priority areas for future attention are proposed that could lead to a philosophically grounded critical (but non-Marxist) theory of political communication.

Six different notions of 'political' are commonly used in discussions of the US Supreme Court. All six are familiar, but the distinctions among them are seldom carefully drawn. The six are: (1) purely definitional, in the sense that the Supreme Court, as an appellate court of last resort inevitably authoritatively allocates values; (2) empirical, in the sense that litigants use the Court to try to achieve their political purposes; (3) influence seeking, in the sense that the justices have a natural desire to prevail in arguments within the court; (4) prudential, in the sense that the justices frequently consider the probable consequences of their decisions; (5) policy-oriented, in the – usually pejorative – sense that justices are said to use the Court and the law as a cover for pursuing their own policy and other goals; and (6) systemic, in the sense that the Court's decisions frequently, as a matter of fact, have consequences for other parts of the American political system. These six notions are considered in the context of recent abortion decisions.

Rural France is often seen as culturally isolated and politically uninvolved. Using a combination of community studies and survey evidence, one can show that the lack of declared interest in politics of rural Frenchmen seems to mean an absence of involvement in the party system rather than a passivity toward public life. Nevertheless rural France produces higher voting turnouts in local and national elections than are found in other sections or population groups.The weakness of partisan involvement, as opposed to citizen involvement, seems to bespeak not merely apathy, but actual hostility, toward party politics. This political hostility is widespread among French workers but is politically more important among French peasants. Thus voting choices are less party-oriented precisely where urban-based campaign organizations are least effective. Local non-party notables therefore probably play a greater brokerage role in national election campaigns, and election results are less predictable than in the rural sectors of many other societies. The degree of antipartisanship in rural constituencies also seems to encourage candidates to avoid national party labels in election campaigns.Three kinds of factors are suggested to account for both the high citizen involvement and the low partisan involvement: First, historically, the extension of the suffrage to the rural periphery long before the French party system was capable of the same kind of penetration may have habituated rural Frenchmen to the exercise of the vote in a non-partisan context. Second, the achievement of stable landholding for most peasants removes visible class conflict as a legitimizing factor for party organization, while an extensive interest group structure increases the tendency to keep informed, to participate, and to run for local office. Third, the political ecology of the French village both encourages high citizen involvement and discourages partisan involvement. While many of these factors are universal among peasant societies, the particular historical, sociological, and ecological configuration of the French village seems to produce a rural resident who is more informed and active than our inherited wisdom would suggest, but less partisan than are urban citizens with similar levels of involvement.

The a. intends to demonstrate that Marshall and Pareto are descendants of S. Mill's social science. To this end, he starts by answering a question neglected by experts on Marshall: Alfred and Mary Paley Marshall adopted "Economics" instead of "Political Economy" going on the basis of the "fundamental theorem of political science" legible in Mill's System of Logic. As far as Pareto is concerned, the a. holds that: a) his maximum of utility in Sociology is as well tied to that "fundamental theorem" of Mill; b) Pareto had fully recognized his intellectual debt towards Mill. He did so by following a rule he had always respected, except for Cournot. The present essay is one of two the a. commits to two questions: which are Pareto's intellectual debts? Has he always recognized them?

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Tables -- List of contributors -- About the African Studies and Research Forum -- Acknowledgments -- 1 General introduction -- 2 Where is the third wave? A critical evaluation of Africa's non-transition to democracy -- 3 Structural adjustment programs and democratization in Africa: the case of Mauritania -- 4 Bureaucratic corruption and the crisis of political reforms in Africa -- 5 National conferences and democratization in Francophone Africa -- 6 Nigeria: how to derail a transition program -- 7 State collapse and democratic construction: prospects for Liberia -- 8 Women and political participation in Kenya: evaluating the interplay of gender, ethnicity, class and state -- 9 Democracy and democratization in Cameroon: living with the dual heritage -- 10 How not to consolidate a democracy: the experience of the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) in Zambia -- 11 South Africa's first democratic elections and their political context -- 12 Beyond Mobutu: the opposition and the struggle for democracy in Zaire -- 13 Assessing the future of democracy in Africa: internal and external challenges

"Politicians and pundits regularly invoke the Bible in social and political debates on a host of controversial social and political issues, including: abortion, stem-cell research, gay marriage, the death penalty, separation of church and state, family values, climate change, income distribution, teaching evolution in schools, taxation, school prayer, aid for the poor, and immigration. But is the Bible often used out of context in these major debates? This book includes essays by fourteen biblical scholars who examine the use of the Bible in political debates, uncovering the original historical contexts and meanings of the biblical verses that are commonly cited. The contributors take a non-confessional approach, rooted in non-partisan scholarship, to show how specific texts have at times been distorted in order to support particular views. At the same time, they show how the Bible can sometimes make for unsettling reading in the modern day. The key questions remain: What does the Bible really say? Should the Bible be used to form public policy?"--Bloomsbury Publishing

Efforts to align educational assessments with the sociocultural foundations of learning and with instruction are limited because we lack evidence of how such systems can be developed and maintained in inherently complex educational settings. Credible use cases are helpful to developing the evidence base, and we present one here: a research-practice partnership between a university and a large urban school district. The goals of our codesigned system include supporting the redistribution of educational opportunities in science classrooms (equity) and supporting and repairing students' self-perceptions as agents of knowing and reasoning in science classrooms and in the community (epistemic justice). We describe components of the partnership and educational practices that work together to accomplish these aims: curricula with embedded assessments allowing students to figure out rather than be told core ideas, exit tickets that elicit students' classroom experience, and an instructional guidance system focused on iterative refinement of teacher learning opportunities to support student agency.

Political involvement has long been shown to be a profitable investment for firms that seek favorable regulatory conditions or support in times of economic distress. But how important are different types of political involvement for the timing and magnitude of political support? To answer this question, we take a comprehensive look at the lobbying expenditures and political connections of banks that were recipients of government support under the 2008 Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP). We find that politically engaged firms were not only more likely to receive TARP support, but they also received a greater amount of TARP support and received the support earlier than firms that were not politically involved.

We investigate the consequences of changes in marital status for political participation, treating marital status as marking points of continuity and transition in an individual's life history and marriage as a setting that fosters interaction and interdependence between marital partners. The analysis is based on panel and pseudopanel data from the 1965–82 socialization study of parents, offspring, and spouses. We find that marital transitions affect participation in four ways: (1) marital partners adjust their activity levels to become more like each other after marriage; (2) marital transitions of any type, especially marriage among younger people, tend to depress participation; (3) the overall effect of marriage, however, is powerfully mediated by the participation level of the partner; and (4) these mediation effects are greatest for political activities that involve collective efforts or draw upon the couple's joint resources.