Recently, one of the significant changes in the paradigm of ecology was the advancement of cross-disciplinary amalgamation among the branches of social and natural sciences. This study is a preliminary investigation of political ecology regarding a rare type of hereditary nurtured livelihood. For the consideration of the current research problem, three critical areas of inquest have been incorporated into a framework. These are the backgrounds of indigenous peoples and their livelihood; conflict over laws, legal rights and justice; and the political ramifications of environmental laws on snake charming and politics in the name of conservation and justice. Each of these inquisitions is dealt with a twofold strategy—the relevant literature is first reviewed and then central analytical issues are discussed after a rigorous ground survey. The article concludes with a short academic layout and policy inference of the political ecology of snake charming.
This book examines the processes of economic and political reform in Tunisia, placing the current policies of Zine el Abidine Ben Ali within their historical context. The book develops a theoretical understanding of the relationship between economic liberalisation and political change in the Arab world, developing the concept of the disarticulation of the corporatist state and concluding that, despite efforts at democratization, an authoritarian political system is a more likely successor in the era of economic transformation.
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Nowadays, social media is growing rapidly and globally until it finally became an important part of society. During campaign period for the regional head election in Indonesia, the candidates and their supporting parties actively use social media as a campaign tool. Social media like Twitter has been known as a political microblogging media that can provide data about current political event based on users' tweets. By using Twitter as a data source, this study analyzes public participation during campaign period for 2018 Central Java regional head election. The purpose is to observe how much reaction is given to each candidate who advanced in the election. By using the crawling program, all tweets containing certain candidate names will be downloaded. After going through a series of preprocessing stages, data can be classified using Naive Bayes. Predictor features in classification datasets are the number of replies, retweets, and likes. While the target variable is reaction that is divided into three levels, including high, medium, and low. These levels are determined based on users' reaction in a tweet. By using these rules, Naive Bayes managed to classify data correctly as much as 76.74% for Ganjar Pranowo and 68.81% for Sudirman Said.
This paper presents interdisciplinary methodological research concerning the emergence and dynamic behavior of elites in the democracies in the Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. The research on political elites has been mainly guided so far by the interest in their origins, characteristics, functionalities, and political roles. These studies have raised several methodological questions concerning the collection of data on the political elite, and the validity and reliability of the survey data. Our approach focuses instead on a complexity-based approach by studying the social and political generative mechanisms which could illustrate elites' emergence and dynamics. To this goal, we introduce a research methodology based on simulation and agent-based modeling which (i) constructs an artificial polity, and (ii) investigates the elites' influence on the artificial polity's outcomes. This type of approach enhances the study of some issues which are too complex to be studied by classic analytical and empirical means, like the emergence and self-organization of (political) elites as context-dependent and path-dependent phenomenon in the Central and Eastern European post-communist societies. After the 1990s, the democratization processes in these countries have often been questioned for their poor capacity to overcome the privilege-generating mechanisms which have affected the newly-constructed democratic institutions. Our approach identifies the privilege-generative mechanisms aimed to obtain and retain power in the post-communist polities in Eastern and Central Europe. The methodological issues approached in this experimental setting are concerned with (a) the construction of the context as an artificial polity, (b) the generation of the elites, and (c) the study of their dynamics.
This article explores 'the political' of political economy through an analysis of neoliberalised care. Borrowing Glyn Daly's metaphor of the political economy as a disorganised household, where the 'political' disrupts the neat order of the oikonomia, we argue that in neoliberalism care is a central site of the political. Through Foucauldian biopolitics we define commodification as a central logic in the governance of care, and situate it in the wider context of neoliberal governmentality. Conceptualising care as a corporeal relation, and following Annemarie Mol's logic of care, we show how, despite the constant attempts to domesticate it, the hegemonic discourse fails to fully subsume care within the 'order of the household'. Examining the ruptures produced when care resists its governance, the article demonstrates how the corporeal relatedness of care continues to open up spaces for the political, hence ensuring that the economy remains political. Adapted from the source document.
Papua New Guinea is one of the few post-colonial states that has managed to maintain an unbroken record of democratic government. Parliamentary elections have been held regularly on schedule (the latest in June 2002), and although no government has lasted a full parliamentary term, every change of government has followed constitutional procedures. All changes of government (most of them by parliamentary votes of no confidence against the prime minister) have been accepted by both defeated members of parliament (MPs) and the general public. The judiciary has maintained its independence. Notwithstanding occasional tensions in relations between successive governments and elements within the Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF), Papua New Guinea has not experienced a military coup. The Freedom House index ranks Papua New Guinea as 'free'. Yet despite this, both within Papua New Guinea and outside, commentators tend to portray Papua New Guinea as a country marked by political instability, if not chaos, with a state on the verge of collapse. In 1999, for example, Papua New Guinea's first prime minister, in the context of debate about electoral reform, referred to the country's National Parliament (of which he is still a member – and in 2002 again prime minister) as a house full of 'rejects', lacking a mandate to govern, and on the eve of the 2002 national elections, the then prime minister, Sir Mekere Morauta, suggested that Papua New Guinea was 'on the verge of collapse'. Not only does Papua New Guinea exhibit many of the signs of a weak state - notably limited capacity to deliver services and a poorly developed sense of national identity – its political institutions seem to be becoming increasingly vulnerable to non-democratic pressures, from long adjournments of parliament and increasingly disorderly national elections to persistent unrest within the defence force. In a region which has given rise to such terms as 'guided democracy' (Sukarno's Indonesia), 'elite democracy' (Post-Marcos Philippines), and 'disciplined democracy' (Burma after Ne Win), Papua New Guinea might perhaps be described as a 'disorderly democracy'. The question posed by recent trends is whether the disorderly nature of Papua New Guinea's politics is simply a reflection of the 'Melanesian Way' of doing things, and consistent with the maintenance of a democratic political system, or whether there is a growing disorder which threatens the continued viability of the country's democratic system. This paper examines the apparent disparity between the broad indications of successful democratic government and the widespread perceptions of governmental failure; reviews ongoing attempts to consolidate Papua New Guinea's democratic institutions; and, in the light of the recently conducted national election, speculates on the prospects for democracy in the country which is commonly referred to by its own citizens as the 'Land of the Unexpected'. ; AusAID
Arabic language is an important tool in learning and teaching Islamic Legal Sciences. Its importance that it is the language of the Holy Qur'an, which is the main source of Islamic texts and provisions. Therefore, to understand these texts, the learners must understand Arabic language. The aim of this study is to investigate the function of Arabic language as a tool used in teaching Islamic Legal Sciences in the International Islamic University of Malaysia. The researchers designed a questionnaire and was distributed among the students of Arabic Language to investigate the efforts of International Islamic University of Malaysia in teaching Arabic language especially within issues that are related to understanding the Quran.
Political and economic transitions have had substantial impacts on forest conservation. Where transitions are underway or anticipated, historical precedent and methods for systematically assessing future trends should be used to anticipate likely threats to forest conservation and design appropriate and prescient policy measures to counteract them. Myanmar is transitioning from an authoritarian, centralized state with a highly regulated economy to a more decentralized and economically liberal democracy and is working to end a long-running civil war. With these transitions in mind, we used a horizon-scanning approach to assess the 40 emerging issues most affecting Myanmar's forests, including internal conflict, land-tenure insecurity, large-scale agricultural development, demise of state timber enterprises, shortfalls in government revenue and capacity, and opening of new deforestation frontiers with new roads, mines, and hydroelectric dams. Averting these threats will require, for example, overhauling governance models, building capacity, improving infrastructure- and energy-project planning, and reforming land-tenure and environmental-protection laws. Although challenges to conservation in Myanmar are daunting, the political transition offers an opportunity for conservationists and researchers to help shape a future that enhances Myanmar's social, economic, and environmental potential while learning and applying lessons from other countries. Our approach and results are relevant to other countries undergoing similar transitions.
Abstract. This essay explores the relationships between political performance profiles and major types of democracy from a comparative perspective. The article focuses attention mainly on the political performance of majoritarian and non‐majoritarian government, democracies with small and large numbers of veto players, hybrid regimes, presidentialism and parliamentary government, referendum democracy and representative government, and established as apposed to partial democracies. The findings point to relatively robust and significant patterns of relationships between performance and type of democracy. Types of democracy are important constraints and represent at the same time enabling conditions of policy choices. However, a caveat must be added: types of democracy do not determine policy choices and they also do not determine the outcome of these choices.
Wahlverhalten, Fragen zum politischen System und zum Nationalitätenkonflikt sowie zu Medien.
Themen: Nationalität; Religiosität; zu Hause gesprochene Sprache; Verstehen anderer Sprachen; Besitz von Radio, Fernseher, Videorecorder, Telefon, Computer, Auto; technische Voraussetzungen für den Radioempfang; Kabel- bzw. Satellitenanschluß; Email-anschluß; Häufigkeit des Medienkonsums in den letzten 3 Monaten; Vertrauen in einheimische Medien; zuverlässigste Informationsquelle; Häufigkeit des Hörens in- und ausländischer Radiostationen; präferierte Sendungen; Hören von "Radio Free Europe", "Voice of America" und "BBC" sowie präferierte Sendezeiten; Interesse an Politik; Wirtschaft, ethnischen Fragen, Medien, Wissenschaft, Umwelt, Gesundheit, Familie, Kunst, Kultur, Geschichte, Recht und Religion; Wichtigkeit politischer Informiertheit; Häufigkeit politischer Diskussionen; Entwicklungsrichtung des Landes; Vertrauen in Institutionen; Haltung zu den führenden Politikern des Landes; Haltung zu den Ländern Albanien, Bulgarien, Frankreich, Griechenland, Kroatien, Ungarn, Mazedonien, Deutschland, Rumänien, Rußland, USA, Slovenien und Großbritannien und zu ethnischen Gruppen in Jugoslawien; Zufriedenheit mit der ökonomischen Situation des Landes; ökonomische Situation im Vergleich zu der vor einem Jahr; Zufriedenheit mit eigenem Lebensstandard; Entwicklung des Lebensstandard in einem Jahr; Entwicklungstempo der ökonomischen Veränderungen; Privatisierung von mittleren Unternehmen; präferierte Wirtschaftsform für das Land; Erwartungen und Ergebnisse des Ökonomischen Programms von D. Avramovic; neuester Friedensplan für Bosnia/Herzegowina; Friedensaussichten; Hauptverantwortliche für die Probleme; präferierte Lösung des Flüchtlingsproblems; voraussichtliches Ende der UN-Sanktionen gegen Jugoslawien; Gefahr eines Bürgerkrieges; Jugoslawien als Föderation von Serbien und Montenegro; Lösung des Kosovo-Problems; mögliche Formen der Zusammenarbeit von Jugoslawien, Kroatien, Slovenien und dem muslemisch-kroatischen Teil von Bosnien/Herzegowina; Zeitpunkt der EU- und NATO-Mitgliedschaft Jugoslawiens; Wahlbeteiligung und -entscheidung bei der letzten Wahl und bei der nächsten Wahl; Gründe für Wahlentscheidung; Erfüllung der Wahlversprechen der sozialistischen Partei; größte Probleme des Landes; Einschätzung des Sozialismus; sicherer Arbeitsplatz versus hohes Einkommen; Parteien als Interessenvertreter der Bauern, Arbeiter, Intelligenz, Unternehmer, Schüler und Studenten, Rentner, der ganzen Bevölkerung; Unterstützung der Politik von Milosevic; geographische Identität; Haltung zu ausländischen Investitionen, Juden, amerikanischen Einfluß in Jugoslawien, militärischen Präsenz Amerikas in Europa, Verantwortung des Einzelnen, Aufrechterhaltung der jugoslawischen Souveränität unter allen Umständen und zum Zusammenbruch der UdSSR; Pressefreiheit.
The province of Ontario, Canada, has a longstanding history of non-partisanship in municipal elections. In this distinctive context, we report results on citizen attitudes toward municipal partisanship using a survey of eligible voters in Canada's most populous province. Using a mixed-methods approach, we focus on three interrelated research questions. First, how much does citizen support for municipal parties depend on the type of party under consideration? Second, what reasons do citizens provide for their preference for either municipal political parties or independents? Finally, what are the correlates of support for municipal parties? We find little support for municipal political parties, and that many voters have sophisticated reasons for preferring either independents or parties. We also identify several factors associated with support for parties. These results provide an in-depth picture of attitudes on municipal partisanship in Ontario, and suggest that public opinion may provide an overlooked mechanism that maintains Ontario's non-partisanship.
