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Contrasts voter turnout in the two countries and discusses the 1996 Nicaraguan election campaign, emphasizing left-right polarization as a key factor in carrying countries into relatively full and consolidated political democracy.

Guy Alchon examines the mutually supportive efforts of social scientists, business managers, and government officials to create America's first peacetime system of macroeconomic management. Originally published in 1985. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Libra.

"Mainstream economics offers a perspective on the gift which is constructed around exchange, axioms of self-interest, instrumental rationality and utility-maximisation - concepts that predominate within conventional forms of economic analysis. Recognising the gift as an example of social practice underpinned by social institutions, this book moves beyond this utilitarian approach to explore perspectives on the gift from social and institutional economics. Through contributions from an international and interdisciplinary cast of authors, the chapters explore key questions such as: what is the relationship between social institutions, on the one hand, and gift, exchange, reciprocity on the other? What are the social mechanisms that underpin gift and gift-giving actions? And finally, what is the relationship between individuals, societies, gift-giving and cooperation? The answers to these questions and others serve to highlight the importance of the analysis of gift in economics and other social sciences. The book also demonstrates the potential of the analysis of the gift to contribute to solving current problems for humanity on various levels of social aggregation. This key text makes a significant contribution to the literature on the gift which will be of interest to readers of heterodox economics, social anthropology, philosophy of economics, sociology, and political philosophy. Stefan Kesting is a Senior Teaching Fellow at Leeds University Business School, UK. Ioana Negru is a Reader in Economics at Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu, Romania. Paolo Silvestri is Contract Professor at University of Turin, Italy; Bocconi University, Italy; and Lumière University, Lyon 2, France."

Once notorious but now largely forgotten, the political idealist and radical John Baxter Langley was typical of the well-educated and ethical Victorians who struggled to create a fairer, more equal society. Through a long and wide-ranging career of political agitation he was a journalist, editor and owner of several newspapers, was prominent in the call for franchise reform, and opposed religious legislation that prevented Sunday entertainment and education for working men and women. Langley was also integral to the founding of a trade union, campaigned for an end to public executions and built affordable housing in Battersea. Internationally, he condemned the Second Opium War, exposed British brutality in India and worked covertly for Lincoln's administration. He was a fellow-traveller for many other key radicals of the day, while his founding of the 'Church of the Future' garnered the support of Charles Darwin, James Martineau and John Stuart Mill. Through a chronological narrative of Langley's activities, this book provides an overview of many of the most significant political causes of the mid- to late nineteenth century. These include electoral reform, feminism, slavery, racism, trade unionism, workers' rights, the free press, leisure, prostitution, foreign relations and espionage. A neglected but important figure in the history of nineteenth-century radicalism, this work gives John Baxter Langley the attention he deserves and reveals the breadth of his legacy.

The article attempts to consider the appeals of the Soviet screen of the 20-30s to the topic of emigration in general and Jewish emigration in particular. The latter appeared most often in connection with the possibility of re-emigration. Unlike the plot about the professional or political immigration of foreigners to the USSR, the plot with the reemigration of Jews had a number of important advantages. It allowed to demonstrate the progress of the Soviet country in time. It exposed at the same time the horrors of the discriminatory policy of tsarist Russia and the illusion of equality, financial well-being and personal freedom of Western countries. Jewish emigration turned out to be justified by external factors for the Soviet authorities, unless, of course, we were talking about leaving for Palestine for Zionist beliefs. The Soviet screen of the 20s and 30s was critical of Zionism, but even this sometimes became insufficient. Some films had not been released like "Against the Will of the Fathers" by Yevgeny Ivanov-Barkov. One of the film's characters – student Boris despite his Zionist preferences still remained a positive hero. Other films, for example, Mikhail Dubson's "Border", were subjected to numerous alterations, reducing the dangerous topic of Zionism to a minimum. The renewed Russia, now oriented towards internationalism and having discarded capitalist habits, appeared in the Soviet cinema of the 30s not only as an ideal old new homeland for Jews, but also as a universal proletarian paradise ("Horizon", "The Return of Nathan Becker", "Seekers of Happiness", etc.). But not all Jewish characters got access to the Soviet "Promised Land", but only those who were ready to give up their national, cultural, linguistic isolation in the end. After all, the revolution destroyed the main Jewish trait in Russia – the pale of settlement. And now it was time to return and find a share not in the future, but in the present, accomplished Soviet world without borders and hierarchies. The pragmatics of Soviet propaganda becomes more obvious when referring to censorship prohibitions and restrictions ("Against the will of the Fathers", "Dream"), rejected versions of the script ("Border"), accompanying advertising texts ("Jewish Happiness"), as well as to the analysis of the plots of films based on Jewish material.

This research critically analyses institutional diversity through the research positioning of Australian universities. In so doing, it makes a contemporaneous contribution to the question of how diverse the institutions within the sector are, and in particular, how we can better understand the determinants or factors that help explain it. Understanding institutional diversity and its determinants is essential, given the concept serves as a bipartisan and enduring principle which underpins Australian higher education policy. Successive governments have sought to configure and resource the university sector in ways which meet varied needs and fit within resource constraints. Their approach to optimizing efficacy and efficiency has been through sector level settings designed to encourage institutions with a diverse range of missions. Exploring these questions through multiple methods and a theoretical framework that contributes to balancing historically polarised approaches, this research concludes that Australian university research positioning, while expressed in terms of uniqueness and difference, converges upon common aims and approaches and demonstrates a clear lack of diversity. The apparent homogeneity of research positioning across the sector is explained in part through the shortcomings and inherent contradictions within the mission-based compact program's design and implementation, and is also a product of the interaction between the sector funding model and isomorphism in institutional approaches to competitive resource seeking. However, and importantly, the observed homogeneity is also explained by selective narrative construction by universities, which serve various purposes and act to obscure intra-institutional complexity and what is argued to be significant internal diversity. This internal diversity has considerable implications for seeking diversity at the level of institutions through policy or programs, and indeed for observing for it in research.

This study investigates Russian White émigré collaboration with National Socialist Germany and the participation of Russian military exiles in the war against the USSR in 1941–1945. The main organisation that supplied volunteers from the émigré milieu for the Wehrmacht was the Russian All-Military Union (ROVS). The majority of officers held 'defeatist' views, which entailed continuing the struggle against the Bolsheviks by any means necessary, even by enlisting in a foreign army. The exiles, although united ideologically by broadly understood Russian nationalism, did not establish one single, clear-cut political solution for a future 'liberated Russia.' The study briefly investigates ROVS in the interwar period, gives an overview of the worldview of ROVS members and evaluates the relationship between Hitler's Germany and ROVS. This thesis assesses the émigrés volunteering for service, as well as their activities and expectations during the Second World War and shortly after it.This study demonstrates that the vanquished side attempted to 'replay' the Russian Civil War against the background of the new world conflict. The conservative worldview of former Russian officers who went to the USSR is explained and analysed within the context of the German occupation policies. The émigré volunteers who served in the Wehrmacht were aligned with German anti-Bolshevism and anti-Semitic objectives. Yet, unlike other foreign volunteers in the Wehrmacht, they considered themselves Russian nationalists and ignored the anti-Slavic racial dimension to German policy. The émigrés generally empathised with the local population (defined as Orthodox Russians and excluding Russian Jews) and sought to aid them. The exiles mostly understood their role as that of a mediator between the occupants and the occupied. After the war, ROVS members redefined their role in the war as something separate from Nazi ideology. Émigré volunteers were thoroughly distinct from all the other foreign contingents: if the latter fought against 'Russian Bolshevism' and Russians per se, the former were heavily invested in the illusion that they could separate the two and, with the Germans as their allies, achieve an independent, nationalistic Russia.