Suchergebnisse

In May 2009, Taiwan took a significant step in building a modern bureaucracy by passing a statute to create a civil service neutrality system after two decades of democratization. But its agenda for building a civil service neutrality system was not modeled on that of the Western democracies. Taiwan had its own distinct agenda and followed its own path toward civil service neutrality that was adapted to the demands of a polity transformed from a party-state regime. In the case of Taiwan, the neutrality mechanism was governed by the concept of "administrative neutrality" rather than the more common concept of "political neutrality." This paper reviews and makes sense of the evolution of this concept and the neutrality system in Taiwan, and joins the debate of relevance of politics-administration dichotomy. Adapted from the source document.

There are many studies that investigate, whether population aging leads to a larger welfare state. In a democratic country like Taiwan, we would expect public spending, especially on welfare items, to be influenced by changes demographic structure and political power: Taiwan is an aging society, and there has been a unique connection between welfare for the elderly and which political party is in power since 1993. We apply demographic variables and political factors the empirical models to explore their effects on the size of local government welfare spending. A panel data model for twenty-one counties and cities from 1993 to 2007 is used in our investigation. The results of this study show that the elderly are not the main determinant of the growth of welfare expenditures, nor do the political parties completely carry out their campaign promises to increase old age welfare after winning office. Instead, central government transfers are the main factor affecting the level of local government welfare spending. This also shows that decentralization is limited in Taiwan. (Issues Stud/GIGA)

Foreign direct investment (FDI) plays a salient role in the export-manufacturing sectors that have propelled China's rapid economic growth for the past two decades. In China, foreign transnational corporations, especially those from Taiwan and Hong Kong, rather than newly founded or reoriented domestic firms, occupy a strategic position connecting China's coastal regions with global capitalism. The economic, legal-institutional, and cultural explanations of China-bound FDI focus upon one specific group of factors pertaining to the domestic environment. In contrast to these one-dimensional views of the environment, this paper borrows insights from economic sociology and organization analysis to propose a "fortress-in-the-air" model as an ideal type representing the way Taiwanese-invested enterprises (TIEs) in export-manufacturing sectors organize their business in response to demands from both the institutional environment of China's transitional economy and the technical environment linking the activities of interconnected firms in a chain-like fashion to overseas markets. This paper uses Taiwanese-owned export-manufacturing transplants in China as cases through which to explore the organizational configurations of the fortress in the air model at the intra-, inter-, and extra firm levels to explain the interaction between TIEs and host regions and the implications for local development in China's coastal areas. (Issues Stud/GIGA)

This article employs reassurance theory to explore the question of how trust can be built between China and Taiwan, suggesting that a major breakthrough in cross-Strait relations will not be possible unless these two historical rivals reassure each other through costly signals. This paper tentatively assesses a number of costly signals that Beijing or Taipei might make to elicit trust from the other side. Given that China political system has an intrinsic credibility problem, Beijing will have to bear more costs than Taipei f its reassurances are to be credible. However, China's superior power gives it more leverage in promoting a cross-Strait trust-building process. Although such a trust-building approach would entail certain costs and risks for both Beijing and Taipei, it is a worthwhile enterprise for the sake of peace and reconciliation across the Taiwan Strait. Adapted from the source document.

As most software used by government agencies and companies is proprietary, malicious computer activity targeting breaches in that software can be likened to a pandemic of an infectious disease in the cyber world. When a breach occurs, the consequences can be widespread and damaging because the damage can spread rapidly. Therefore, cybercrime prevention needs to involve all users in a cooperative effort, with warnings and information on countermeasures distributed to users in order to prevent the "disease" from spreading when unprotected computers encounter an attack. This cooperative effort relies heavily on all institutions reporting information security incidents. Based on institutional theory, together with regulatory pluralism and responsive regulation theory, this paper examines the pluralized regulatory approach adopted to promote a system for sharing reports of information security incidents in Taiwan and China. An expanded model of regulatory enforcement and a strengths-based pyramid are proposed and used as a framework for discussing existing systems for encouraging the reporting of information security incidents. Adapted from the source document.

South Korea's ambitious plan to be a premier business hub in Northeast Asia, one of the main goals of which is to become a regional headquarters (RHQ) center, has sparked great interest in the Incheon Free Economic Zone (IFEZ). However, since the FEZ was established, its RHQ inducement strategy has been lackluster, as it has failed to attract targeted RHQs. The results of this paper have important implications for developing countries pursuing an RHQ inducement strategy through free economic zones (FEZs). The IFEZ policy has focused on overcoming the problems hindering the achievement of its goal of becoming a business hub for Northeast Asia through an RHQ inducement strategy. (Issues Stud/GIGA)

This article has two main goals, one is to explore whether the improvement in cross-Strait relations has increased both the risk of entrapment for Washington and the fear of abandonment for Taipei since 2008, and the other is to examine why the United States provides Taiwan with strategic reassurance. The two main international relations (IR) theories applied in this article are Charles Lipson's theory of informal alliance and Glenn H. Snyder's theory of security dilemma in alliance politics. Taipei may be hoping that when cross-Strait negotiations move from economic and cultural issues to politically sensitive ones, Washington will play the role of guarantor or supervisor. However, the United States may believe that playing such a role would increase its risk of entrapment. On the other hand, fear of abandonment for Taiwan is more likely to arise when the cross-Strait relationship further deepens and expands. While most observers believe that Taiwan's fear of abandonment is greater than Washington's risk of entrapment, some are of the opinion that the rise of China will eventually allow Beijing to intimidate Taipei, leading to Taipei's submission, if cross-Strait relations get out of control. Fortunately, bearing China's expansionist behavior in 2010 in mind, the United States is taking steps to focus its attention on Asia once again, and also emphasizing that Taiwan is an important security and economic partner, thereby easing Taipei's fear of abandonment. Thus, the main conclusion of this article is that while a relatively swift improvement in cross-Strait relations may increase the risk of entrapment for Washington and the fear of abandonment for Taipei, it seems that both the United States and Taiwan have reached a consensus that their current informal alliance should be nurtured by means of strategic reassurance, given China's potentially expansionist behavior. Adapted from the source document.

There are many studies that investigate whether population aging leads to a larger welfare state. In a democratic country like Taiwan, we would expect public spending, especially on welfare items, to be influenced by changes demographic structure and political power Taiwan is an aging society, and there has been a unique connection between welfare for the elderly and which political parry is in power since 1993. We apply demographic variables and political factors to the empirical models to explore their effects on the size of local government welfare spending. A panel data model for twenty-one counties and cities from 1993 to 2007 is used in our investigation. The results of this study show that the elderly are not the main determinant of the growth of welfare expenditures, nor do the political parties completely carry out their campaign promises to increase old age welfare after winning office. Instead, central government transfers are the main factor affecting the level of local government welfare spending. This also shows that decentralization is limited in Taiwan. Adapted from the source document.

It remains unknown if theoretical perspectives concerning party identification can be usefully applied to the formation or consolidation of state identification. Taiwan presents a unique case for exploring the nature of state identification, not only because of the ambiguity concerning its official name, but because its citizens have been struggling with a hard choice between Chinese identification, an identification based on cultural heritage that is considered to be the root of its legitimacy, and an emerging national identification with an independent Taiwan which is beginning to consolidate. Theoretical work is needed to explain the nature and the volatility of state identification in the light of conventional wisdom about party identification. This study concentrates on clarifying the relationships between party identification, national/ethnic identification, and state identification. It will show how these concepts are interwoven and how the idea of a "state identification crisis" originated. It will also shed light on studies about conflict process and political psychology. (Issues Stud/GIGA)

The residents' committee is the lowest level of the administrative hierarchy in China's cities, but it is also an important part of the political system. Under the rubric of community construction and grassroots democracy, residents' committees are undergoing certain democratic reforms such as improved procedures for elections and a more open and participatory governance process. At the same time, they are also important resources for the regime in terms of consolidating support and control, especially where maintenance of stability and mass mobilization are concerned. This paper analyzes the multifaceted nature of the residents' committee and its importance in China's political system. Adapted from the source document.