Suchergebnisse

During the movement for Pakistan, the students played a crucial role. Particularly the efforts of students of Punjab contributed to turn the politics of Punjab, which was totally in the hand of Unionist Party and its landlords and Anglo-nabob leadership, in the favor of All India Muslim League. Mr. Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi, one of the founder members of the Punjab Muslim Students Federation drafted the manifesto of 'khilaphat-e-Pakistan' for 'The Punjab Muslim students Federation'. With this, the Federation became the vanguard of All India Muslim League in Punjab. Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had also soft corner for the students of Punjab due to their selfless and zealous work. This article explores Mr. Niazi's efforts for establishing the Punjab Muslim Students Federation and induction of khilaphat-e-Pakistan Scheme. For this historical research, data collected is mainly through primary sources and from some secondary sources. Mostly, the data is collected through National Archives, Islamabad, National Documentation Centre, Islamabad, Dayal Singh Library, Lahore museum and through different libraries.

This paper explores educational inequalities through an analysis of the educational aspirations and future expectations of British girls and young women who identify as Muslim. It draws on qualitative interviews and focus group discussions with teen girls (aged 13-19) and young women in their early 20s living in the north and south of England, the first generation to be considering their future options in the immediate aftermath of the Brexit referendum. The analysis reveals contradictions at the heart of the UK education system in that while girls are being encouraged to aim high, to be aspirational and successful, they are also tasked with accepting responsibility for the structural and racialised disadvantage that prevents many Muslim women from translating educational success into labour market advantage. The priority given to educational attainment within the current UK education system leaves little space to prepare young women to deal with the potential disadvantage they may face in the labour market. When it comes to the racialised disadvantage that Muslims and minorities face in a post-9/11 and post Brexit referendum climate, the research revealed gaps and silences which have the effect of responsibilising Muslims students for terrorist incidents when they occurred.

This article examines young Muslim women's dissident mentalities, practices, and subjectivities that confront the epistemological conditions whereby right-wing populist (RWP) gender politics operates in Turkey. Relying on frame theory in social movement research and the Foucauldian approach to resistance, dissent, and protest, it explores Muslim feminist critique of RWP gender discourse mainly with a focus on the following issues: (i.) Instrumentalization of the headscarf, (ii.) familialist policies, and (iii.) violence against women and the Istanbul Convention (the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence). As a result, it demonstrates that young Muslim women's dissident mentalities and subjectivities generate a new "political project", i.e., a set of new meanings and social goals directed at bringing about social change, which comes into being through the act of resistance against RWP gender grammar and carves out new forms of knowledge reclaiming the Islam–gender nexus for a progressive feminist agenda.