The impact of radio broadcasting on political participation in Nigeria's South-South Zone is investigated in this study. The importance of radio in political participation has been proven by scholars. Thus, this study builds on the success of radio in this area to ascertain if the same result can be replicated in South-South, Nigeria. The study is anchored on a cross-sectional research design and surveyed 400 respondents. Descriptive statistics such as mean and standard deviation and Pearson Product Moment Correlation (PPMC) inferential statistics were deployed to test stated hypotheses. In an r{376}0.878;p=0.000 findings, the study reaffirmed the position of scholars on the subject of investigation, indicating that South-South peoples' behaviour towards political activities is strongly affected by radio broadcast. The study recommends that more effort is needed to ensure the information on the radio is knocked together to positively influence the behaviour of people and their thought on election processes in Nigeria.
During the Covid-19 pandemic, determining policies in the development sector greatly determines performance in government, both at the regional and central government levels. This paper focuses on performance evaluation in a political context on refocusing budgeting in handling Covid 19 in Tanjungpinang City in 2020. The research method is carried out with a qualitative approach which is a literature study by examining some secondary data. The secudender data obtained is relevant and then analyzed in depth against the main indicators of performance in public budgeting in the government system in Tanjungpinang City. The results of the analysis show that the performance evaluation in the Tanjungpinang City government shows that the influence on political performance is still very low in the quality of performance in the Tanjungpinang City government in public budgeting. In addition, the context in public budgeting should involve stakeholders in the form of collaborative governance so that political performance in budgeting in regional development provides a win-win solution in refucing the handling of COVID-19 in Tanjungpinang City
This study was an assessment of personalised equivocation in political interviews, namely, politicians' responses to questions which, in lieu of an explicit reply, are directed personally at the interviewer. Twenty-six interviews with recent UK party leaders were analysed in terms of questions, replies, and personalisation. The majority of personalised responses contained elements of criticism, although over a quarter were more amicable. For the eight featured politicians, the use of such responses was adjudged to be more about individual communicative style than their position on the political spectrum. Only one politician did not respond in this manner, indicating a more widespread use of personalisation than was previously suggested. Furthermore, an evaluation of interviewer follow-ups showed its effectiveness as a diversionary tactic in the face of troublesome questions. In terms of the proportion of questions which receive a full reply, a general reply rate analysis highlighted how recent political leaders have changed little from their predecessors.
This chapter argues that the office of the Elected President is best understood as an elite institution with eligibility restricted to a select group by a stringent set of criteria for hopefuls from the public and private sectors. The Singapore Constitution provides the Elected President with executive and legislative powers. Since independence in 1965, Singapore has sought to constitutionally engineer a political system that meets its unique needs and aspirations. Any theory of responsible government, undergirded by the separation of powers, will entail some measure of both conflict and cooperation, whether one or the other dominates. Given the particularistic neo-Confucian political culture subtly promoted by the Singapore Government, the political leadership valorizes the Confucian precept that leaders have a moral duty to act in the collective interest. The Government agreed with the Commission's recommendations outlined above on the nature of a qualifying company and the nature of qualifying position within a qualifying company.
This study aimed to determine whether or not a correlation between independent expenditure levels and political partisanship in the US House of Representatives exists, using the Congressional sessions from before and after the Citizens United decision to determine if the decision had any effect on political partisanship. Multiple factors were tested to determine levels of correlation and to adjust for any potential exasperating factors. The study concluded that a very strong correlation exists between aggregate levels of independent expenditures and distance between average levels of partisanship for the parties. However, no causal relationship could be established from the data alone, though the causal mechanism was hypothesized for further research.
In this paper, Zakat as an actual strength of Muslims needs to be managed with a good strategy management system. A good strategy management system, in constructing the strategy, should pay attention to factors such as vision, mission, and value, plan the strategy using analysis such as PESTEL (political, economic, social, technological, environmental and legal).
In the article the essence of concepts «human capital» in the political-economic context. Analyzed the historical evolution of the entity concept. Identifies priority approaches to the understanding of the concept «human capital» and carried out scientific-practical analysis of this concept. It's argued that the ambiguity of understanding the nature of «human capital» in the context of contemporary socio-political discourse is determined by that in various periods of history prevailed various research approaches to its understanding. On the basis of the systematization of the existing interpretations of the concept «human capital» can be defined as a part of creative human resources, their high quality material ensuring the accumulated knowledge of intellectual and high technologies, creating the innovative and high technology products in GDP, competitive on world markets. Human capital formation should be viewed as a process of search, recovery and quality improvement of the productive characteristics of the individual with whom he speaks in public productionKey words: capital, human capital investment, human capital, social capital, political capital. ; У статті розглянуто сутність поняття «людського капіталу» в політико- економічному контексті. Проаналізовано історичну еволюцію сутності поняття. Визначено пріоритетні підходи до розуміння концепту «людський капітал» та здійснено науково-практичний аналіз цього поняття. Аргументується, що неоднозначність розуміння сутності поняття «людський капітал» в контексті сучасного суспільно- політичного дискурсу детермінована тим, що на різних історичних етапах превалювали різні науково-дослідницькі підходи до його розуміння. Ключові слова: капітал, людський капітал, інвестиції, людський потенціал, соціальний капітал, політичний капітал. В статье рассмотрена сущность понятия «человеческого капитала» в политико- экономическом контексте. Проанализирована историческая эволюция понятия. Определены приоритетные подходы к пониманию концепта «человеческий капитал» и осуществлено научно-практический анализ этого понятия. Аргументируется, что неоднозначность понимания сущности понятия «человеческий капитал» в контексте современного общественно-политического дискурса детерминирована тем, что на разных исторических этапах превалировали различные научно-исследовательские подходы к его пониманию. Ключевые слова: капитал, человеческий капитал, инвестиции, человеческий потенциал, социальный капитал, политический капитал. In the article the essence of concepts «human capital» in the political-economic context. Analyzed the historical evolution of the entity concept. Identifies priority approaches to the understanding of the concept «human capital» and carried out scientific-practical analysis of this concept. It's argued that the ambiguity of understanding the nature of «human capital» in the context of contemporary socio-political discourse is determined by that in various periods of history prevailed various research approaches to its understanding. On the basis of the systematization of the existing interpretations of the concept «human capital» can be defined as a part of creative human resources, their high quality material ensuring the accumulated knowledge of intellectual and high technologies, creating the innovative and high technology products in GDP, competitive on world markets. Human capital formation should be viewed as a process of search, recovery and quality improvement of the productive characteristics of the individual with whom he speaks in public productionKey words: capital, human capital investment, human capital, social capital, political capital.
During roughly the half-century straddling the turn of the twentieth century, America's national government underwent a dramatic transformation. It proceeded on two fronts, politics and administration. At the beginning of the era, politicians were deeply enmeshed in a system of patronage and graft reflecting their indebtedness to the local and state political parties without whose support their careers would have languished. Local party organizations recruited and sponsored candidates, ran election campaigns, and directed subsequent career moves among its cadre of politicians. In return, these politicians used their offices to stoke the party machine with a steady supply of patronage appointments and government contracts. By the end of the era, a variety of state and national reforms had effectively dismantled the patronage system.
This study reports the effects of two debiasing strategies on the complexity of people's thinking on a controversial policy issue – the question of Scottish independence. I start from the well-researched assumptions of motivated reasoning theory that individuals tend to protect their beliefs, are often not willing to hear the other side and fail to integrate contrasting arguments and different perspectives in their political considerations – although considering different viewpoints is a fundamental normative requirement for democratic decision-making. Two different debiasing techniques, which are meant to counteract this tendency and to evoke more integrative and complex thinking, were tested experimentally: a cognitive and a motivational strategy. The experiment was situated in the context of the Scottish independence referendum. The expectation of accountability – having to justify one's opinion in front of unknown others – significantly enhanced integrative complexity of thinking about the issue, while inducing subjects to consider the opposite had no significant effect. Opinion strength and political knowledge did not affect the treatment effects significantly.
Using data drawn from the adult population in Northern Ireland (N=1,515), this article examines the relationship between perceived intergroup threat and psychological well-being, taking into consideration the mediating role of social identification and the moderating role of political conflict exposure. Results by and large confirmed our predictions that perceived threat would be directly associated with poorer well-being but would also exert a positive indirect effect on well-being via increased social identification. However, these relationships were dependent on individuals' prior conflict exposure, such that the positive indirect relationship between perceived threat and psychological well-being emerged only for two subpopulations: individuals who had high direct and high indirect exposure to conflict, and individuals who had low direct, but high indirect conflict exposure. No indirect effects emerged for individuals with relatively lower conflict exposure. Results are discussed with regard to their implications for research on the consequences of intergroup threat in political conflict settings and beyond. Adapted from the source document.
Purpose: The diversity of political views provides great opportunities for sound evaluation methods in higher education, since these are defined, enacted upon and funded through governmental processes; their implementation is constantly subjected to political pressures –This paper explores how results are evaluated as intended to occur many years after implementation of education policy and what is the role of critical political institutions such as accountability and transparency. Methods: We present as a case study the evolution of evaluation concepts in Greek universities, through a 35-year period, characterized by the shifting of political power. These observations are generalized by the results of interviews conducted with an international group of academics. Results: There is a strong link between political power and ideology and the determination of quality evaluation, leading to distinct and different outcomes, as implemented in national strategies for higher education, strongly affecting HEI's in all aspects. Implications: In this paper we show how the state political control shapes the context of QA in universities. Universities must have the courage to protect their core values, democracy, transparency, accountability and the creation of knowledge. ; SUBMITTED: MARCH 2020, REVISION SUBMITTED: MAY 2020, 2nd REVISION SUBMITTED: JUNE 2020, ACCEPTED: JULY 2020, REFEREED ANONYMOUSLY, PUBLISHED ONLINE: 30 OCTOBER 2020
The field of civic and political participation has been studied mostly from individual, psychological approaches rather than collective, relational perspectives. Here we address this gap through a political ethnography in the youth wing of a major Portuguese political party, conducted during the fervent months right before and after the Portuguese parliamentary elections of October 2015. Investigating the meaning-making of doing politics in real-life contexts, we assess the collective learning processes involved in political participation. This paper shows that youth wings can provide quality participation experiences. Indeed, collectively envisioning and constructing a more democratic society and working for the public good are guiding principles of the wing. Debatement politics and pedagogical politics thus play a fundamental role in the wing's activity, even if they are accompanied by the more mundane, festive party politics and the backstage politics. Through their activity, the wing's members acquire and display high levels of political efficacy, critical thinking and effort regulation regarding political involvement. Methodologically, this paper shows that ethnography is well equipped to study the experience of participation, foregrounding activities and perceptions of wing's members in order to make sense of their learning processes and outcomes.
The field of civic and political participation has been studied mostly from individual, psychological approaches rather than collective, relational perspectives. Here we address this gap through a political ethnography in the youth wing of a major Portuguese political party, conducted during the fervent months right before and after the Portuguese parliamentary elections of October 2015. Investigating the meaning-making of doing politics in real-life contexts, we assess the collective learning processes involved in political participation. This paper shows that youth wings can provide quality participation experiences. Indeed, collectively envisioning and constructing a more democratic society and working for the public good are guiding principles of the wing. Debatement politics and pedagogical politics thus play a fundamental role in the wing's activity, even if they are accompanied by the more mundane, festive party politics and the backstage politics. Through their activity, the wing's members acquire and display high levels of political efficacy, critical thinking and effort regulation regarding political involvement. Methodologically, this paper shows that ethnography is well equipped to study the experience of participation, foregrounding activities and perceptions of wing's members in order to make sense of their learning processes and outcomes.
Different methods have yielded different results regarding the media's political agenda-setting power: Time-series studies comparing agendas in the media and politics have pointed to a minimal and surveys of politicians to massive media influence. Inspired by these findings and the suggested explanations for them, this article studies in detail politicians' views on the media's political agenda-setting power: How do politicians assess media's power over different types of agendas, do they distinguish between different forms of media power, and does their individual political power position or trust in the media affect how they perceive the media's power? A survey of Finnish members of parliament (MPs) shows that politicians perceive the media's power to be massive regarding symbolic but minimal or moderate regarding substantial political agendas. However, many politicians do not clearly distinguish between the media's political agenda-setting power and its political framing power. Neither experiences of being a minister nor the tendency to use the media as a scapegoat affect politicians' views on media power in politics. The findings improve empirical knowledge on the media's power in politics, strengthen the foundations for interpreting existing survey results, and provide a basis for further improving future surveys on media power.
