Suchergebnisse

Research on national development in developing and newly industrializing countries (NICs) has focused on issues of economic growth and social change independent of each other, without paying much attention to the way the two elements relate to each other and to the conditions that could lead to their simultaneous occurrence. This paper argues that explanations of how economic growth with — or without —'positive social change' can occur require attention to changing state‐society relations. This research investigates the cases of Argentina and Taiwan, where economic growth in the 1990s has not translated into positive social change. By analyzing changing state‐society relations, this research shows that relations of power within societies have a clear effect on national development; it also reveals how different social actors may be able to influence a state's developmental strategies. This paper re‐evaluates traditional views of the state and society in Argentina and Taiwan by examining the fluctuating composition of the societal base of the state and the changing relations between the state and its societal coalition. The analysis reveals the processes under which economic growth without social change is occurring in both countries, and provides general insights into the way dynamic state‐society relations can influence national development in other contexts.—La recherche sur le développement national des pays en voie de développement et les pays nouvellement industrialisés a exploré les questions de croissance économique et de changement social séparément, sans s'occuper du rapport entre les deux et des conditions qui pourraiemt mener à leur occurrence simultanée. Cet article soutient qu'une explication de la croissance industrielle, avec ou sans 'changements sociaux positifs', demande que l'on prête attention aux relations changeantes entre l'état et la société. Cet article examine les cas d'étude de l'Argentine et de Taïıwan, où la croissance économique n'a pas apporté de changements sociaux positifs. En analysant les relations changeantes de l'état et de la société, cette étude démontre que les relations de pouvoir à l'intérieur des sociétés ont un effet manifeste sur le développement national; elle révèle aussi comment les différents participants sociaux peuvent influencer les stratégies de développement de l'état. Cet article ré‐évalue les vues traditionnelles de l'état et de la société en Argentine et à Taïrsquo;ıwan en examinant les compositions changeantes de la base sociale de l'état et les relations variables entre l'état et sa coalition sociale. L'analyse révèle les processus par lesquels la croissance économique survient sans changement social dans les deux pays et offre un aperçu général de la façon dont les relations dynamiques entre l'état et la société peuvent influencer le développement national dans d'autres contextes.

This is the final version. Available on open access from MDPI via the DOI in this record ; Climate change adaptation (CCA) is argued to require coordinated policy responses because it is a complex, long-term, knowledge intensive, cross-sectoral, and multi-level governance challenge that involves many interdependencies and actors with different perceptions, goals, and approaches. This study, therefore, examines approaches of a set of European Union (EU) member states (Denmark, Finland, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom (England)) to pursue a more coordinated approach to CCA policy. It specifically addresses the co-ordination approaches that the selected countries use for the development and implementation of their national CCA policies in the immediate period following the publication of the EU's 2013 Adaptation Strategy. The analysis demonstrates that while useful coordination processes have been established in the analyzed EU member states, they have difficulty in challenging existing institutional hierarchies and decision rules. Consequently, longer-term opportunities for managing CCA conflicts and synergies among sectoral policies have to date been limited. ; European Union FP7

The important dramatization of public scenes through social media can be observed within the paradigm of the Networked Society proposed by Castells (2003). Networked social move-ments mobilize their efforts to foster and balance public debate in their favor. In this article, we aim to understand how the communication strategies on #UERJResiste Facebook page in defense of the State University of Rio de Janeiro – UERJ – was presented in this public arena (Cefaï, 2017a, 2017b), in the period from January to April, 2017. 266 posts were collected to outline an ethnographic description (Laplantine, 2004) of the social movement. An inter-view was also held with one of the page's administrators to understand how the content is produced in order to compose a situational analysis. As a result, we identified four categories that also constitute communication strategies: media politics, discourse of resisting, educa-tional shares, and poetics of identity. In view of the privatization discourses of education and the attacks on its autonomy and its professionals, we understand #UERJResiste as a protag-onist with an important narrative to be disseminated, reflected, and discussed in the defense of the Brazilian Public University. Among the main contributions to this study are networked social movements from an ethnographic perspective of a public arena. We also highlight an understanding of strategic communication in the civic dynamics, rebounding the impor-tance of the autonomy of universities for democratic consolidation and citizen participation.

We examine the link between extreme weather events and national aid and transfers at the municipal level in the Philippines between 1992 and 2015. Using local-level data of public income and expenditures, local precipitation, poverty incidence, and satellite-based night light luminosity, we find that the national government seems to exhibit strategic behavior by allocating more national aid and transfers during dry spells, in which damage is significantly higher and more prolonged compared to periods of higher-than-usual precipitation. Notwithstanding, the amount of national aid and transfers in these events were very small at about $2 per capita per affected municipality, suggesting that the lack of effectiveness of aid and transfers could be the result of a lack of capacity rather than poor government allocation of public funds.

An analysis of the European Court of Justice preliminary ruling in Case C-230/14 Weltimmo s.r.o. v Nemzeti Adatvédelmi és Információszabadság Hatóság, on the interpretation of two important aspects of Directive 95/46/EC, namely, the applicable law, and territorial reach of national data protection authorities. The Court ruled that the data protection legislation of a member state may be applied by the national data protection authority to a foreign registered company which exercises, through stable arrangements, real and effective (albeit minimal) activity in that member state; a ruling that potentially increases compliance costs for entities operating across multiple European jurisdictions pending the introduction of the proposed General Data Protection Regulation.

As European regional autonomy parties, the Scottish National Party and the Italian Lega Nord present important similarities in the way they appeal to voters. Both parties, too, have recently been favoured by very similar social and political changes. Yet, of the two parties' recent electoral advances, that of the Lega has been by far the more striking. This can be explained in terms of the relative inability of the Lega's main rival, the Democrazia Cristiana, to adapt to its challenge. The Scottish National Party's main rival, the Labour Party, is better able to adapt owing to the long-standing institutionalisation of regional conflict in Britain. (European Journal of Political Research / AuD)

To understand what conditions make democracies stable or unstable, effective or ineffective, Professor Eckstein examines the stability and effectiveness of Norwegian democracy. He finds them both to be high. He then examines several theories derived from the study of other democracies or from comparative studies of other democratic and nondemocratic societies. Virtually all present an inadequate explanation of the Norwegian case, because the political divisions in Norway are the kind usually associated with instability and ineffectiveness of democratic rule. The author explains, however, that.

L'article porte sur le travail de représentation politique des membres de l'équipe municipale d'une ville du sud de la France, dirigée depuis 2014 par le Front national (FN, Rassemblement national depuis 2018), parti français d'extrême droite. Les élus FN, relais de la stratégie de normalisation de leur parti politique, doivent lors de leur entrée en mairie se conformer aux diverses contraintes de rôle prescrites par l'institution municipale. Novices en politique, ils déploient en contrepoint un registre de la proximité, de l'apolitisme et du dévouement communal. Cette neutralisation partisane reste cependant partielle : sur les thématiques les plus spécifiques à l'extrême droite (les enjeux sécuritaires, migratoires et religieux notamment), les élus doivent également – et se sentent habilités à – donner des gages à leurs électorats locaux. La réalisation des prétentions politiques frontistes dépend dès lors des marges de manœuvre dont disposent les élus et de la légitimité qui leur est attribuée localement.

The article presents research results on contemporary hypersonic resources (including hypersonic
weapon) in the context of a threat to national security. The author discusses the state of
research on such resources, their capabilities and development phases, as well as potential
threats they can pose. The analysis has been done separately for each country in which such
resources are being developed. Today, there are five of them: the United States, France, the
Russian Federation, India, and the Republic of China. It is worth noting that these resources
are in their different phases, from initial development concepts to objects with positive ballistic
test results capable of reaching hypersonic and high-hypersonic speed. They seem to be
a serious contemporary threat to national security for they are capable of carrying combat
warheads, including thermonuclear and nuclear ones, and they can reach very high speed.