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Once notorious but now largely forgotten, the political idealist and radical John Baxter Langley was typical of the well-educated and ethical Victorians who struggled to create a fairer, more equal society. Through a long and wide-ranging career of political agitation he was a journalist, editor and owner of several newspapers, was prominent in the call for franchise reform, and opposed religious legislation that prevented Sunday entertainment and education for working men and women. Langley was also integral to the founding of a trade union, campaigned for an end to public executions and built affordable housing in Battersea. Internationally, he condemned the Second Opium War, exposed British brutality in India and worked covertly for Lincoln's administration. He was a fellow-traveller for many other key radicals of the day, while his founding of the 'Church of the Future' garnered the support of Charles Darwin, James Martineau and John Stuart Mill. Through a chronological narrative of Langley's activities, this book provides an overview of many of the most significant political causes of the mid- to late nineteenth century. These include electoral reform, feminism, slavery, racism, trade unionism, workers' rights, the free press, leisure, prostitution, foreign relations and espionage. A neglected but important figure in the history of nineteenth-century radicalism, this work gives John Baxter Langley the attention he deserves and reveals the breadth of his legacy.

The article attempts to consider the appeals of the Soviet screen of the 20-30s to the topic of emigration in general and Jewish emigration in particular. The latter appeared most often in connection with the possibility of re-emigration. Unlike the plot about the professional or political immigration of foreigners to the USSR, the plot with the reemigration of Jews had a number of important advantages. It allowed to demonstrate the progress of the Soviet country in time. It exposed at the same time the horrors of the discriminatory policy of tsarist Russia and the illusion of equality, financial well-being and personal freedom of Western countries. Jewish emigration turned out to be justified by external factors for the Soviet authorities, unless, of course, we were talking about leaving for Palestine for Zionist beliefs. The Soviet screen of the 20s and 30s was critical of Zionism, but even this sometimes became insufficient. Some films had not been released like "Against the Will of the Fathers" by Yevgeny Ivanov-Barkov. One of the film's characters – student Boris despite his Zionist preferences still remained a positive hero. Other films, for example, Mikhail Dubson's "Border", were subjected to numerous alterations, reducing the dangerous topic of Zionism to a minimum. The renewed Russia, now oriented towards internationalism and having discarded capitalist habits, appeared in the Soviet cinema of the 30s not only as an ideal old new homeland for Jews, but also as a universal proletarian paradise ("Horizon", "The Return of Nathan Becker", "Seekers of Happiness", etc.). But not all Jewish characters got access to the Soviet "Promised Land", but only those who were ready to give up their national, cultural, linguistic isolation in the end. After all, the revolution destroyed the main Jewish trait in Russia – the pale of settlement. And now it was time to return and find a share not in the future, but in the present, accomplished Soviet world without borders and hierarchies. The pragmatics of Soviet propaganda becomes more obvious when referring to censorship prohibitions and restrictions ("Against the will of the Fathers", "Dream"), rejected versions of the script ("Border"), accompanying advertising texts ("Jewish Happiness"), as well as to the analysis of the plots of films based on Jewish material.

This research critically analyses institutional diversity through the research positioning of Australian universities. In so doing, it makes a contemporaneous contribution to the question of how diverse the institutions within the sector are, and in particular, how we can better understand the determinants or factors that help explain it. Understanding institutional diversity and its determinants is essential, given the concept serves as a bipartisan and enduring principle which underpins Australian higher education policy. Successive governments have sought to configure and resource the university sector in ways which meet varied needs and fit within resource constraints. Their approach to optimizing efficacy and efficiency has been through sector level settings designed to encourage institutions with a diverse range of missions. Exploring these questions through multiple methods and a theoretical framework that contributes to balancing historically polarised approaches, this research concludes that Australian university research positioning, while expressed in terms of uniqueness and difference, converges upon common aims and approaches and demonstrates a clear lack of diversity. The apparent homogeneity of research positioning across the sector is explained in part through the shortcomings and inherent contradictions within the mission-based compact program's design and implementation, and is also a product of the interaction between the sector funding model and isomorphism in institutional approaches to competitive resource seeking. However, and importantly, the observed homogeneity is also explained by selective narrative construction by universities, which serve various purposes and act to obscure intra-institutional complexity and what is argued to be significant internal diversity. This internal diversity has considerable implications for seeking diversity at the level of institutions through policy or programs, and indeed for observing for it in research.

This study investigates Russian White émigré collaboration with National Socialist Germany and the participation of Russian military exiles in the war against the USSR in 1941–1945. The main organisation that supplied volunteers from the émigré milieu for the Wehrmacht was the Russian All-Military Union (ROVS). The majority of officers held 'defeatist' views, which entailed continuing the struggle against the Bolsheviks by any means necessary, even by enlisting in a foreign army. The exiles, although united ideologically by broadly understood Russian nationalism, did not establish one single, clear-cut political solution for a future 'liberated Russia.' The study briefly investigates ROVS in the interwar period, gives an overview of the worldview of ROVS members and evaluates the relationship between Hitler's Germany and ROVS. This thesis assesses the émigrés volunteering for service, as well as their activities and expectations during the Second World War and shortly after it.This study demonstrates that the vanquished side attempted to 'replay' the Russian Civil War against the background of the new world conflict. The conservative worldview of former Russian officers who went to the USSR is explained and analysed within the context of the German occupation policies. The émigré volunteers who served in the Wehrmacht were aligned with German anti-Bolshevism and anti-Semitic objectives. Yet, unlike other foreign volunteers in the Wehrmacht, they considered themselves Russian nationalists and ignored the anti-Slavic racial dimension to German policy. The émigrés generally empathised with the local population (defined as Orthodox Russians and excluding Russian Jews) and sought to aid them. The exiles mostly understood their role as that of a mediator between the occupants and the occupied. After the war, ROVS members redefined their role in the war as something separate from Nazi ideology. Émigré volunteers were thoroughly distinct from all the other foreign contingents: if the latter fought against 'Russian Bolshevism' and Russians per se, the former were heavily invested in the illusion that they could separate the two and, with the Germans as their allies, achieve an independent, nationalistic Russia.

This critical action research study with Iranian nursing students examines how the innovative use of formative assessment changed the nature of learning and teaching in an academic writing class over the summer of 2012. The study draws on three sets of literature, namely critical academic writing, democratic systems of assessment including critical testing, and critical emotion theories to examine how the participants experience formative assessment, the impact of formative assessment on their writing development and on their attitudes towards and perceptions of assessment, teaching and learning academic writing and teaching and learning in general.Drawing on the analysis of varied sources of data, including lesson plans, the writing samples and the narratives of the 12 participants including myself, the research findings show that the use of formative assessment went beyond merely forming and informing learning and teaching including the associated assessment processes, to re-forming and transforming them. The findings also suggest that, besides key characteristics of formative assessment enumerated in the literature, there are other contributing factors to the complexity of assessment, as a situated and power-oriented process, and accordingly to teaching and learning academic writing. The findings reveal the complexity of participants' responses to the program, partly shaped and re-shaped by the comfort and discomfort associated with the past experiences and by the development of ‗critical hope'. The praxis of formative assessment demands that learners and teachers acknowledge and embrace the role of power and emotion through dialogic reflectivity and criticality. It also demands a close attention to time and the interplay of the past, present and future which shape and re-shape the context and the participant's experience in this context. The findings from this study demonstrates that attending to power, emotion and time opens up productive ways to teaching and assessing academic writing.

This thesis traces the origins and evolution of the ideas and concepts associated with the revolution in military affairs (RMA) with Chinese characteristics. More specifically, it identifies the group of RMA enthusiasts, tracing their patterns of activities, identifying their communication platforms and channels of influence, and examining their long-term impact on the RMA and ideas associated with it.It argues that from 1980 to 2002, the policy ideas created and advanced by this RMA epistemic community (RMA EC) were crucial in defining PLA conceptions of the RMA. In the early 1980s, they contributed to the reassessing of the international security environment and shaped the Chinese leadership's threat perception which eventually led to the shift of PLA strategic thought from preparing for imminent all-out war to peacetime army building. They also advocated a holistic, forward-looking approach to defence studies. In the mid-1980s, they proposed major PLA-wide future war studies initiatives, which resulted in introducing the concepts of local war and high-tech wars into the PLA. This eventually led to the strategy of 'local war under high-tech conditions', announced in 1993. In the 1990s, they kept expanding the RMA EC and engaged with military regions and group armies, disseminated their future high-tech war ideas to combat units and helping them create operational concepts. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, they played a leading role in identifying the information aspect of warfare as the key of future high-tech wars. This made a significant contribution to updating the PLA's strategic outlook from 'local war under high-tech conditions' to 'local war under conditions of informationisation'. Moreover, they were among the first to introduce foreign advanced training methods such as computer simulation, realistic combat training and base-ised combat training. In sum, the RMA EC played a leading role in introducing foreign military ideas and adapting them to Chinese contexts, which eventually defined the RMA with Chinese characteristics.

In the historiography of both the Great War and military medicine, facial wounds (and subsequent disfigurement) are generally portrayed as the 'most piteous' of war wounds. Largely through a misconception that medical treatment was rudimentary at this time and men were left so disfigured they could only lead tragic lives, this portrayal has precluded an encompassing study of facially wounded Great War soldiers. This thesis aims to address this historical imbalance by examining the innovations made in maxillofacial (jaw and face) surgery during the period and investigating the post-war lives of disfigured British and Dominion veterans. Despite being a relatively new specialisation in the Western World, maxillofacial surgery produced unprecedented results during the Great War and the work of the Queen's Hospital in Sidcup, Kent, in the United Kingdom was at the centre of its development. In August 1917, the hospital opened as the centre for the treatment of British Empire soldiers who had sustained facial wounds. This thesis does not aim to be a comparative history across these countries, but a collected history – drawing together the experiences of men who were united by their wounds but who ultimately coped with their disfigured appearances as individuals. Histories of medicine are often written from the perspective of leading medical men and neglect the experience of the patient. While it does examine the role of the surgeon, throughout this thesis the voice of the patient can be clearly heard. The Queen's Hospital forms the nexus from which to examine the experiences of facially wounded men from the battlefield, during treatment at the hospital, and on to their post-war lives. In doing so, it becomes apparent that the treatment available was far from rudimentary, and this thesis argues that while some men did struggle in their post-war life, many more found the resilience to surmount the tragedy seemingly inherent in their wounds.

Unexpected Turbulence is a feminist, multidisciplinary study of women in non-traditional occupations. Using Australian Defence Force (ADF) pilots as a 'case', the research examines factors impacting women's selection of a flying career; identifies the gender-based barriers and challenges women pilots face through different career stages; and delivers a model for increasing women's representation in non-traditional fields. The analysis draws on seventy-five semi-structured interviews and twelve focus group discussions designed to capture women and girls' experiences in and perceptions of civilian and military piloting careers. The study also encompasses valuable practical and theoretical insights from delivering, within the ADF, a targeted implementation strategy to mitigate the numerous challenges identified throughout the research. This thesis contends that ADF women pilots face pervasive and sometimes insurmountable gender-based hurdles, both structural and cultural, at every career stage. These barriers are primarily borne from women's extremely low numerical representation and the hegemonic masculinity found within military flying. Women's lack of critical mass in this highly masculinised occupation presents some difficult choices between isolationism and adopting the dominant male paradigm. In seeking a way forward, the study highlights several essential elements in analysing and responding to the challenges faced by women in non-traditional occupations; including the value of applying a feminist lens to each research and reform stage and maintaining an occupational (not organisational) focus. The research also demonstrates the criticality of addressing both supply (choice) and demand (power) factors impacting women's choices, attitudes and experiences and translating those insights into a comprehensive strategy for delivering occupational reform. The study makes a number of significant contributions, such as extending current theoretical frameworks pertaining to gendered occupations and locating ADF women pilots as 'case' within these frameworks. Most importantly, the study also introduces an original concept called 'occupational feminism' and an applied diversity reform model called 'Feminist Occupational Intervention'; each of which has the potential to be applied more broadly in both academic research and organisations and/or industries. Occupational feminism provides a framework for bridging feminist research and human resource development practice, to significantly improve the way organisations attract, select, train, and retain women in non-traditional occupations.