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Not Available ; Sustainable management of natural resources is key for improved agricultural productivity and better livelihoods for farmers in rainfed regions of the country. Over the years, large number of improved technologies like superior varieties, nutrient management, pest control, cropping system etc. were evolved for major rainfed crops like pulses, oilseeds, cotton and nutritious cereals in different agro ecological situations in the country. Application of these technologies resulted in significantly higher yields at research stations across the country. But the actual yields realized by the farmers still remain low and this yield gap is a major concern for the Government of India. There are many reasons for the continued yield gap. However, the most important has been the field level constraints in adopting the best technologies and management practices by the farmers for realizing optimum productivity from a given crop or cropping system, as done at the research stations. It is more so in rainfed regions where the growing environment is quite heterogeneous and the risks are enormous in adopting any new technology which requires higher investments. It is therefore important to critically understand the performance of the improved technologies under farmer's conditions and analyze how best to leverage to farmers strengths and overcome the weaknesses in order to bridge the yield gap as much as possible. The production systems research (PSR) under rainfed agro ecosystems of the NATP attempted to address this issue through a farmer participatory on-farm research mode. Network projects were formulated in all the five production systems on major thrust areas like rainwater management, INM, IPM, on-farm varietal testing, post harvest technology and value addition. As a chairman of the Scientific Advisory Panel (SAP), I have been associated with the NATP project with reviewing, approval and monitoring of the sub projects under rainfed agro ecosystem between 1999 to 2004. This was a major effort of on-farm research in more than 200 districts involving nearly 8000 farmers. As a departure from the normal crop demonstrations, these experiments were located in specially identified target districts which have fairly large area under a given production system but lag behind in productivity. This participatory research model was fairly successful in generating useful data on farmers micro farming situations which truly reflects the strength of the technology and its application domain. In addition to identifying and validating nearly 48 technologies in different production systems, the sub projects have also resulted in transferable technologies in the area of post harvest technology and value addition which can be taken up by private entrepreneurs. The project tested successfully a new model of inter institutional research with in built monitoring mechanism which should be main streamed into the research system of the NARS. This completion report eloquently captures all the major events in the implementation of the project covering the project development processes, salient achievements, technology transfer, linkages and impact. I am sure this report will be quite useful to all the stakeholders of rainfed agro ecosystem research in the NARS. I wish to acknowledge the excellent co-operation and efforts of the all my colleagues in the scientific advisory panel (SAP) who played a key role in identification and formulation of relevant research projects in the priority domains. Some of them who were associated for most part of the project implementation and made substantial contribution include Drs.N.G.P.Rao,I.C.Mahapatra, B.K.Soni, N.N.Goswami, S.Bislaiah, R.K.Gupta and S.N.Puri. The agro ecosystem Directors, Dr.Y.S.Ramakrishna, the present Director and Dr.H.P.Singh, the former Director of CRIDA, efficiently implemented the projects at the AED level. Dr.B.Venkateswarlu, Principal Production System Scientist (PPSS) did an excellent job in coordinating the work, organizing the SAP meetings and documentation, which was responsible for good recognition and appreciation of the AED Rainfed by PIU, NATP. Dr.K.P.R.Vittal, former PPSS, played immense role in the project development process by preparing the base documents and putting in place the functional network for different sub projects. I wish to specially acknowledge the cooperation of all the participating farmers and project scientists who contributed to the success of this major project in evaluating, validating and refining various technologies to improve the productivity and sustainability of this stressed ecosystem. I wish to acknowledge and congratulate all those involved in the successful implementation of this unique project. ; Not Available

Not Available ; INTRODUCTION Background and Functional Profile of All India Coordinated Research Project for Dryland Agriculture The Green Revolution in mid sixties, though a boon to Indian agriculture, ushered in era of wide disparity between productivity of irrigated and rainfed agriculture. Alarmed by such a situation, the Fourth Plan (1969-74) specifically emphasized the urgent need for creating circumstances that would enable the hitherto neglected farmers of the dryland to participate meaningfully in the agricultural development process (Fourth Plan, 112p). This socio-economic imbalance led to a serious rethinking on inducting an in-depth network research program to stabilize the performance of the then introduced hybrids of coarse cereals in rainfed region and to moderate the periodic drought related adverse impact on total agricultural productivity. The droughts of mid sixties catalyzed further the process of vigorous efforts in dryland research establishment. The Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) rose to the occasion and formulated a comprehensive program on dryland research. Project Features In1969, the then Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi with strong aim for eradicating poverty evinced keen interest in dryland research and development programs. The dryland research project, originally proposed in 1967, was finally approved in 1969. All India Coordinated Research Project for Dryland Agriculture (AICRPDA) was launched in 1970 by the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) in IV Plan period (vide ICAR letter No. 1-2/69-SC(1)/DF, dated June 18, 1970), in collaboration with the Government of Canada through Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) with Co-ordinating Cell at Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh. The project has seventeen main centers (one Chief Scientist, four Scientists and others totaling twenty two staff), two sub-centers (four scientists and others totaling fourteen staff) and eight operational research projects (three scientists and others totaling seven staff). There are three other centres in the institutes of the council. Apart, there is a co-ordinating cell. The total strength of project staff is more than 550 including more than 130 scientists. These centers are identified based upon moisture index. The main centers were Hisar, Jodhpur, Bellary, Rajkot and Anantapur in Moisture Index 60- 80%; Solapur, Akola, Kovilpatti, Hyderabad, and Varanasi in Moisture Index 40-60%; and Bangalore and Indore in Moisture Index 20-40%. The sub-centers were Udaipur (shifted to Arjia in 1985), Jhansi, Anand and Agra in Moisture Index 40-60%; Bijapur, Rewa, Ludhiana and Samba (Moisture Index 20-40%). The special problem areas were Bhubaneswar, Ranchi and Dehradun. Dehradun was discontinued in April 1985. Later on Anand was shifted to Sardar Krishinagar and Ludhiana to Hoshiarpur to Ballowal-Saunkhri and Samba to Rakh Dhiansar. Bijapur and Rewa were upgraded as main centers. One additional special centre was located at the Indian Agricultural Research Institute (IARI), New Delhi, which was merged, with the Coordinating Cell of the Project later. Faizabad was added as one of the centers in 1985. Bhubaneswar center was shifted to Phulbani in 1996. At present, the project has seventeen centers in State Agricultural Universities, two in technical/ other Universities and three in ICAR institutes. These are Akola, Arjia, Anantapur, Bangalore, Bijapur, Hisar, Ballowal-Saunkhri, Indore, Kovilpatti, Phulbani, Ranchi, Rajkot, Rewa, Sardar Krishinagar, Solapur, Varanasi, Agra, Faizabad, Jammu, Bellary, Jhansi and Jodhpur, Eight of the centers have Operational Research Projects in villages. These are Anantapur, Arjia, Bangalore, Hisar, Ballowal-Saunkhri, Indore, Ranchi and solapur The preamble of the project is "Better Crop With Every Rain Drop". The primary function is to improve and stabilize the crop production capability of dryland farmers towards a reduction of social vulnerability through drought planning. It covers the rainfed agriculture in its entity from arid to sub-humid through semi-arid climates. The project has several unique features compared to other projects. Some are: • Only project to have started with a multi-disciplinary team with Agronomy, Soil Science, Soil Physics, Soil and Water Conservation Engineering, Plant Breeding, Agricultural Engineering etc. disciplines offering back up support to the developmental projects besides testing the technology in farmers' field • With the need for location specific research obligatory due to diversity in natural resources and poverty, theme based systems, research was adopted in major agro climatic regions of the country in place of simple network of type experiments/demonstration adopted in other projects. • Integrated Dryland Development Pilot Projects were started simultaneously and linked with this research network. • Introduction of collaborative on-farm participatory research efforts in the Operational Research Project concept goes to the credit of the project. Self-evaluation is the main thrust for trusted feedback. ; Not Available

An Indian woman in Guatemala has described the experience of her race; we print an extract from her book. I… Rigoberta Menchu is the testimony of a young Guatemalan Indian woman's struggle against the exploitation and repression of her race. It gives a picture of a whole way of life that has been silenced for centuries. Since the Spanish Conquest in the sixteenth century the Indian groups in Guatemala, who make up between 65% and 75% of the population, have not only been denied a share in power and in the decisions affecting their lives and future, but also seen their culture despised when it was not openly attacked, and had the language of their conquerors imposed on their 22 native languages. As a result, the Indians have been forced into the remote corners of the country; but they have also sought to protect the secrets of their traditions and customs from the outside world. In her book, Rigoberta accepts the challenge of informing the outside world, confident that the Indian culture is both valuable and strong. In 1984, the approximately four million descendants of the Mayan Indians are still facing the systematic destruction of their communities. Over the past five years, more than 300 villages have been destroyed, and as many as 15,000 Indians killed in massacres carried out by the army in the name of an anti-guerrilla war. In the mid-seventies, mineral and oil deposits were found in the northern highlands of Guatemala, where the Indians had previously been protected by the fact that the lands were regarded as unproductive. Now it is being hailed as the 'new frontier', the key to Guatemala's economic future. Successive military regimes have imposed colonisation schemes to drive the Indians off the land. Where they have resisted, open terror has been used against them. Such unrelenting pressure on Indian lands is one of the factors that has led many Indians to begin in recent years to sympathise with Guatemala's armed opposition groups. Another may be the realisation, by 1980, that peaceful forms of protest against landowners and exploitation did not work. In May 1978, a peaceful demonstration by Kekchi Indians in Panzós, Alta Verapaz, was fired on by soldiers with a toll of 100 dead. This, and the Spanish Embassy massacre of 31 January 1980, when 39 people including Rigoberta's father and 22 other Indians were killed by security forces during a peaceful occupation of the building, seems to have been a turning point for Indian involvement in active opposition to the military government, adding a new political consciousness to the desire for survival. The military response has been escalating repression, seemingly deciding that 'by definition, all Indians are guerrillas and must be killed' ("Survival International, Witness to Genocide, 1983 p 13). Rigoberta's book gives a first-hand account of these atrocities, in which she has lost her mother, father, and one of her brothers. It also traces her growing realisation that the Indians' linguistic isolation and lack of familiarity with the practices of the dominant ladino (mixed race) culture in Guatemala compound her people's humiliation. Time and again she witnesses the impotence brought on by their inability to communicate in this oppressive world: ladino lawyers and interpreters pretend to help the Indians in the law courts but really deceive them, the Land Transformation Institute tricks them into signing papers they don't understand which leads them to forfeit their lands to the big landowners. They are tricked out of money in the markets, bullied in domestic service in the towns, exploited in near slave conditions on the sugar, coffee and cotton plantations of the coast. Rigoberta's anger is fuelled by her growing awareness of the precarious nature of the Indians' lives. If they do not die from malnutrition as children, they die as young adults from overwork and disease, or suffer harassment, torture and death at the hands of the enemy. Rigoberta takes a decisive step when she decides she must learn Spanish: 'They've always said: poor Indians, they can't speak, so we must speak for them. I told myself, I must learn to speak Spanish so that we don't need intermediaries.' Her intention is not to assimilate the ladino culture but to fight it. She is not advocating a racial struggle but recognition for her people and their basic rights: enough land to grow food on, the acceptance of their culture as different and valid, and the freedom to promote literacy and the oral traditions of Guatemala not only in Spanish but also in Quiché, Cakchiquel. Mam and any other of the 22 native languages.

This case, instituted by the United States on November 29, 1979, by means of a unilateral Application under Article 40 of the Statute of the Court and Article 38 of the Rules of Court, relates to the takeover of the American Embassy in Tehran and the American Consulates in Tabriz and Shiraz and the detention as hostages of some 50 Americans by so-called militants. According to one doctrine of the justiciability of disputes, it would be difficult to imagine a more tension-laden and therefore non-justiciable dispute, considering that, as contended by the United States both in the Application and the Request of November 29, 1979, for the indication of provisional measures under Article 41 of the Court's Statute and Articles 73 and 74 of the Rules of Court, the Iranian Government was involved in the takeover and continues to be involved in the detention of the hostages. The circumstances, which in the view of the United States required the indication of provisional measures, were summarized by the Court in paragraph 34 of its Order of December 15, 1979, as follows:
(i)On 4 November 1979, in the course of a demonstration outside the United States Embassy compound in Tehran, demonstrators attacked the Embassy premises; no Iranian security forces intervened or were sent to relieve the situation, despite repeated calls for help from the Embassy to the Iranian authorities. Ultimately the whole of the Embassy premises was invaded. The Embassy personnel, including consular and non-American staff, and visitors who were present in the Embassy at the time were seized. Shortly afterwards, according to the United States Government, its consulates in Tabriz and Shiraz, which had been attacked earlier in 1979, were also seized, without any action being taken to prevent it;(ii)Since that time, the premises of the United States Embassy in Tehran, and of the consulates in Tabriz and Shiraz, have remained in the hands of the persons who seized them. These persons have ransacked the archives and documents both of the diplomatic mission and of its consular section. The Embassy personnel and other persons seized at the time of the attack have been held hostage with the exception of 13 persons released on 18 and 20 November 1979. Those holding the hostages have refused to release them, save on condition of the fulfilment by the United States of various demands regarded by it as unacceptable. The hostages are stated to have frequently been bound, blindfolded, and subjected to severe discomfort, complete isolation and threats that they would be put on trial or even put to death. The United States Government affirms that it has reason to believe that some of them may have been transferred to other places of confinement;(iii)The Government of the United States considers that not merely has the Iranian Government failed to prevent the events described above, but also that there is clear evidence of its complicity in, and approval of, those events;(iv)The persons held hostage in the premises of the United States Embassy in Tehran include, according to the information furnished to the Court by the Agent of the United States, at least 28 persons having the status, duly recognized by the Government of Iran, of "member of the diplomatic staff" within the meaning of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961; at least 20 persons having the status, similarly recognized, of "members of the administrative and technical staff' within the meaning of that Convention; and two other persons of United States nationality not possessing either diplomatic or consular status. Of the persons with the status of member of the diplomatic staff, four are members of the Consular Section of the Embassy;(v)In addition to the persons held hostage in the premises of the Tehran Embassy, the United States Charge d'Affaires in Iran and two other United States diplomatic agents are detained in the premises of the Iranian Ministry for Foreign Affairs, in circumstances which the Government of the United States has not been able to make entirely clear, but which apparently involve restriction of their freedom of movement, and a threat to their inviolability as diplomats.

Introduction In this study graduates who entered the master's program in adult education at Federal City College without the undergraduate degree were compared with graduates who entered the program with the undergraduate degree to determine why the students entered the program, what the students brought to the program, how the students performed in the program, and how they were affected by the program. The population was 130 students who graduated between June 1970 and June 1974. Fifty-three were non-degree students and seventy-seven were degree students. The Master of Arts in Adult Education Program was initially a staff development activity for the Adult Education Demonstration Center faculty and staff. The project was sub-contracted to Federal City College and became the first graduate program in adult education in the United States to admit participants who did not have the undergraduate degree. Procedures Selected strategies of grounded theory and field research were used to inductively generate theories about the program and its graduates. Interviews, conversations, personal correspondence, a questionnaire, and the Adult Education Department's application forms and reference letters were used as primary sources. Secondary sources were the college catalog and brochures, the program proposal, departmental evaluation reports and grade rosters. Student documents were perused to collect data on the sex, degree status, ethnic background, age and marital status. After significant similarities emerged concerning the locale of post-secondary education experiences, the nature of undergraduate preparation, the nature of adult education experiences, and student motivation, a questionnaire was structured to further validate data collected. The information that was solicited on the questionnaire included the date and place of high school graduation, past and present employment, reasons for enrollment, prior adult experiences, reactions to program involvements, student and non-student roles, socio-economic/ educational advancements, and organizational affiliations. Fifty-eight students responded to the questionnaire. Thirty were degree students; twenty-eight were non-degree students. Twenty-five were female and thirty-three were male. The graduates' responses were compared initially within the program of study under which they entered during the Spring 1969, Spring 1970 or Winter 1971 quarter. The three groups of non-degree students were furthered compared with the three groups of degree students. Findings The findings were as follows: 1. The non-degree student was older than the degree student; the median ages were thirty-eight for the non-degree student and thirty-two for the degree student. 2. There were no apparent differences between the degree and non-degree students based on sex. 3. A larger percentage of the non-degree students were married. 4. Teaching was the experience most degree students had had working with adults; the majority of the non-degree students had worked with adults as community workers. 5. Both groups of students had equal involvement with adults as program developers and program directors. 6. Military and on-the-job training provided the specialized training and experiences that allowed many non-degree students to qualify for admission to the program. 7. Family responsibilities were obstacles for two-thirds of the graduates. 8. The degree had improved the income and provided professional flexibility for ninety percent of the graduates. 9. Twenty of the fifty-eight respondents had applied and/or had been admitted to doctoral programs. Seven were non-degree graduates and thirteen were degree graduates. Four graduates completed second master's. 10. The non-degree students received slightly better grades in two of the courses. 11. The master's degree fostered upward mobility. 12. The master's degree provided the opportunity for second careers. Theories The study generated the following theories which may be tested in future studies: 1. The master's degree student who has no undergraduate degree but has had experiences teaching, counseling, developing or administering programs or providing support services for adults can successfully complete a degree program. 2. The differences in the non-degree and degree students cannot be related to sex, locale of post-secondary educational experiences, nature of undergraduate training and academic achievement. 3. The agencies of the federal and local governments as well as business and private industry provide non-collegiate learning experiences in specialized fields comparable to the baccalaureate degree. 4. Vocational motivation is a greater incentive for the completion of the degree than social motivation. ; ED. D.

Proceedings contain: Introductory Note by Kurt W. Back, John P. Robinson, & Philip Harding; the AAPOR Award presented "For Exceptionally Distinguished Achievement" to Jean Stoetzel, President of the French Institut of PO; Presidential Address on "Public Opinion Research as Communication," by W. Phillps Davison, President, Amer Assoc for PO Res; Abstracts of 22 papers presented; summaries of 13 Luncheon Open Discussion Groups; & a note on the Annual Advisory AAPOR Business Meeting. Papers presented were: PUBLIC OPINION IN PERSPECTIVE, Chairman: W. Phillips Davison (Columbia U, New York, NY): Harold D. Lasswell (City U of New York, NY), "Communications Research and Public Policy," Public Opinion Quarterly, 1972, 36, 3, Fall, 301 -- 310. Discussion by Daniel Lerner (Mass Instit of Technology, Cambridge). EFFECTS OF TELEVISION ON SOCIAL AND POLITICAL BEHAVIOR, Chairman: Harold Mendelsohn (U of Denver, Colo); Harold Mendelsohn, "Some Reasons Why Information Campaigns Can Succeed;" Sidney Kraus (U of Massachusetts, Amherst), "Mass Communication and Political Behavior: A Reassessment of Two Decades of Research." HAVE WE CHANGED OUR MINDS ABOUT PROBABILITY SAMPLING? Chairman: Alfred E. Goldman (Nat'l Analysts, Inc): Sydney Roslow & Laurence Roslow (Baruch Coll, City U of New York, NY), "Sample Design: 36-Inch or 24-Inch Yardstick;" Richard Maisel (New York U, NY), "Inference from Nonprobability Samples." ADVERTISING AND MASS COMMUNICATIONS: POLICIES AND PERSPECTIVES, Chairman: Donald L. Kanter (U of Southern California, Los Angeles): John G. Myers (U of California, Berkeley), "Communication Models and Advertising Regulation;" Donald L. Kanter (U of Southern California, Los Angeles), "Government Policy and Public Service Advertising." WAPOR: INTERACTION OF RESEARCH AND GOVERNMENT POLICY, Chairman: Kurt W. Back (Duke U, Winston-Salem, NC): J. Timothy Sprehe, "Prospects for a World Fertility Survey;" Discussion: Samuel Baum (Bur of the Census, Washington, DC), David Mutchler (Aid to Internat'l Development, Washington, DC), & Michael Hoffman (Marcomer, Paris). LARGE-SCALE CONTINUING STUDIES IN EDUCATION, Chairman: Eugene L. Hartley (U of Wisconsin, Green Bay): Thomas P. Hogan (U of Wisconsin, Green Bay), "The Extent and Uses of Survey-Type Testing in American Schools;" David E. Drew (Amer Council on Educ), "Survey of Current Research in Higher Education." THE OBJECTIVITY OF NEWS COVERAGE, Chairman: Leo Bogart (Bur of Advertising, ANPA): G. Ray Funkhouser (Pennsylvania State U, University Park), "All I Know Is What I See in the Media;" Ben H. Bagdikian (Washington Post, DC), "Who Shall Watch the Watchman?"; Norman E. Isaacs (Columbia U, New York, NY), "Does News Form Overpower News Content." THE EUROPEAN ORIGINS OF PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH: A PANEL DISCUSSION, Panelists: Paul F. Lazarsfeld (Columbia U, New York, NY), Jean Stoetzel (Instit Framcais d'Opinion Publique, Paris); Albert E. Gollin (Bur of Soc Sci Res), & Gillian M. Lindt (American U, Washington, DC), "Signposts Along the Way: On Some European Origins of Public Opinion Research." WAPOR: RESEARCH ON FAMILY PLANNING, Chairman: Kurt W. Back (Duke U, Winston-Salem, NC): Ismail Sirageldin (Johns Hopkins U, Baltimore, Md), "The Survey Method in Family Planning Research and Evaluation: The Case of Pakistan." THE CHANGING BASES OF ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR, Chairman: Robert Agranoff (Northern Ill U, Normal): Everett C. Ladd Jr (U of Connecticut, Storrs, "Political Issues and Differentiation of the Citizenry Parties;" Charles H. Backstrom (U of Minnesota, Minneapolis), "Congress and the Public Opinion: How Representative Is the One of the Other?" CORPORATE TRACKING SYSTEMS FOR MANAGEMENT DECISIONS, Chairman: Sol Dutka (Audits & Surveys Inc), Malcolm A. McNiven (Coca-Cola Co), "Continuing Consumer Research at Coca-Cola USA;" Nicholas J. Mammana (AT & T), "Teeing Off on Tracking;" Robert W. Pratt, Jr & David T. Case (General Electric Co), "The Application of Tracking Data to Strategic Planning." SIMULATION GAME DEMONSTRATION: STARPOWER, Chairman: Arlene & Daniel O'Leary (Simulation Learning Instit): CHANGING VALUES IN AMERICA, Chairman: Ralph K. White (George Washington U, Washington, DC): "Contrasting Approaches to the Measurement of Values;" Milton Rokeach (U of Western Ontario, London), "Values in American Society." THE PROBLEM OF DRUG ABUSE: RESEARCH AND POLICY NEEDS, Chairman: Mitchell Balter Psychopharmacology Res Branch, NIMH), & A. John Rush (Special Action Office for Drug Abuse Prevention), "A View from the Public Sector." This abstract is being presented in 2 Parts. Additional contribution are in the abstract that follows. M. Maxfield.

El artículo examina la evolución de las sexualidades en la Argentina en el contexto de los cambios sociales y culturales ocurridos durante el siglo pasado y las grandes transformaciones de la última década. Durante gran parte del siglo XX la medicina, la psiquiatría y el imaginario común condenaron como patología la homosexualidad. La homofobia tuvo algunos desplazamientos durante el peronismo, pero los Edictos Policiales, que fueron normas inconstitucionales creadas por la propia policía, reprimían el ejercicio de la homosexualidad. El movimiento por los derechos de las personas gay surgió a fines de la década de 1960, pero sufrió los embates de la feroz dictadura militar (1976-1983). El regreso a la democracia pudo extenderse la agencia con la acción de diversos grupos de activistas, y la epidemia HIV/SIDA fue decisiva para su visibilidad. Por su parte, las manifestaciones de las mujeres lesbianas, aunque aparecidas también en la década 1960, fueron más tímidas en su expresión y por lo general se incorporaron al propio movimiento feminista y al activismo gay. Las personas trans e intersexuales solo pudieron formar colectivos a mediados de la década de 1990 con muchas mayores dificultades para el reconocimiento. Los cambios fundamentales, y poco previstos, ocurrieron en la última década, cuando la Argentina sancionó las dos principales reformas, la ley que autoriza el casamiento de las personas del mismo sexo y la ley de identidad de género que da garantías de completa igualdad civil a las personas según la identidad de género y sexualidad que manifiesten. ; The article examines the evolution of sexualities in Argentina, in the context of social and cultural changes during the past century and the great transformations of the past decade. For much of the twentieth century, medicine, psychiatry and common imaginary condemned homosexuality as pathology. Homophobia had some changes during the Peronist regime, but the "police edicts" were unconstitutional rules created by the police itself, and it was very common gay persecution, especially during dictatorships. The movement for the rights of gay people emerged in the late 1960s but suffered the brunt of the military dictatorship (1976-1983). With the resumption of democracy could extend rights agency by the action of various activist groups, and the HIV/AIDS epidemic was decisive for its visibility. Meanwhile, demonstrations of lesbians also appeared in the early 1960s, but they were more timid in their expressions and usually joined the feminist movement itself and gay activism. The trans and intersex people were able to form groups in the mid 1990s with many more difficulties for recognition. Fundamental and unforeseen changes occurred in the last decade, when Argentina sanctioned two main reforms, the law authorizing the marriage of persons of the same sex, and the gender identity law that guarantees full civil equality to people according to gender identity and sexuality declared. ; O artigo examina a evolução das sexualidades na Argentina no contexto das mudanças sociais e culturais do século passado e as grandes transformações da última década. Durante grande parte do século XX, a medicina, a psiquiatria e o imaginário social, condenaram a homossexualidade como uma patologia. A homofobia teve algumas modifcações durante o regime peronista, mas os "decretos da polícia", que eram inconstitucionais pois tratavam-se de normas criadas pela própria polícia, reprimiram a homossexualidade. O movimento pelos direitos dos homossexuais surgiu na década de 1960, mas sofreu o impacto da ditadura militar (1976-1983). Com a retomada da democracia pôde se estender a agência de vários grupos ativistas e foi muito importante para a sua visibilidade a epidemia de HIV/AIDS. As manifestações das mulheres lésbicas- aparecidas também na década de 1960- foram mais tímidas, geralmente ligadas ao ativismo gay e ao movimento feminista. As pessoas trans e intersexuais não foram capazes de formar grupos senão até meados da década de 1990, tendo muitas mais dificuldades para o reconhecimento. Mudanças notáveis ocorreram na última década, com duas reformas civis: a lei que autoriza o casamento entre pessoas do mesmo sexo, e a lei de identidade sexual e de gênero que dá garantias de igualdade civil plena às pessoas, de acordo com o gênero e a sexualidade que elas manifestam. ; Fil: Barrancos, Dora Beatriz. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

SummaryIt is clear that the Australian labour movement did not subscribe to any identifiable political ideology, did not blue‐print a grand master‐plan, the application of which eventuated in the complex arrangements of industrial control and the establishment of the national minimum wage. More in character would be the proposition that labour deployed its scarce resources at the points most likely to yield the greatest short‐term rewards. It was logical, for instance, given enhanced political power, to concentrate effort on raising wages and improving conditions in government employment; but equally the campaign was an expedient devised to remedy obvious malpractices of sub‐contractors. Labour's policies may be thought of more as a series of short‐term expediences evolved as experience taught, rather than a continuum of inter‐related policies being part of a preconceived plan of action. Economic and political conditions mostly dictated the pace and direction of change: labour mostly capitalized on opportunities as they occurred.In the process, however, the Australian labour movement inadvertently helped to carve out for itself, and for Australia, the most complete system of state regulated industrial control outside the present day socialist countries. It became socially acceptable for governments to set standards of work, to specify and enforce a pattern of social conditions matching the rigours of an abstract concept of social justice. In the name of settling industrial disputes pacifically, governments assumed the role, or were given the task, of enforcing a wage structure which assumed a parity of power between the two sides of industry, and particularly postulated a 'living wage' based at least ostensibly on a criterion of social welfare as distinct from one of industrial capacity.Ultimately, it is with the latter consideration we are most concerned, for the 'living wage' formed the conceptial basis of the Harvester judgment and the national minimum wage. The tactics employed by the labour movement to raise wages required continual harping on the standard of living; the iniquity of a wages system tolerating a level of income for the unskilled which a consensus of opinion owned to be socially undesirable. Though labour's indignation of a bricklayer's getting 8 shillings a day when he 'rightfully' deserved 10 shillings was of measure equal to that of labourers' receiving less than a subsistence wage, public concern was the greater for 'a man, wife and three children' living on 30 shillings a week. Moreover, whilst in the 1900s tradesmen generally regained union rates, oversupply in the labour market kept those of the unskilled at a markedly and obviously lower level than in the decades of prosperity.Labour's policy as we have seen, operated to involve governments directly in redressing power relativities in industrial affairs, and to the fashioning of institutions through which government authority could function. Of equal importance was the cumulative product of campaigns conducted to make these institutions social, political and legal realities. The mechanism developed to meet such needs is interesting and merits careful exposition: but more interesting possibly is the impact of publicity in conditioning society to approve state action guaranteeing a minimum wage for every Australian.We cannot here attempt to analyze the cause or direction of shifts in public sentiment. We need to note, nonetheless, that labour's policies served to focus the spotlight of public concern on a set of 'injustice' which few could avoid recognizing. Labour spelled out the premises and little effort on the part of the general public was needed to draw logical conclusions. For more than a decade and a half, with but one brief respite, Australia experienced conditions of high unemployment. And for more than a decade and a half there occurred an unbroken series of 'monster demonstrations', protest meetings, well‐publicized deputations to governments, rallies of the unemployed, 'revelations' at industrial arbitration hearings, exposés by the Anti‐Sweating League, social‐welfare orientated parliamentary debates—the whole drawing attention to and eliciting sympathy for 'the unskilled labourer'. Understandably the Bulletinconcluded: 'The public has had "living wage" so much dinned into its ear that it has come to regard a bare "living wage" as the proper wage for a working man to get.'43If we couple this public acceptance of society's obligation to guarantee the working man a 'living wage' with the imperative that government ought to ensure industrial tranquillity, judgment when he did, where he did and why it was received with so little disapprobation.

Today marks a solemn anniversary in Brazil: 60 years ago, the Brazilian military seized power from the government of João Goulart, marking the start of over two decades of military rule. Brazil's 2014 Truth Commission report is the country's only formal investigation into this period of dictatorial rule. The commission's 2,000-page report revealed some grisly details of the dictatorship's human rights abuses, identified over 400 individuals killed by the military, and shed light on Brazil's role in destabilizing other Latin American countries.To assist with the Truth Commission, then-Vice President Joe Biden hand-delivered declassified State Department records to former Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff — who herself had been imprisoned and tortured by the military regime. The records offered details about the dictatorship and Washington's enabling of abuses, including a cable from former Ambassador to Brazil William Rountree arguing that condemning the regime's human rights "excesses" would be "counterproductive." Biden's delivery of the declassified records was symbolic, since the U.S. had supported the coup. The U.S. solidified its support for the putschists the year prior, drew up plans for a U.S. invasion if deemed necessary, and sent a naval task force to Brazil to support the military plotters. In the end, direct U.S. involvement wasn't needed — Goulart fled to Uruguay by April 4. The coup was carried out by Brazil's generals, but Washington celebrated it as a victory for its interests nonetheless. On the one hand, U.S. support for the coup laid bare the hypocrisy of America's supposed commitment to sovereignty and democracy. Gone was the Kennedy administration's promise to reject a "Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war." The Cold War logic of siding with anti-communist dictators for the purpose of defeating the Soviet Union prevailed. Washington may have lost China, but it won Brazil — or so the thinking went. However, even the most cynical arguments for aligning with undemocratic regimes for a strategic purpose often failed to bear fruit, given that many of these regimes departed from U.S. policy on key issues. Many historians of the U.S.-Brazil relationship contend that during this period their ties at times more closely resembled rivals rather than close partners. Rubens Ricupero, a former diplomat and minister of finance of Brazil, writes that, "Little by little, doubts turn[ed] into disappointment, and this le[d] to gradual disengagement in relation to the regime they had helped to create."When it first took power, Brazil's military dictatorship closely followed Washington's lead. Goulart was out, as was his "Independent Foreign Policy," a non-alignment stance that emphasized self-determination, decolonization, and non-intervention, devised by the ousted president's predecessor, Janio Quadros. In line with Washington's desires, the dictatorship, which rotated through five different military general-presidents between 1964 and 1985, broke off relations with Cuba and even assisted the U.S. in its occupation of the Dominican Republic in 1965.Washington also saw Brazil as a key ideological partner in destabilizing leftist regimes across Latin America. As one Brazilian general put it, the United States wanted Brazil "to do the dirty work." And it did. Most prominently, the Brazilian regime played a critical role in the overthrow of the democratically-elected government of Salvador Allende in Chile,. even secretly bringing members of the Chilean military to Brazil to discuss the potential coup. Brazil under the generals also participated in Operation Condor, the secret cooperation of right-wing military dictatorships in much of Latin America to assassinate, or "disappear" perceived leftists and other dissidents during the 1970s.Over time, the Brazilian regime's alignment with the U.S. waned and tensions bubbled up. Dr. Luiz Alberto Moniz Bandeira writes in his book "Brazil-United States: An Emerging Rivalry," that "automatic alignment with State Department guidelines could no longer continue for long, as it no longer effectively corresponded to the national interests of a developing country that aspired to become a power." Despite the fact that the U.S. wanted the benefits of outsourcing its dirty work, it was not willing to accept the consequences that came with greater military autonomy for Brazil. Dr. Eduardo Svartman, a political science professor at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, told Responsible Statecraft that one early issue that emerged was over Brazil's request for F-5 fighter jets."In the eyes of American politicians, if the great threat in Latin America was communist insurgents, there was no point to sell or transfer modern supersonic fighter jets to Latin American countries when helicopters would do the job much better," Svartman said. The Brazilian government disagreed, believing it was important to have a modern military in order to project power in South America. The generals accordingly grew more reliant on Europe, buying several Mirage fighter aircrafts from France. They eventually pushed the F-5 sale through several years later, but it was an early lesson that the U.S. may not be their most reliable partner. Though the U.S. remained an important supplier of critical components for Brazil's burgeoning national arms industry, Brazil's supply of U.S.-made arms imports decreased from 92% to 14% of its total arsenal over the course of the dictatorship. The U.S. also grew frustrated with Brazil's move towards positions associated with the non-aligned movement. Though Brazil was never a full member of the movement, in the early 1970s, it supported the decolonization of the Lusophone countries in Africa, emphasized non-intervention, and recognized the MPLA in Angola. Elements of the Independent Brazilian Foreign Policy had returned. Perhaps the biggest source of tension between the U.S. and Brazil was over the development of a nuclear program. Brazil refused to join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, arguing that nuclear technology was vital for its development. After the U.S. suspended the supply of enriched uranium for Brazil's research reactors, the regime turned to West Germany and negotiated a major nuclear agreement in 1975.In an internal report, the CIA claimed that Brazil's nuclear ambitions posed a "fundamental challenge" to U.S.-Brazil relations. Without informing the Brazilians, newly-elected Vice President Walter Mondale tried to lobby the German government to cancel the agreement. Washington also grew frustrated with the generals' authoritarianism and human rights abuses. The regime passed a series of "institutional acts" — the first of which came just days after the coup — that gave them sweeping powers, including suspending the rights of opposition leaders and power to declare a recess in Congress. Ricupero writes that "with each new attack on the legal order or violation of rights, the embassy in Rio de Janeiro was forced into dialectical contortions to calm the State Department's unrest." Pressure on rising authoritarianism and the nuclear issue came to a head during the Carter administration, which applied human rights as a criteria for military assistance more directly. After the Carter State Department criticized Brazil for its human rights abuses in 1977, the Brazilian government retaliated by suspending the Joint Military Commission between the U.S. and Brazil, its Naval Mission, and a long-standing bilateral military accord. According to Washington's then-ambassador to Brasilia, Robert Sayre, "U.S.-Brazil relations just went to pieces."Despite a brief rapprochement with the election of Ronald Reagan as president in 1980, Brazil became critical of Washington's revival of more interventionist policies under his administration. Washington's decision to side with Britain against neighboring Argentina during the Falklands/Malvinas War in 1982 confirmed Brazilian suspicions that the U.S. was not a reliable partner. For the first time ever, "the hypothesis of war with the United States became an object of study in the Armed Forces," writes Bandeira.Brazil also opposed the so-called Reagan Doctrine, which sought to overthrow leftist governments in Central America and southern Africa. The U.S. had become not just a distant partner but something altogether new: an emerging rival. Many of these disputes between the two countries remained well into the period of democratization that began in 1985. There is a lot that is still unknown about this chapter in Brazil's history, and the U.S.' relationship to the military regime. Peter Kornbluh, a senior analyst at the National Security Archive who also served as the liaison between the U.S. and Brazilian governments for the Truth Commission, estimates there are still thousands of records that remain classified, including many sensitive records from the CIA and the Department of Defense. "[T]he degree to which the United States is sitting on documentation about repression in Brazil is the degree to which the United States is not assisting Brazilian society in reminding itself about the horrors of what happened behind closed doors in secret detention centers," Kornbluh told Responsible Statecraft.To start, President Biden could honor a request from 16 Brazilian civil society organizations to declassify these records. The groups' appeal states that declassification would "provide valuable information about human rights violations committed during the Brazilian dictatorship and clarify the degree of the United States' involvement in or knowledge of these events. This act of transparency would also strengthen the foundations of the U.S.-America relationship, fostering trust and collaboration on important issues such as human rights, democracy, and regional stability." The Luiz Inácio "Lula" da SiIva government is unlikely to formally request these documents from Biden himself. In an effort to appease leaders of the Brazilian Armed Forces who still hold the 21-year dictatorship in high regard, Lula controversially canceled all formal demonstrations of the 60th anniversary. But even without an official commemoration, millions of Brazilians from Manaus in the Amazon to Florianopolis in the far south are organizing demonstrations to send a message of "dictatorship never again."

Por medio de la Investigación Acción Participación se sistematiza la articulación de un movimiento social local que afrontó luchas globales en contra de los macroproyectos, por la usurpación del recurso agua y defensa de ecosistemas frágiles que se veían afectados por la Ampliación del Acueducto del Área Metropolitana de Bucaramanga. El movimiento se originó en la localidad de Piedecuesta (Santander, Colombia) y como una red (Cohen & Arato, 2000; Melucci, 2002) se extendió por diferentes nodos, a los municipios de Guaca, Tona y el Área Metropolitana de Bucaramanga. Para este caso concreto del Movimiento Defensores del Agua, se aplica lo teorizado por Cohen y Arato (2000) en la reconstrucción de la sociedad civil, y es utilizar dos de los grandes paradigmas de los movimientos sociales, el de la movilización de recursos y el de los "nuevos movimientos sociales", para de esta manera hacer más comprensible los movimientos sociales contemporáneos. El marco de acción de la lucha del Movimiento Defensores del Agua se da dentro de la Constitución de 1991, donde se postula un Estado Social de Derecho inmerso en Economía de Mercado (Jiménez, 2008); de allí se desprende todo un torrente legislativo como la Ley 134 de Participación Ciudadana que reglamenta los Cabildos Abiertos, y la Ley 99 de 1993 del Medio Ambiente que en su artículo 72 alude a las Audiencias Públicas Ambientales, mecanismos estos que son utilizados por el Movimiento en cuestión como instrumento de lucha. El artículo deja entrever el papel de los profesionales en el movimiento social, el diálogo de saberes entre el saber popular y el saber científico que estructuran el movimiento, el papel de las organizaciones no gubernamentales en la lógica del Estado neoliberal (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001). Se evidenciará la génesis y evolución de un movimiento social y su transformación, sus logros, tales como la solidaridad alcanzada, la cultura política generada tanto en la propia sociedad civil como del Estado. Las convocatorias a espacios simbólicos y contrapúblicos (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001), las movilizaciones pacíficas de 200, 1200, 2000 y 5000 personas de extracción urbana y rural, hechos tales que llevaron a detener el macroproyecto a nivel regional. Y además las derrotas tanto colectivas y de sus actores en los escenarios del conflicto y a la vez narrar cómo se falla al querer extender la lucha al contexto nacional, es decir, deja como pregunta la falta de articulación de un movimiento social ambientalista a nivel nacional que afronte los conflictos locales y regionales. AbstractBy means of the Action-Participation Research method, the articulation of a local social movement which faced global fights against macro projects for the usurpation of the water resource and fragile ecosystems which were affected because of the extension in the Aqueduct in the Metropolitan area of Bucaramanga, is systematized. The movement has its origins in the area of Piedecuesta (Santander, Colombia), and as a network (Cohen & Arato, 2000; Melucci, 2002) it has extended to different areas to the municipalities of Guaca, Tona and the Metropolitan Area of Bucaramanga. For this specific case of the "Defenders of the Water Movement" Cohen and Arato's (2000) theories are applied in the reconstruction of civil society using two of the great paradigms of social movements: mobilization of resources and "new social movements", this way, making contemporary social movements easier to understand. The action framework of the "Defenders of the Water Movement" struggle is given in the 1991 Constitution, in which a Social State of Rights immersed into a market economy (Jiménez, 2008) is postulated. Thence it follows the legislative flow such as Law 134 of Citizen Participation, which regulates Town Meetings, and Law 99 from 1993 about Environment which, in article 72, refers to Environmental Public Audiences as mechanisms which are used by the Movement above mentioned as struggle instruments. This article allows to glance the role of professionals in the social movement, the dialogue of knowledge between popular knowledge and scientific knowledge which structure the Movement, the role of nongovernmental organizations in the logics of the Neoliberal State (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001). The creation and evolution of a social movement will be shown, as well as its transformation, its achievements such as the solidarity attained, the l cultural policy generated both within civil society and within the State., The calls to symbolic and counterpublic spaces (Escobar, Álvarez &Dagnino, 2010), the pacific demonstrations f 200, 1200, 2000 and 5000 people from urban and rural origins, facts that made the macro project stop at a regional level. Besides, collective and individual defeats in scenarios of conflict, and also to relate how, wanting to extend the struggle to a national context, fails. This is to say it leaves as a question the lack of articulation of a social environment movement at a national level that faces local and regional environmental conflicts. ; Por medio de la Investigación Acción Participación se sistematiza la articulación de un movimiento social local que afrontó luchas globales en contra de los macroproyectos, por la usurpación del recurso agua y defensa de ecosistemas frágiles que se veían afectados por la Ampliación del Acueducto del Área Metropolitana de Bucaramanga. El movimiento se originó en la localidad de Piedecuesta (Santander, Colombia) y como una red (Cohen & Arato, 2000; Melucci, 2002) se extendió por diferentes nodos, a los municipios de Guaca, Tona y el Área Metropolitana de Bucaramanga. Para este caso concreto del Movimiento Defensores del Agua, se aplica lo teorizado por Cohen y Arato (2000) en la reconstrucción de la sociedad civil, y es utilizar dos de los grandes paradigmas de los movimientos sociales, el de la movilización de recursos y el de los "nuevos movimientos sociales", para de esta manera hacer más comprensible los movimientos sociales contemporáneos. El marco de acción de la lucha del Movimiento Defensores del Agua se da dentro de la Constitución de 1991, donde se postula un Estado Social de Derecho inmerso en Economía de Mercado (Jiménez, 2008); de allí se desprende todo un torrente legislativo como la Ley 134 de Participación Ciudadana que reglamenta los Cabildos Abiertos, y la Ley 99 de 1993 del Medio Ambiente que en su artículo 72 alude a las Audiencias Públicas Ambientales, mecanismos estos que son utilizados por el Movimiento en cuestión como instrumento de lucha. El artículo deja entrever el papel de los profesionales en el movimiento social, el diálogo de saberes entre el saber popular y el saber científico que estructuran el movimiento, el papel de las organizaciones no gubernamentales en la lógica del Estado neoliberal (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001). Se evidenciará la génesis y evolución de un movimiento social y su transformación, sus logros, tales como la solidaridad alcanzada, la cultura política generada tanto en la propia sociedad civil como del Estado. Las convocatorias a espacios simbólicos y contrapúblicos (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001), las movilizaciones pacíficas de 200, 1200, 2000 y 5000 personas de extracción urbana y rural, hechos tales que llevaron a detener el macroproyecto a nivel regional. Y además las derrotas tanto colectivas y de sus actores en los escenarios del conflicto y a la vez narrar cómo se falla al querer extender la lucha al contexto nacional, es decir, deja como pregunta la falta de articulación de un movimiento social ambientalista a nivel nacional que afronte los conflictos locales y regionales. AbstractBy means of the Action-Participation Research method, the articulation of a local social movement which faced global fights against macro projects for the usurpation of the water resource and fragile ecosystems which were affected because of the extension in the Aqueduct in the Metropolitan area of Bucaramanga, is systematized. The movement has its origins in the area of Piedecuesta (Santander, Colombia), and as a network (Cohen & Arato, 2000; Melucci, 2002) it has extended to different areas to the municipalities of Guaca, Tona and the Metropolitan Area of Bucaramanga. For this specific case of the "Defenders of the Water Movement" Cohen and Arato's (2000) theories are applied in the reconstruction of civil society using two of the great paradigms of social movements: mobilization of resources and "new social movements", this way, making contemporary social movements easier to understand. The action framework of the "Defenders of the Water Movement" struggle is given in the 1991 Constitution, in which a Social State of Rights immersed into a market economy (Jiménez, 2008) is postulated. Thence it follows the legislative flow such as Law 134 of Citizen Participation, which regulates Town Meetings, and Law 99 from 1993 about Environment which, in article 72, refers to Environmental Public Audiences as mechanisms which are used by the Movement above mentioned as struggle instruments. This article allows to glance the role of professionals in the social movement, the dialogue of knowledge between popular knowledge and scientific knowledge which structure the Movement, the role of nongovernmental organizations in the logics of the Neoliberal State (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001). The creation and evolution of a social movement will be shown, as well as its transformation, its achievements such as the solidarity attained, the l cultural policy generated both within civil society and within the State., The calls to symbolic and counterpublic spaces (Escobar, Álvarez &Dagnino, 2010), the pacific demonstrations f 200, 1200, 2000 and 5000 people from urban and rural origins, facts that made the macro project stop at a regional level. Besides, collective and individual defeats in scenarios of conflict, and also to relate how, wanting to extend the struggle to a national context, fails. This is to say it leaves as a question the lack of articulation of a social environment movement at a national level that faces local and regional environmental conflicts.

Democrat Gov. John Bel Edwards'
influence in Louisiana government is fading quickly, with the chances of
anybody in power emulating his policies in the future evaporating even more rapidly.

With fewer than six months remaining in his terms.
Edwards got a taste of how ephemeral his reach has become when Louisiana's Board
of Pardons and Committee on Parole rebuffed
over 50 applicants – essentially the entirety of death row – for clemency this
reduction of sentence to life earlier than usual. Normally, the Board requires
a time-consuming review of cases but can waive that, which in this instance
would have expedited case consideration for resolution prior to year's end.

This avalanche of requests Edwards triggered when,
after dodging the question for his whole political career because of the electoral
blowback his answer would invite, earlier this year he
proclaimed opposition to capital punishment, noting
its finality and calling it contrary to his religious faith (while he professes
a belief in Roman Catholicism, at the same time he selectively ignores others
of its imperatives, such opposition to abortion for any reason). In turn, this
begat an effort by legal services supporting appeals to capital cases to
organize inmates under capital sentences to make clemency requests to Edwards,
in the hopes of having him grant clemency in mass before leaving office early
next year.

However, the Constitution requires
all such requests first must gain assent from the Board of Pardons, a five-member
body comprised of gubernatorial appointees serving concurrently with a governor's
term. Statistically, this represents a commutation reducing sentence, and in 2022
the Board passed along 105 commutations and pardon requests, of which the governor
approved 95, so his appointees and he typically are in sync.

Yet the Board – with all five Edwards appointees –
in this instance refused to rush to process, saying that only following the
regular procedure would allow for the appropriate level of scrutiny. Thus, the
attempt to negate capital punishment in Louisiana through administrative fiat
failed because his own people wouldn't go along with it.

This demonstration of his diminishing power came
as Board members took seriously their duty, perhaps with an eye towards
reappointment by the next governor who will value members that don't bend to
the whim of political fashion. That Edwards successor appears less and less
likely to be his endorsed candidate, Democrat former Department of
Transportation and Development Sec. Shawn
Wilson.

In a recent
poll, Wilson corralled 28 percent of the vote. Problem is, that only put
him in second place to GOP Atty. Gen. Jeff Landry at 30 percent with
the rest of the field, all Republicans save a no party candidate, all in single
digits lapping up the remaining 22 percent that made a choice.

For Wilson, these are discouraging numbers, to say
the least. Given that 29 percent of the 20 percent undecided portion are black
like Wilson and he can be expected to capture roughly 90 percent of that if
they vote, and assuming among white and other voters he captures among the undecided
the same proportions as now, his ceiling for the general election is about 37
percent. He would need to go over 40 even to be competitive with Landry, who
the poll puts far ahead of his Republican rivals, in a runoff.

Wilson would have to pull off some considerable vote
intent conversion for that to happen, and it won't if news events continue to
work against him, the latest being the announcement that a new
Interstate 10 bridge in Lake Charles will have tolling. Wilson's record at
DOTD is uninspiring, to say the least, with a demonstrated inability to get
projects moving along; this one has dragged on for many years.

The I-10 bridge over the Calcasieu River has been
Wilson's baby for his nearly eight years at the helm of DOTD, and residents and
officials already have expressed their unhappiness that they will have to fork
over more than two bucks every trip over it. That's not exactly going to endear
them to him and voters statewide also will notice that this was the best Wilson
could do, which isn't much.

Additionally, that the same survey showed the
majority of Louisianans saw the state headed in the wrong direction and fewer
than a quarter thought the opposite, which voters will blame on Edwards and
anybody attached to him. Given that Edwards has shown close to zero electoral
coattails – in his two elections the GOP has tacked on three senators and ten
representatives to achieve supermajorities in both legislative chambers – expect
that his backwards-looking, revanchist era of liberal populism likely will end
up as the last in Louisiana for a very long time.

This article presents a reflection and a theoretical analysis from a concrete reality in Catatumbo, seeking to identify and interpret the expressions of community government in the Peasant Association of Catatumbo (Ascamcat) under the communal government skills. More specifically, it examines the process of demonstration and political negotiation at the Interlocution and Agreement Board (MIA) of Catatumbo in 2013. The article is one of the results of the research project "Community forms of management and territorial government for the construction of peace scenarios", carried out by the Interdisciplinary Group of Political and Social Studies (Theseus) together with the peasants of Catatumbo who are members of the Ascamcat. The research was proposed in two phases: a heuristic phase consisting of a documentary level, a level of design of field work strategies and a level of participatory research with the community; then, a hermeneutic phase in which the content of the research results was constructed in three moments: an initial moment of systematization of information and primary construction of results, a second moment of validation of the exercise with the communities and incorporation of new elements to advance in the construction of the proposal, and a third moment of final construction of contents and results. The recent peasant struggle in Catatumbo is the story of a community historically in resistance to the right to land and territory, in whose organization, protest, and political participation and decision are revealed practices and dynamics characteristic of a form of government constituted from the bottom up, by all and for all, with a horizontal perspective in the exercise of power. ; Este artículo es un ejercicio de reflexión y análisis teórico desde una realidad concreta en el Catatumbo, que procura identificar e interpretar las expresiones de gobierno comunitario en la Asociación Campesina del Catatumbo (Ascamcat) bajo las habilidades comunales de gobierno. Más específicamente, examina el proceso de manifestación y negociación política en la Mesa de Interlocución y Acuerdo (MIA) del Catatumbo en 2013. El artículo es uno de los resultados del proyecto de investigación "Formas comunitarias de gestión y gobierno territorial para la construcción de escenarios de paz", adelantado por el Grupo Interdisciplinario de Estudios Políticos y Sociales (Theseus) juntamente con los campesinos catatumberos integrantes de la Ascamcat. La investigación se planteó en dos fases: una primera fase heurística, consistente en un nivel documental, un nivel de diseño de estrategias de trabajo en campo y un nivel de investigación participativa con la comunidad; y una segunda fase hermenéutica en la que se construyó el contenido de los resultados de la investigación en tres momentos: un momento inicial de sistematización de información y construcción primaria de resultados, un segundo momento de validación del ejercicio con las comunidades e incorporación de nuevos elementos para avanzar en la construcción de la propuesta y un tercer momento de construcción final de contenidos y resultados. La lucha campesina reciente en el Catatumbo es el relato de una comunidad históricamente en resistencia por el derecho a la tierra y el territorio, en cuyas dinámicas de organización, manifestación, participación y decisión política comunitaria se develan prácticas y dinámicas propias de una forma de gobierno constituido de abajo hacia arriba, por todos y para todos, con una perspectiva de horizontalidad en el ejercicio de poder. ; Este artigo é um exercício de reflexão e análise teórica que surge de uma realidade concreta no Catatumbo, tem-se o intuito de identificar e interpretar as expressões de governo comunitário na Associação Camponesa do Catatumbo (Ascamcat) sob as ações comunais do governo. Mais especificamente, examina o processo de manifestação e negociação política na Mesa de Interlocução e Acordo (MIA) do Catatumbo no ano 2013.O artigo é um dos resultados do projeto de pesquisa "Formas comunitárias de gestão e governo territorial para a construção de cenários de paz", promovido pelo Grupo Interdisciplinar de Estudos políticos e sociais (Theseus) em parceria com os camponeses do Catatumbo que formam parte da Ascamcat. A pesquisa foi proposta em duas fases: Uma primeira fase heurística, composta por um nível documental, um nível de desenho de estratégias de trabalho em campo e um nível de pesquisa participativa com a comunidade; e uma segunda fase hermenêutica na qual foi construído o conteúdo dos resultados da pesquisa em três momentos: um momento inicial de sistematização da informação e construção primaria dos resultados, um segundo momento de validação do exercício com as comunidades e da incorporação de novos elementos para progredir na construção da proposta e finalmente um terceiro momento de construção final de conteúdos e resultados. A recente luta camponesa no Catatumbo é a narração de uma comunidade historicamente em pê de luta pelo direito à terra e ao território em cuja dinâmica de organização, manifestação, participação e decisão política da comunidade são reveladas práticas e dinâmicas de uma forma de governo constituída de baixo para cima, por todos e para todos, com uma perspectiva horizontal no exercício do poder.

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the proceedings for consideration and resolution of ad­ministrative cases concerning the exercise of the right to peaceful assembly, administrative and legal support of the right to peaceful assembly. The study emphasizes the importance of enforcement of court decisions that have entered into force. The changes taking place in Ukrainian society arouse high activity and the desire of people to take a direct part in solving problems that concern their common inter­ests, including the use of the right to peaceful assembly. However, despite the importance of this type of political rights, the constitutional provisions on freedom of as­sembly, assembly, street demonstrations and demonstra­tions, which are still not properly specified in the current legislation, are often limited or even violated. Based on the international experience of regulating the right to peaceful assembly, ways to increase the effectiveness of the mechanism of administrative and legal support of the right to peaceful assembly are proposed, which are to create a domestic mechanism to monitor compliance with international standards of human rights and freedoms. human being, if this or that problem is not solved at the national level. It is proved that even a rather small range of current norms enshrined in legislative acts of various levels, which guarantee the right to peaceful assembly, often show some inconsistency in the content of the out­lined rights, especially from the standpoint of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. the subject is called a citizen, and civil law - an individual. The necessity of introduction of international standards of ensuring the right to peaceful assembly, first of all the standards of the European community, which is connected with the European integration aspirations of Ukraine, is proved. After all, the implementation of European standards and their observance by the subjects of public administration is one of the preconditions for Ukraine's integration into the European legal space. Since the right to freedom of peaceful assembly cannot be exercised in the absence of corresponding responsibilities imposed on the state by its authorized bodies, the analysis of the Constitution and laws of Ukraine allowed to separate such bodies into the category of subjects of power to ensure the right to peace­ful assembly. In order to improve the situation in the studied area, it is advisable to review the current legislation, which en­sures the implementation of court decisions, to continue reforming public authorities for the effective operation of the judiciary and the protection of citizens' rights. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню особливостей провадження щодо розгляду та вирішення адміністра­тивних справ щодо реалізації права на мирні зібрання, адміністративно-правового забезпечення права на мир­ні зібрання. Проілюстровано аналіз судових рішень, оскільки законодавець наділив повноваженнями встановлюва­ти обмеження щодо реалізації права на мирні зібрання тільки суд, який може скористатися ними відповідно до Конституції України лише в інтересах національної безпеки і публічного порядку. У дослідженні наголошено на важливості забез­печення права на мирні зібрання та актуальності пи­тання виконання судових рішень у разі відкриття проваджень щодо обмеження права на мирні зібрання, розгляд яких зараховано до компетенції суду. Географічно-політичне місце України у двигу­ні європейських перегонів великої політики диктує не зовсім простий (а подеколи й трагічний) шлях со­ціально-політичного руху соціуму громадян - брати безпосередню участь у вирішенні економічних та соці­альних програм. Ураховуючи процеси становлення держави та три­валого реформування різних державних інституцій, свобода та право громадян на мирні зібрання ставить перед органами влади питання відповідності актив­ності громадян у вирішенні своєї участі на держав­ному та регіональному рівнях, відстоювання своїх інтересів шляхом вираження та донесення поглядів та незгоди до державних та місцевих структур влади. Постає питання законодавчого та практичного регу­лювання такого болісного питання, як відносини вла­ди та суспільства, шляхом урегулювання проведення мирних зібрань та активних («без зброї») акцій впливу на державні установи різного рівня. Спираючись на міжнародний досвід урегулювання права на мирні зібрання, запропоновано шляхи підви­щення ефективності механізму адміністративно-пра­вового забезпечення права на мирні зібрання, які по­лягають у створенні внутрішньодержавного механізму контролю над дотриманням міжнародних стандартів прав та свобод людини, а також розвитку можливо­стей звернення до Європейського суду з прав людини, якщо та чи інша проблема не вирішена на національ­ному рівні. Доведено, що навіть досить невелике коло чинних норм, що закріплені у законодавчих актах різного рівня, які гарантують забезпечення права на мир­ні зібрання, часто виявляють певну неузгодженість у змісті окреслених прав, особливо з позицій суб'єктів права на свободу мирних зібрань: Конституція Укра­їни таким суб'єктом називає громадянина, а цивіль­не законодавство - фізичну особу. Доведено потребу у впровадженні міжнародних стандартів забезпечен­ня права на мирні зібрання, насамперед стандартів європейської спільноти, що пов'язано з євроінтегра- ційними прагненнями України. Адже впровадження європейських стандартів і дотримання їх суб'єктами публічної адміністрації є однією з передумов інтеграції України в європейський правовий простір.

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the proceedings for consideration and resolution of ad­ministrative cases concerning the exercise of the right to peaceful assembly, administrative and legal support of the right to peaceful assembly. The study emphasizes the importance of enforcement of court decisions that have entered into force. The changes taking place in Ukrainian society arouse high activity and the desire of people to take a direct part in solving problems that concern their common inter­ests, including the use of the right to peaceful assembly. However, despite the importance of this type of political rights, the constitutional provisions on freedom of as­sembly, assembly, street demonstrations and demonstra­tions, which are still not properly specified in the current legislation, are often limited or even violated. Based on the international experience of regulating the right to peaceful assembly, ways to increase the effectiveness of the mechanism of administrative and legal support of the right to peaceful assembly are proposed, which are to create a domestic mechanism to monitor compliance with international standards of human rights and freedoms. human being, if this or that problem is not solved at the national level. It is proved that even a rather small range of current norms enshrined in legislative acts of various levels, which guarantee the right to peaceful assembly, often show some inconsistency in the content of the out­lined rights, especially from the standpoint of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. the subject is called a citizen, and civil law - an individual. The necessity of introduction of international standards of ensuring the right to peaceful assembly, first of all the standards of the European community, which is connected with the European integration aspirations of Ukraine, is proved. After all, the implementation of European standards and their observance by the subjects of public administration is one of the preconditions for Ukraine's integration into the European legal space. Since the right to freedom of peaceful assembly cannot be exercised in the absence of corresponding responsibilities imposed on the state by its authorized bodies, the analysis of the Constitution and laws of Ukraine allowed to separate such bodies into the category of subjects of power to ensure the right to peace­ful assembly. In order to improve the situation in the studied area, it is advisable to review the current legislation, which en­sures the implementation of court decisions, to continue reforming public authorities for the effective operation of the judiciary and the protection of citizens' rights. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню особливостей провадження щодо розгляду та вирішення адміністра­тивних справ щодо реалізації права на мирні зібрання, адміністративно-правового забезпечення права на мир­ні зібрання. Проілюстровано аналіз судових рішень, оскільки законодавець наділив повноваженнями встановлюва­ти обмеження щодо реалізації права на мирні зібрання тільки суд, який може скористатися ними відповідно до Конституції України лише в інтересах національної безпеки і публічного порядку. У дослідженні наголошено на важливості забез­печення права на мирні зібрання та актуальності пи­тання виконання судових рішень у разі відкриття проваджень щодо обмеження права на мирні зібрання, розгляд яких зараховано до компетенції суду. Географічно-політичне місце України у двигу­ні європейських перегонів великої політики диктує не зовсім простий (а подеколи й трагічний) шлях со­ціально-політичного руху соціуму громадян - брати безпосередню участь у вирішенні економічних та соці­альних програм. Ураховуючи процеси становлення держави та три­валого реформування різних державних інституцій, свобода та право громадян на мирні зібрання ставить перед органами влади питання відповідності актив­ності громадян у вирішенні своєї участі на держав­ному та регіональному рівнях, відстоювання своїх інтересів шляхом вираження та донесення поглядів та незгоди до державних та місцевих структур влади. Постає питання законодавчого та практичного регу­лювання такого болісного питання, як відносини вла­ди та суспільства, шляхом урегулювання проведення мирних зібрань та активних («без зброї») акцій впливу на державні установи різного рівня. Спираючись на міжнародний досвід урегулювання права на мирні зібрання, запропоновано шляхи підви­щення ефективності механізму адміністративно-пра­вового забезпечення права на мирні зібрання, які по­лягають у створенні внутрішньодержавного механізму контролю над дотриманням міжнародних стандартів прав та свобод людини, а також розвитку можливо­стей звернення до Європейського суду з прав людини, якщо та чи інша проблема не вирішена на національ­ному рівні. Доведено, що навіть досить невелике коло чинних норм, що закріплені у законодавчих актах різ­ ного рівня, які гарантують забезпечення права на мир­ні зібрання, часто виявляють певну неузгодженість у змісті окреслених прав, особливо з позицій суб'єктів права на свободу мирних зібрань: Конституція Укра­їни таким суб'єктом називає громадянина, а цивіль­не законодавство - фізичну особу. Доведено потребу у впровадженні міжнародних стандартів забезпечен­ня права на мирні зібрання, насамперед стандартів європейської спільноти, що пов'язано з євроінтегра- ційними прагненнями України. Адже впровадження європейських стандартів і дотримання їх суб'єктами публічної адміністрації є однією з передумов інтеграції України в європейський правовий простір.