Suchergebnisse

"In the 1990s China embarked on a series of political reforms intended to increase, however modestly, political participation to reduce the abuse of power by local officials. Although there was initial progress, these reforms have largely stalled and, in many cases, gone backward. If there were sufficient incentives to inaugurate reform, why wasn, Ŵt there enough momentum to continue and deepen them? This book approaches this question by looking at a number of promising reforms, understanding the incentives of officials at different levels, and the way the Chinese Communist Party operates at the local level. The short answer is that the sort of reforms necessary to make local officials more responsible to the citizens they govern cut too deeply into the organizational structure of the party"--

actes des journées internationales de la Société d'histoire du droit, Toulouse, 1-4 juin 2005 ; Que faire de Henri Klimrath ? Génie méconnu de la science du droit ou précurseur de l'école scientifique ? « Étoile filante de l'histoire du droit » ou « Évariste Gallois de la science juridique » ? Les catégories mobilisées pour décrire traditionnellement la place particulière du jeune juriste dans l'histoire juridique rendent difficiles à penser son originalité. Henri Klimrath apparaît le plus souvent sous les traits d'un héros romantique : persécuté, isolé, avant-gardiste, inspiré. Ainsi brossé, le portrait remplit une fonction stratégique dans le grand récit de la science juridique contemporaine. Il s'agit moins d'éclairer l'œuvre doctrinale de Klimrath en elle-même que de dénoncer le travail et la méthode des commentateurs officiels du Code civil dans le premier XIXe siècle. De Laboulaye à Bonnecase, les critiques de « l'école de l'exégèse » ont élevé le juriste strasbourgeois au rang de « mauvaise conscience » de toute une génération d'auteurs de la doctrine française. Toute une tradition historiographique s'est, en définitive, plus préoccupée de peindre Klimrath en anti-modèle de l'exégèse que de saisir les ressorts spécifiques de son œuvre. [Premières lignes]

actes des journées internationales de la Société d'histoire du droit, Toulouse, 1-4 juin 2005 ; Que faire de Henri Klimrath ? Génie méconnu de la science du droit ou précurseur de l'école scientifique ? « Étoile filante de l'histoire du droit » ou « Évariste Gallois de la science juridique » ? Les catégories mobilisées pour décrire traditionnellement la place particulière du jeune juriste dans l'histoire juridique rendent difficiles à penser son originalité. Henri Klimrath apparaît le plus souvent sous les traits d'un héros romantique : persécuté, isolé, avant-gardiste, inspiré. Ainsi brossé, le portrait remplit une fonction stratégique dans le grand récit de la science juridique contemporaine. Il s'agit moins d'éclairer l'œuvre doctrinale de Klimrath en elle-même que de dénoncer le travail et la méthode des commentateurs officiels du Code civil dans le premier XIXe siècle. De Laboulaye à Bonnecase, les critiques de « l'école de l'exégèse » ont élevé le juriste strasbourgeois au rang de « mauvaise conscience » de toute une génération d'auteurs de la doctrine française. Toute une tradition historiographique s'est, en définitive, plus préoccupée de peindre Klimrath en anti-modèle de l'exégèse que de saisir les ressorts spécifiques de son œuvre. [Premières lignes]

This paper provides a preliminary examination of some of the late eighteenth-century bases for the reception of liberalism and debates on slavery, specifically the Luso-Brazilian engagement with natural science and the work of the Lisbon Royal Academy of Sciences. The Academy's work most directly concerned with the question of slavery and the slave trade appealed to economic principles of utility, efficiency and productivity to identify ways to reform the practice of enslaving Africans in the interest of increasing the wealth generated within the colonial and imperial economies. Thus, even as slavery was being assailed internationally on both philosophical and religious grounds, Luso-Brazilian Academic writing insisted it was an economic rather than moral problem. At the same time, however, Academic inquiries into the question of human difference often undercut claims about Africans that were invoked elsewhere in the Atlantic world to justify the perpetuation of slavery and the slave trade. As Academic reformism thus grappled with the humanity of Africans, civilization and barbarism emerged as privileged categories of analysis for discerning the future of slavery, reasserting the moral dimensions of the institution. The paper was presented at the conference on The End of the Old Regime in the Iberian World sponsored by the Spanish Studies Program and the Portuguese Studies Program of UC Berkeley on February 8-9, 2008.

Cover; Half Title; Series Page; Title Page; Copyright Page; Table of Contents; List of contributors; Acknowledgments; Introduction: A global approach to civic nationalisms; A brief history of the concept of civic nationalism; The concept of civic nationalism under attack; The continuing need for the concept of civic nationalism; Aglobal approach to civic nationalisms; Notes; 1. Power and weakness of civic nationalism in Switzerland, 1848-2014; Switzerland, a 'nation by choice'; Nation-building, phases of nationalism, and 'imagined communities'

A recent article in Journal of Economic History by Dasgupta and Ziblatt uses bond yields to analyze the political risk of the 19th century democratization legislation of Britain known as the Reform Acts. Dasgupta and Ziblatt find that the volatility of yields is relatively high during periods of legislation, and model the yields via GAM method, concluding that the political risk associated with the Reform Acts was high. I reproduce the study and comparing those times of 'high' volatility to all periods and find nothing to compare high-volatility periods to, suggesting that it is inconclusive whether the Reform Acts were truly politically risky. I also find that the data and study are less than satisfactory use of the GAM to model bond yields.

Organizations that provide scientific information to policy makers face the difficult challenge of maintaining scientific credibility while establishing their political relevance. A growing body of research examines how assessment organizations meet the potentially competing expectations of science and policy communities. However, existing research has failed to produce generalizable findings. This study draws together theoretical approaches in science studies and organization theory to develop a framework that allows for a comparative analysis of multiple cases. The study compares the organizational strategies of the National Research Council, the National Acid Precipitation Assessment Program, and the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Comparisons among the organizations are made using independent measures of credibility and political relevance. The evidence suggests that organizational strategies do impact assessment effectiveness and that it is possible for organizations to simultaneously achieve scientific credibility and political relevance. Adapted from the source document.

This article explores why and how the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), a PRC state research-institute, survived after its involvement with the June Fourth demonstrations in 1989 through research regulation. I show how the explicit ascription of an advisory role to CASS required an increase in freedom of research and an increase in political steering through regulation. I do this by comparing the institutional setting of CASS in the early 1990s with that during Li Tieying's leadership (1998 to 2003). The article traces a general trend in which organizational reforms at institutions of higher education increasingly entail giving political direction to the development of the social science debate. Radical political views are discouraged through regulation, guidelines, meetings, academic activities and financial, material and social encouragement. This institutional approach aims to yield insight into the functioning of CASS as producer of knowledge and as think-tank to the government.