Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Note on Contributors -- PART ONE General Context -- 1 Introduction: Analyzing Privatization in Industrial and Developing Countries -- 2 The New Life of the Liberal State: Privatization and the Restructuring of State-Society Relations -- 3 Economic Rationales for the Scope of Privatization -- 4 The International Spread of Privatization Policies: Inducements, Learning, and "Policy Bandwagoning -- PART TWO Advanced Industrial Countries -- 5 The Politics of Privatization in Britain and France -- 6 The Politics of Public Enterprise in Portugal, Spain, and Greece -- 7 Public Corporations and Privatization in Modern Japan -- PART THREE Developing Countries -- 8 Capitalism in Colonial Africa: A Historical Overview -- 9 State, Economy, and Privatization in Nigeria -- 10 The Politics of Privatization in Africa -- 11 Nicaragua's State Enterprises: Revolutionary Expectations and State Capacity -- 12 China and Privatization -- 13 The Political Context of Public Sector Reform and Privatization in Egypt, India, Mexico, and Turkey -- 14 The Politics of Privatization in Brazil and Mexico: Variations on a Statist Theme -- 15 Chile: Privatization, Reprivatization, Hyperprivatization -- 16 The Politics of Economic Liberalization in India.

Abstract
The climate emergency, rising inequality, and pandemic diffusion have raised the question: for what purpose is capitalism fit? Implementing new policies and institutions to meet these challenges will require a realignment of political forces on a scale similar to that achieved by neoliberal policies and ideas over the past four decades. We suggest that a successful new paradigm must provide the basis of a dynamic and sustainable economy and be constituted by a synergistic set of ethical commitments, economic models, emblematic policies, and a new vernacular economics by which people understand and seek to improve their livelihoods and futures. We illustrate these four components by reference to the classical liberal, Keynesian-social democratic, and neoliberal paradigms. Using an expanded space for policies and institutions that integrates markets, states, and civil society, we propose elements of a new paradigm, including diminished space for capitalism and greater equality not only of economic endowments but also of dignity and voice.

AbstractWe explore the political economy of trade and migration policies in several models of international trade. We show that in a Ricardian world, free trade and no international labour mobility is a Nash equilibrium outcome, but free trade and free international labour mobility is not. The result holds under different assumptions about the set of goods, preferences and the number of countries. An analogous result also holds in multifactor economies such as a version of the standard two‐sector Heckscher–Ohlin model, the Ricardo–Vinner specific factors model and a three‐sector model with a non‐tradeable sector. We also study several extensions of our model in which free trade and at least partial labour mobility is a Nash equilibrium outcome. One extension introduces increasing returns to scale. Another an extractive elite. Finally, we allow the recipient country to charge an immigration fee in the form of an income tax and distribute the proceeds among domestic workers, which induces a Pareto improvement for the global economy.

Over the last decades, many scholars, feminist and others, have argued that critique must be reframed in different and more 'productive' ways because its 'conventional' formulation and practice have outlived its usefulness as a conceptual tool. Instead, they have called for affirmation or affirmative critique and a more generative mode of critical engagement in the search for new imaginaries, transformative potentialities and other futures. New feminist materialist thought's emergence is, we argue, symptomatic of this contemporary intellectual landscape that claims to move beyond critique. While sympathetic with the desire to rethink a form of critique that speaks to the (urgent) politics of the present and the remaking of political imaginaries, we argue that the theoretical gesture to move beyond critique may offer a potentially troubling remapping organised around certain kinds of repression (of the undetermined and ambivalent work of critique) and amnesia (of feminist genealogies and over different feminist projects' conceptualisation of matter) that yield a politics without politics.

We study the political economy of allocation decisions within a major state investment bank. Our focus is the European Investment Bank (EIB) – "The Bank of the EU" – which is the largest multilateral lending (and borrowing) institution in the world. We study the behavior of about 500 national representatives at the EIB's Board of Directors – the bank's decisive body for loan approvals – and show that a representative's appointment increases the probability that the sub-national region where she works receives a loan by about 17 percentage points. This "home-bias" effect is driven by large loans financing infrastructure projects. We discuss several pieces of evidence, which are consistent with the hypothesis that this home-bias lending may be due to favoritism, however, we cannot conclusively demonstrate this case of resource misallocation. ELECTRONIC SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL: The online version of this article (10.1007/s11558-020-09385-y) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

It is well recognized that intellectual property rights (IPR) violations are at the heart of the economic conflict with China. Little agreement, however, exists about the origin and solutions for this provocation. Broadly speaking, two prescriptions have been proposed: the natural evolutionary and the rule of law views. While both have merits and add to our understanding, they do not go far enough to address the more fundamental IPR policy issue: China has benefited from a rule of law overseas and a rule through law at home, manufacturing unfair advantage to its firms, many of which are owned and/or influenced by the government. While recognizing China's recent effort in improving IPR protection, we point out the intrinsic contradiction in the political economy of China between maintaining the one-party rule, on the one hand, and protecting IPR by an independent court, on the other. Understanding this tension in the application of IPR law can help the international community search for more effective policy options.

A food systems approach is critical to understanding and facilitating food system transformation, yet gaps in analysis are impeding changes towards greater equity, sustainability, and emancipation. Gaps include analyses of interdependencies among food system activities, of narrative politics, and of the behaviour of food system components using dynamic methodologies. Other problems include inappropriate boundaries to the system, insufficient learning across scales, lack of integration of social and ecological drivers and trends, and inadequate attention to the intersectional impacts of marginalisation. Both interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary work is necessary to overcome these problems, and, fundamentally, to understand power in food systems. Transdisciplinarity allows an engaged political economy in which social actors, including those who have not benefited from adequate food, livelihoods, and other services that food systems provide, are involved along with academics in co-creating the knowledge necessary for transformation. This engagement requires humility and respect, especially by academics, and explicit power-sharing. ; International Panel of Experts on Sustainable Food Systems (iPES Food)

Recent changes in the security environment of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus have been reshaping the strategies of the six small countries in the proximity of both the EU and Russia. Their attempts to take upon themselves their Soviet heritage and their sensitive geographical position were reflected by a mix of East-West orientations. Some of them chose to create stronger economic bonds with the EU members while others decided to anticipate Russian discontent in separatist areas they shelter and became members of the EEU. Regardless of their option, the Eastern Partnership members embarked? on a long road of political, social and economic changes, so that their stability and growth would become pillars of a stronger role on the regional and international arena in the future. The EU, in turn, has been supporting its partners to the East according to their level of commitment to reform and approximation, although the economic benefits of this relation are imperceptible.

AbstractStates of the United States differ significantly in terms of politically salient religious culture. But prior to the 2008 presidential election several studies inspired by rational political theory that found that during war time voting districts with high rates of military fatalities were more likely to vote against incumbent candidates and for anti-war candidates failed to control for variation in religious culture. In the present study, multivariate analyses that controlled for local differences in religious culture found that Iraq War military fatalities had an overall positive effect on the difference in the percent of the vote received in the 50 states and the District of Columbia by the anti-war Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama in the 2008 election and the pre-war Democratic presidential candidate Al Gore in the 2000 election. Tests for interaction, however, also found that the magnitude and ultimately the direction of this effect were conditioned by religious culture. In states with very high percentages of evangelical Protestants, the military fatality rate actually appeared to have a negative effect.

In recent years many domestic responsibilities have moved from the federal to the state level. Some believe that state responsibilities have expanded and that the level of professionalism in state institutions has increased because of mandates from the federal government. State activism and innovation have also increased - primarily in response to federal pressures to act, unaccompanied by resources necessary to carry out the mandates. Scholars suggest that suddenly, and almost unilaterally, the federal government has forfeited to state governments the role of chief policymaker in domestic matters. Roeder proposes that the American state is a significant referent for public attitudes toward politics, government, and public policies. He finds rich support in data collected from 1987 through 1990 by the Council of State Governments/Martin School State Survey Project. These data show considerable public support for state policy leadership as well as positive evaluations of state governmental leaders and institutions

In recent years many domestic responsibilities have moved from the federal to the state level. Some believe that state responsibilities have expanded and that the level of professionalism in state institutions has increased because of mandates from the federal government. State activism and innovation have also increased - primarily in response to federal pressures to act, unaccompanied by resources necessary to carry out the mandates. Scholars suggest that suddenly, and almost unilaterally, the federal government has forfeited to state governments the role of chief policymaker in domestic matters. Roeder proposes that the American state is a significant referent for public attitudes toward politics, government, and public policies. He finds rich support in data collected from 1987 through 1990 by the Council of State Governments/Martin School State Survey Project. These data show considerable public support for state policy leadership as well as positive evaluations of state governmental leaders and institutions.

AbstractThe year 2022 was (again) a year of intense political change in Italy. The President of the Republic was (re)elected in January, Prime Minister Mario Draghi resigned in July, and new elections were held in September, amidst energy and economic crises, growing inflation and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The electoral victory of the centre‐right coalition, and in particular the success of Brothers of Italy, not only marked the rise to power of a prominent European far‐right party but also led to the nomination of the first female Prime Minister of the Italian Republic. The fall of Draghi's government and the formation of the first Meloni Cabinet raised questions about Italy's relationship with EU institutions, NATO and the transatlantic partnership.