Suchergebnisse

La única manera de avanzar en el sentido de un cambio en la calidad democrática de nuestro país, es mediante la promoción del interés por los asuntos públicos, que debe ir aparejada con la de su tratamiento crítico; el debate político debe difundirse para ser ejercido por la mayor cantidad posible de personas; ésta corriente de debate debe surgir desde abajo y como resultado del aumento de la conciencia acerca de los problemas sociales, lo cual equivale al aumento de la autoconciencia de los ciudadanos, entendiendo como un proceso en el cual la educación puede incidir positivamente, como vector y catalizador. Esta investigación, que va dirigida a la construcción de una aplicación filosófica y educativa, busca la articulación de una reflexión del fenómeno político, a la luz de la filosofía moral y la filosofía política, para desembocar en una propuesta concreta dirigida a una de las instituciones políticas clave en México, el Instituto Nacional Electoral (INE). Quiere insertarse en la línea de las reflexiones contemporáneas sobre la Ética cívica, específicamente, en los planteamientos de las llamadas éticas procedimentales o de mínimos, según las presenta Adela Cortina, y de la Ética Constructivista Social Plural, del filósofo mexicano Salvador Arellano. Mientras que, en su vertiente de filosofía política, echa mano, -con algún detenimiento-, de algunos planteamientos de John Rawls, de las reflexiones de Luis Villoro contenidas en su obra ¿El poder y el valor¿; y más someramente, de la Filosofía de la praxis, con Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez como principal mediador, del debate entre la Filosofía de la Liberación, de Dussel, y la corriente procedimental defendida por K.O. Apel, y de algunas ideas de Michael Foucault y de Gilles Deleuze en torno al poder. Los resultados de esta investigación se aplicarán dentro de las actividades que realiza la Vocalía de Capacitación ciudadana del INE, en el distrito federal 12, con cabecera en la ciudad de Celaya, Guanajuato, y como base para construir un manual de educación cívica que eventualmente pueda integrarse, (ya sea como un nuevo volumen, ya, en una nueva edición, como una nueva sección dentro de alguno de los publicados) en la colección ¿Cuadernos de Divulgación de la Cultura Democrática¿, la cual funciona como el principal referente para el diseño e impartición de los cursos de Educación cívica que tiene a su cargo esa Vocalía, y que dirige a la población en general, pero con especial énfasis en los niños y jóvenes de educación secundaria, media superior y superior. ; There is only one way towards which the quality of democracy in México can be improved, and that is by promoting people¿s interest related to public affairs. Public debate must be spread in order to be shared by the largest possible number of citizens; the stream of debate must start from the bottom and as a consequence of the growth in conscientiousness related to social problems, and also as a result of the increased self conscientiousness of citizens; both, aspects of the very same process, into which education is a key issue. This investigation goes under two different focuses, the moral philosophy and the political philosophy, and seeks to include the latest developments into the field of political ethics, taking into account the studies of Adela Cortina, and also the Procedimental Social-Constructive Ethics of the mexican philosopher Salvador Arellano. Into the political field, our investigation will be based ¿with a stronger stress-, in the theory of John Rawls, the studies by Luis Villoro, in his book ¿El poder y el valor¿; and, with a lesser emphasis, in the Philosophy of Praxis, mainly towards the approach of Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez, the debate between the Liberation¿s Ethics, proposed by Enrique Dussel, and the procedimental ethics of K.O. Apel; and, finally, in some reflections about power by Foucault and Deleuze. The results from this investigation are going to be used in the frame of the activities that the INE conducts to promote education for democracy and citizenship, in the federal district #12, at the INE¿s Executive Federal district Joint, wich is located at the city of Celaya, Guanajuato. Our goal is to produce a text as a new tool to be eventually included (as a volume itself or as part of another one formerly published) in the collection ¿Cuadernos de Divulgación de la cultura Democrática¿, wich is the essential reference the Vocalía de capacitación ciudadana, takes into account to eleborate the lectures and lessons (and any other pedagogic material) aimed to the inhabitants of the disctrict, specially the children and the youth.

The term "gamification" is relatively new, but its exact origins are not known. The first recorded use was in the digital media industry in 2008 and it has become popular in the last couple of years (Deterding, Dixon, Khaled, & Nacke, 2011). A search performed in October 2012 on Google Scholar using the term "gamification" turned up over 1,000 publications, and the same search in May 2014 produced over 7,000 publications. 80,000 people were registered in the Coursera Gamification course in Sept/Oct 2012 (Werbach, 2012). The attention that gamification gets from industry, as well as from the public, makes it one of the newer concepts of the use of games in the real world to surface in recent years. This chapter analyzes the potential and limits of gamification for learning and classroom use. Gamification can be broadly defined as the application of game features and game mechanics in a non-game context, but does not typically include using actual games. In the most commonly promoted approach to gamification (Zichermann & Cunningham, 2011), designers seeking to create a gamification system first identify behaviors that are to be encouraged, and then assign rewards to that behavior. These reward systems can take different forms—points, achievements, and badges are three typical tools for motivation and manipulation. The concept of using rewards to modify behavior is nothing new to teachers in a classroom setting. Teachers often use point systems for both learning and behavioral goals. If one takes into account the concept that the absence of a punishment is the same as a reward (Kohn, 1999), then teachers have used reward-based systems as the core of classroom management for centuries. The syllabus in the classroom is a gamification layer that is used to motivate students' involvement in course content. If we consider the concept of levels in games, then certainly the grades (K-12) and years (freshman, junior, senior, sophomore) of formal education are the very embodiment of "levels." There are known requirements for completing one level and just like in games, each new level opens up new content and additional options. The idea of earning badges within a game as a means of marking achievement is also not unique to games. Children in elementary school often get stickers for completed work; both the Boy Scouts and the Girl Guides (as well as a great many other organizations) use badges to symbolize various achievements, and of course, medals and badges have been a longstanding tradition in militaries throughout the world. The notion of leaderboards is also not unique to videogames, or games of any sort for that matter, as they can be found in many businesses as ways to highlight sales records for example, and in schools to commemorate a myriad of achievements academic and otherwise. Even the concept of a letter grade is remarkably similar to a badge, as it indicates achievement in a standardized way that has meaning outside of the learning environment. Some applications of gamification go beyond merely using rewards such as points, badges and levels to motivate. Meaningful Gamification is the concept of using elements from games to help participants find a personal and meaningful connection within a specific context. Many of the theories behind meaningful gamification are educational theories such as Universal Design for Learning and motivational theories, such as Self-Determination Theory. These theories provide ways to use concepts of play, reflection, and narrative (instead of rewards) to engage learners (Nicholson, 2012a). Teachers have used game-based elements for the real world application of teaching content for decades. While the term of gamification is new, the underlying concepts for both reward-based and meaningful gamification have been explored in the classroom for some time. In this chapter, we will review different models for gamification in the classroom, explore some of the benefits and hazards to using it, and present some case studies and best practices for instructors to use. The goal of this chapter is to explore gamification in the classroom from different perspectives and present guidance to instructors looking to use elements of games and play to improve learning motivation. ; Submitted by Katrin Becker (kbecker@mtroyal.ca) on 2016-05-12T18:58:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LEGBOOK_TWO_FINALMANUSCRIPT_112414-CH3-edited.pdf: 263337 bytes, checksum: 54bb5a3280a491da583e959787b46ae4 (MD5) ; Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-12T18:58:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LEGBOOK_TWO_FINALMANUSCRIPT_112414-CH3-edited.pdf: 263337 bytes, checksum: 54bb5a3280a491da583e959787b46ae4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 ; Katrin Becker, Scott Nicholson (2016) Gamifying the Classroom: Pros and Cons, (Ch. 3) in Learning, Education and Games Vol. 2: Bringing Games into Educational Contexts, edited by Karen Schrier, ETC Press

Professional development and recognition is an 'old' issue in music therapy but still a relevant, complex and crucial one. Burning questions regarding professionalisation are at the forefront of most music therapy associations' agendas across Europe and beyond, and feed back directly to the work of the EMTC. Considering the wider political, socio-economic, cultural and disciplinary aspects of professionalisation, different development pathways impact directly on music therapy practice, training, ethics, professional collaboration and employment conditions. Although a number of endeavours have been implemented regarding music therapy's professional development and recognition in different countries, documentation and sharing of such endeavours on international level has been limited and scattered. Drawing from the EMTC's work since the early '90s, as well as from colleagues' experiences (and struggles) of music therapy's professional pathways in different European countries, this special issue aims: * to provide an overview of the current 'state of affairs' in Europe by systematically documenting music therapy's paths of professional development across different countries by tracing not only its achievements, but also its failures and problems. * to offer opportunities to critique and reflect on the interrelationships between music therapy as a discipline (with all its requirements to clinical and/or academic training) and music therapy as a profession (with its regulations, governmental recognition, and registration, legitimisation/authorisation or licensing issues). Capturing the diversity of music therapy's professional development across different European countries, this special issue will contribute to the establishment of a shared platform of knowledge upon which further local or international initiatives can be developed. ; Professional development and recognition is an 'old' issue in music therapy but still a relevant, complex and crucial one. Burning questions regarding professionalisation are at the forefront of most music therapy associations' agendas across Europe and beyond, and feed back directly to the work of the EMTC. Considering the wider political, socio-economic, cultural and disciplinary aspects of professionalisation, different development pathways impact directly on music therapy practice, training, ethics, professional collaboration and employment conditions. Although a number of endeavours have been implemented regarding music therapy's professional development and recognition in different countries, documentation and sharing of such endeavours on international level has been limited and scattered. Drawing from the EMTC's work since the early '90s, as well as from colleagues' experiences (and struggles) of music therapy's professional pathways in different European countries, this special issue aims: * to provide an overview of the current 'state of affairs' in Europe by systematically documenting music therapy's paths of professional development across different countries by tracing not only its achievements, but also its failures and problems. * to offer opportunities to critique and reflect on the interrelationships between music therapy as a discipline (with all its requirements to clinical and/or academic training) and music therapy as a profession (with its regulations, governmental recognition, and registration, legitimisation/authorisation or licensing issues). Capturing the diversity of music therapy's professional development across different European countries, this special issue will contribute to the establishment of a shared platform of knowledge upon which further local or international initiatives can be developed. Apart from a report from each country, this special issue of Approaches includes the following 16 articles: The role of the EMTC for development and recognition of the music therapy profession Hanne Mette Ridder, Adrienne Lerner & Ferdinando Suvini (pp.13-22) The European Music Therapy Confederation: History and development Monika Nöcker-Ribaupierre (pp. 23-29) Maintaining the dialogue of influence: Developing music therapy theory in pace with practice and research Claire M. Ghetti (pp.30-37) The academic training of music therapists: Chances of normalisation and specialisation Thomas Wosch (pp.38-43) Paths of professional development in music therapy: Training, professional identity and practice Jane Edwards (pp.44-53) Music therapy as academic education: A five-year integrated MA programme as a lighthouse model? Brynjulf Stige (pp.54-61) Continuing professional development – Why, what and how? Angela Harrison (pp.62-66) Supervision during music therapy training: An interview with two Swedish supervisors Rut Wallius (pp.67-73) Supervisor training: An integration of professional supervision and the use of artistic media Inge Nygaard Pedersen (pp.74-85) The Bonny method of Guided Imagery and Music (GIM) in Europe Lars Ole Bonde (pp.86-90) Solo or tutti, together or alone – What form of professional/legal recognition is best for music therapy? Melanie Voigt (pp.91-97) The role of professional associations in the recognition process Ranka Radulovic (pp.98-109) Towards professionalisation of music therapy: A model of training and certification in Poland Krzysztof Stachyra (pp.110-117) Perspectives on the development of the music therapy profession in the UK Alison Barrington (pp.118-122) A process of two decades: Gaining professional recognition in Austria Elena Fitzthum (pp.123-126) Development of the music therapy profession in Latvia Mirdza Paipare (pp.127-130)

On the 19 July 1916, the Australian Imperial Force fought in their first major battle on the Western Front in World War I. The Battle of Fromelles, as it has come to be known, which lasted only 24 hours, has come to rep resent one of the most tragic battles in Australia's military history. Despite, the terrible loss of human life suffered by the Australian Imperial Force at Fromelles, this battle was to be lost in Australia's history until recently. The quest of one man, Lambis Englezos, to find the remains of the Australian soldiers from the Battle of Fromelles who were declared missing in action has not only sparked Australians' interest in this particular battle but has also opened the debate on the Australian Government's involvement in locating and then relocating our war dead. The Australian Government since the end of the Graves Registration Unit in 1922 has refused to support the speculative searching for the. remains of Australia' s war dead. Instead, the position of the Australian Government has been to take appropriate action only if and when the remains of Australian war dead are discovered by accident. This was reflected in The Australian Defence Instructions {General) Missing in Action Presumed Killed : Recovery of Human Remains of Australian Defence Force Members of 1996, which outlined the policies and procedures of the Australian Government and the Australian Defence Force. However, the persistence of Lambis Englezos to prove his theory to the Australian Government brought the Australia Defence force policy of 1996 under scrutiny and highlighted its inadequacy in dealing with his claim . Lambis Englezos was convinced the remains of 250 Australia and English soldiers remained buried in burial pits at Pheasant Wood, undisturbed since they had been buried there by the Germans after the Battle of Fromelles . Consequently, new procedures were to be put in place to analyse the evidence presented by Lambis Englezos pertaining to burial pits at Pheasant Wood, in order to determine whether or not the site should be investigated by the Australian Government. Similar non- government pressure caused the Australian Government to assist in the attempts to locate the wrecks of HMAS Sydney and Australian Hospital Ship 'Centaur'. The success of the investigation of the burial pits at Pheasant Wood, and hence the discovery of the 250 Australian and English soldiers who had been missing for 94 years has resulted in a change in the Australian Defence Force policy. In 2009, the Australian Defence Force released a revised policy relating to the recovery of human remains of Australian Defence Force Members missing in action. The amendments of the 2009 Australian Defence Force policy reflect the framework that was implemented during the investigation into the missing at Fromelles. The discovery of the remains of Australian soldiers at Frome lies and the quest of Lambis Englezos generated a significant amount of media attention. This resulted in increasing community interest in the missing soldiers of Fromelles and the growing public pressure on the Australian Government to react . Since the discovery of the remains of Australian soldiers at Fromelles in 2008, the Australian Government has invested to date $6 .2 million. Each soldier is being DNA tested in hope of proving his identity and individually reburied in the newly constructed Fromelles (Pheasant Wood) Cemetery. The debate that has ensued since the discovery of the missing soldiers of Fromelles is related to the moral questions as to the right method of honouring our war dead. Should the Australian Government make every effort to relocate our war dead? Or, is there a time when their remains should be left in peace and honoured through other ways? The Australian Defence Force policy released in 2009 was revised in order to provide a more structured and appropriate framework for the Australian Defence Force and the Australian Government to investigate claims of the human remains of our missing war dead. However, the discovery of two shipwrecks from World War II, The HMAS Sydney and the Australian Hospital Ship 'Centaur' highlight the inconsistency of the policy. The inconsistencies lie in the decisions made by the Australian Government in the recovery of the remains. The Australian Government has gone above and beyond the boundaries of its previous policy to recover the remains of the Australian soldiers at Fromelles . However in the instances of the HMAS Sydney and the Australian Hospital Ship 'Centaur' no effort has been made to recover any remains, nor has there been any discernable public pressure to recover such remains. It is recommended that the Australian Government and the Australian Defence Force adopt a policy that is consistent in its treatment of the remains of Australia's war dead.

'Scent Whisper' is a jewellery project that provides a new way to send a scented message. The two pieces focus on a spider and the defence mechanism in bombardier beetles that squirt predators with a high-pressure jet of boiling liquid in a rapid-fire action. The devices involve microfluidics and wireless technology that link a remote sensor (a spider) with a fragrance-dispensing unit (a bombardier beetle) to create two items of jewellery that constitute the 'wireless web'. A message is 'scent by a wireless web'' from a spider to a bombardier beetle brooch, that sprays a minute sample of fragrance. The purpose is to benefit human wellbeing, through olfaction stimulation of the autonomic nervous system, and as a novel communication system to send an aroma 'message' that could be healing (lavender), protective (insect repellent), seductive (pheromones) informative or communicative. The user whispers a secret message into a spider brooch, which transmits the message to a beetle brooch worn by an admirer. The spider's sensor, implanted in its abdomen records the humidity of her breath and releases scent from the beetle onto a localized area, creating a personal 'scent bubble'. About this conference: Wearable Futures was an interdisciplinary conference, aiming to bring together practitioners, inventors, and theorists in the field of soft technology and wearables including those concerned with fashion, textiles, sportswear, interaction design, media and live arts, medical textiles, wellness, perception and psychology, IPR, polymer science, nanotechnology, military, and other relevant research strands. Examining how some broad generic questions could be explored in relation to wearable technology the conference referred to but was not restricted to: aesthetics and design, function and durability versus market forces; the desires, needs and realities of wearable technologies; technology and culture; simplicity and sustainability; design for wearability; wearables as theatre and wearables as emotional 'tools'. Wearable Futures actively aimed to encourage debate, discussion and the formation of collaborative projects across a wide range of disciplines. Key fundamental questions across the conference in relation to wearables were: What is out there? Who wants it? What do they want? How is it achieved? Keynotes were drawn from the field of fashion and textiles through Suzanne Lee and Sarah E. Braddock Clarke; interactive design through Chris Baber; and design and computational arts through Joanna Berzowska. These diverse speakers provided an overview for the wide range of papers, poster and exhibits (over 60) presented in the panels and exhibition covering four broad themes drawn from strands taken from the initial call: Technology and Culture; Aesthetics and Making; Design for Wearability; and Desires, Need and Reality. The conference set out to highlight the growing arena for wearable technologies in an interdisciplinary context and also to look at the positive and negative applications of technology in this context. This was enhanced by the inclusion of an exhibition, supported by the Arts Council of Wales, which ensured that there was space for the rhetoric and the reality of the field to be discussed concurrently. Research within the Smart Clothes Wearable Technologies Group at University of Wales proposes the end-user as key to its practice and this conference reflected that in the approach to selection of papers and exhibits. The conference ensured that the full landscape of the field in 2005 was reflected through practitioners in design, art, craft, science, technology, cultural theory & performance, thus taking the subject beyond 80's and 90's research in which, for example, the work of Steve Mann and MIT put the individual researcher at the centre. Prototypes were an essential component to the conference and curated into the exhibition, which in 2005, in contrast to Mann, shows a focus on making the technology appear seamless rather than celebrating it through high visibility. One year on from Wearable Futures, research in the field seems to have expanded out into other areas of technology and practice with further conferences, applications and publications reflecting these developments. As 2010 becomes the present rather than the future (see Sarah E. Braddock Clarke and Marie OMahony, Tecnho Textiles: Revolutionary Fabrics for Fashion & Design, Thames and Hudson, 1997), what will the realities of wearables, smart materials and technology be in the next ten years? Wearable Futures generated a starting point for this area of debate; a key emerging strand being the focus on the body and its relationship to technology. Cyborg culture is being revisited but the concerns and relationship with the technology are different from the ones of 20 years ago. New materials evolving through Biotech and Nanoscience have the potential to supersede the machine and/or electronic driven devices, contributing to the design and creation of 'new flesh' or carrier of technology. These applications are being explored by creatives, academics and cultural theorists, whilst being applied to prototypes and industry with the end user in mind. Wearable Futures was a window on that changing role in 2005.

Authors' introductionContemporary religion is at its core an organizational phenomenon. Religious behaviour is channelled and religious communities are structured through congregations, denominations, religious nonprofits, seminaries, and other organizational forms. To understand religion, then, one must understand the organizational aspects of religion. This includes those aspects common to all organizations and those unique to religious organizations.Authors recommendNancy Tatom Ammerman, Congregation and Community (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1997) and Nancy Tatom Ammerman, Pillars of Faith: American Congregations and Their Partners (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2005).No organization, religious or otherwise, is an island. Each is surrounded by a unique environment, and each is embedded in a network of social and organizational ties. These two works by Ammerman explore the ecologies and networks that shape the identity and behaviour of religious congregations.Ross P. Scherer, American Denominational Organization: A Sociological View (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1980).This edited volume serves as an introduction to the structure and operations of different religious organizational forms, including denominations, Catholic religious orders, theological schools, and 'parachurch' mission societies. It also has three chapters addressing issues of change and conflict in religious organizations.Mark Chaves, Ordaining Women: Culture and Conflict in Religious Organizations (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997).Why did some denominations adopt policies allowing the ordination of women earlier than others? What explains the lag between adoption of the policy and actual implementation? Chaves applies ideas in organizational studies and social movements to understand these issues.Roger Finke and Rodney Stark, The Churching of America, 1776–2005: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2005).Finke and Stark explore the dynamics underlying historical patterns of denominational growth and decline in the United States. Drawing upon ideas in economics, organizational studies, and other related disciplines they argue that American religious history can be understood as marketplace in which religious groups and organizations compete for resources.N. J. Demerath III, Peter Dobkin Hall, Terry Schmitt, and Rhys H. Williams (eds.), Sacred Companies: Organizational Aspects of Religion and Religious Aspects of Organizations (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1998).An interdisciplinary collection of authors examines the intersection of research on religion, organizations, and social movements. Chapters include essays and empirical studies, mostly pertaining to religious organizations. They cover prominent organizational forms (denominations, congregations, and religious non‐profits) and incorporate theories drawn from organizational sociology, social movements, economics, and the sociology of religion.Online materials1. The Association of Religion Data Archives http://www.thearda.com/ The Association of Religion Data Archives (ARDA) contains over 400 freely downloadable data files focusing on religion in the United States and around the world. The site also features many interactive online tools, including QuickStats on religious beliefs and behaviors, denominational profiles and statistics, and maps of religious, social and demographic information. Instructors and students will be particularly interested in the ARDA's Learning Center, which features downloadable 'Learning Modules' and other classroom resources.2. The Pluralism Project http://www.pluralism.org/ The Pluralism Project at Harvard University aims to 'help Americans engage with the realities of religious diversity through research, outreach, and the active dissemination of resources'. The website contains a variety of tools for students and instructors, including online slideshows of religious communities around the United States. Check out the site's Teacher Resources page for syllabi, maps, weblinks, and many other valuable resources.3. Hartford Institute for Religion Research http://hirr.hartsem.edu/ The Hartford Institute's website is a virtual clearing house of information on religion research. It has content devoted to congregations, theology, denominations, religious leadership, and the sociology of religion as a field. Under these areas, you can find helpful summaries, bibliographies, and links. A special section on megachurches is especially popular.4. Faith Communities Today http://fact.hartsem.edu/ This is the homepage for a major collection of data on religious congregations. The Faith Communities Today (FACT) survey was first conducted in 2000 and has been repeated in 2005 and 2008. You can access summaries of findings and other resources related to the study on this site.5. The U.S. Congregational Life Survey http://www.uscongregations.org/ Another valuable source of information on congregations comes from the U.S. Congregational Life Survey (USCLS), administered in 2001 and again in 2008. The USCLS is a nationally representative study of congregations and their worshippers. A novel feature of the USCLS is that it gathered information from both a leader and participants in each congregation. The website gives an overview of the survey, reports on key findings, and links to publications.6. Religion & Ethics Newsweekly http://www.pbs.org/wnet/religionandethics/ This is the website of a long‐running PBS series focusing on contemporary religion in the United States and abroad. Episodes are available online and often have relevance to the study of religious organizations. In addition, teachers can find other resources in the 'For Educators' section.Focus questions

How are religious organizations unique from other types of organizations, if at all?
What are common forms of religious organizations?
What research methods do sociologists use to study religious organizations?
What are the major forces that influence the success or failure of a religious organization?

Sample syllabus DESCRIPTION A sociological approach to religion emphasizes the collective, social nature of religion. Consequently, religious organizations are an important area of investigation for sociologists. The quantity and quality of research in this area have improved dramatically in recent decades. This course is an introduction to this burgeoning area of research. It explores organizational aspects of religion, including organizational forms, common methodologies, and prominent theories. OBJECTIVES At the completion of this course, students should be able to:

Describe common forms of religious organizations.
Identify methodological strategies for studying religious organizations.
Explain the relevance of prominent organizational theories to religious organizations.

SCHEDULE 1. Defining Religious Organizations Ross P. Scherer, American Denominational Organization: A Sociological View (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1980).Thomas H. Jeavons, 'Identifying Characteristics of "Religious" Organizations: An Exploratory Proposal.' 79–95 in Sacred Companies: Organizational Aspects of Religion and Religious Aspects of Organizations, eds. N.J. Demerath III, Peter Dobkin Hall, Terry Schmitt, and Rhys H. Williams (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1998).Margaret Harris, 'Religious Congregations as Nonprofit Organizations: Four English Case Studies.' 307–320 in Sacred Companies: Organizational Aspects of Religion and Religious Aspects of Organizations, eds. N.J. Demerath III, Peter Dobkin Hall, Terry Schmitt, and Rhys H. Williams (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1998).Mark Chaves, 'Religious Organizations: Data Resources and Research Opportunities', American Behavioral Scientist 45 (2002): 1523–1549. 2. Religious Economies Theory Laurence R. Iannaccone, 'Why Strict Churches are Strong', American Journal of Sociology 99 (1988): 1180–1211. (Reprinted in Demerath et al.'s Sacred Companies, pp. 269–291.)R. Stephen Warner, 'Work in Progress toward a New Paradigm for the Sociological Study of Religion in the United States', American Journal of Sociology 98 (1993): 1044–1093.Rodney Stark and Roger Finke, 'A Theoretical Model of Religious Economies.' 193–217 in Acts of Faith: Explaining the Human Side of Religion (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000).Roger Finke and Rodney Stark, The Churching of America, 1776–2005: Winners and Loses in Our Religious Economy (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2005). 3. New Institutionalism Theory John W. Meyer and Brian Rowan, 'Institutional Organizations: Formal Structure as Myth and Ceremony', American Journal of Sociology 83 (1977): 340–363.Paul DiMaggio and Walter W. Powell, 'The Iron Cage Revisited: Institutional Isomorphism and the Collective Rationality in Organizational Fields', American Sociological Review 48 (1983): 147–160.Philip Selznick, 'Institutionalism "Old" and "New'' ', Administrative Science Quarterly 41 (1996): 270–277.Mark Chaves, Ordaining Women: Culture and Conflict in Religious Organizations (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997). 4. Organizational Ecology Theory Michael T. Hannan and John Freeman, 'The Population Ecology of Organizations', American Journal of Sociology 83 (1977): 929–984.J. Miller McPherson, 'An Ecology of Affiliation', American Sociological Review 48 (1983): 519–532.Pamela A. Popielarz and J. Miller McPherson, 'On the Edge or In Between: Niche Position, Niche Overlap, and the Duration of Voluntary Association Memberships', American Journal of Sociology 101 (1995): 698–721.Nancy Tatom Ammerman, Congregation and Community (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1997). 5. Resource Dependence Theory Richard Emerson, 'Power‐Dependence Relations', American Sociological Review 27 (1962): 31–41.Howard E. Aldrich and Jeffrey Pfeffer, 'Environments of Organizations', Annual Review of Sociology 2 (1976): 79–105.John P. Kotter, 'Managing External Dependence', The Academy of Management Review 4 (1979): 87–92.Roger Finke and Christopher P. Scheitle, 'Understanding Schisms: Theoretical Explanations for their Origins', 11–33 in Sacred Schisms: How Religions Divide, eds. James R. Lewis and Sarah M. Lewis (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2009).Seminar/project ideaAn Organizational Study of a CongregationMany religious studies courses have students visit a local congregation with the intent of learning about the theology or culture of a group. Such observational learning is valuable for students and likewise can be directed toward the organizational aspects of a congregation. Groups of students (either self‐selected or assembled by the professor) will study a local congregation for the semester. The study has two parts:

Congregational profile. Each group must describe the purpose, participants, and performance of their congregation. Purpose, participants, and performance represent core features of all organizations. In congregations, purpose/goals/mission often is shaped by denominational heritage. What is the purpose or mission of the congregation? Is it widely understood and agreed upon? Participants include leaders and laity. Who are they? Where did they come from? Why are they there? What do they do for the congregation? Performance involves what the congregation does and the outcome of such activity. What happens at worship services? What other programs does the congregation operate? And, most notably, is the congregation growing or declining?
Theoretical evaluation of current performance. Growth and decline in religious organizations are important outcomes for investigation. The final step of the group project is for students to apply one of the theories discussed in class to explain the growth or decline experienced in the congregation.

Answering these questions will require intensive investigative work. Group members should plan to attend the congregation's services and meetings, review relevant on‐line or print media from the congregation, and interview members and leaders.The semester‐long project will culminate with an oral presentation made in class and a written report submitted to the professor.(Final note to faculty: If possible, allow a day or two after all presentations have been made to discuss what groups' research overall says about the religious ecology of the local community. What types of religious groups are most prevalent in the area (Evangelical Protestant, Mainline Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, Mormon, other)? Which are growing? Which are declining? How does this compare to national trends? And, of course, return to the question of why.)Note
* Correspondence address: Pennsylvania State University. Email: cps153@psu.edu and Kevin_Dougherty@baylor.edu.

This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. ; Cultura y desarrollo; Esfera pública; Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro; Festivales callejeros; Habermas; Rock al Parque ; 1 An Act of Faith: Two Cases Studies Of Street Festivals As Examples Of Development. ANDRÉS GUILLERMO CHAUR1 Course Title: Theories of the Culture Industry: work, creativity and precariousness Course Code: CU71015A Date: 13 January 2014 1 Beneficiario COLFUTURO 2013 2 3 «Culture is the be all and end all of development» L.S. Senghor, poet (Senegal, 1906-2001) Introduction This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. It is important to mention that the starter point of this essay was precisely to give an introductory background of the importance that has have those two case studies in the development of the city. It is not a secret that Colombia has suffered a period of violence and instability since the second part of the XX century so at first glance it is curious to study and research about an almost contradictory topic such as Culture in a "war country". But at the same time, the "beauty" of this study relies precisely in its contradictory nature: How a country with those characteristics can hold two of the most important and respected free theatre festivals and music festivals in all Latin America? This essay will try to explain that culture when it's conceived with some specific characteristics will bring democracy and peace. A series of deep and abstract concepts will be discussed. This essay was thought just as an introduction and approximation to the topic of public and private, public sphere, culture and development just to mention some examples. Same with authors and thinkers used to elaborate the structure of this study. Once again it should be taken as an approximation rather than a full and elaborated research. The aim is to structure a series of ideas and concepts around one thesis: Those festivals have helped to make Bogotá a better city thus that is the main point of the relation between urban spaces and creativity: It fosters a better understanding of a society overall. At the end of the essay, in the appendix section, some photos are presented to visually recreate the two festivals, its dimensions and its importance. Although, like every 4 transcendental event, in order to understand the magnitude of The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival one have to experience in person. Cities as spaces for the public To fully understand the concept of "Public Realm" and "Public Sphere", one has to address the theory of the city and its relation with the concept of public and private. The concept of "city" has had many meanings through time. There are different ways to approach the concept; however, for the nature of this essay an urban sociological perspective will be approached. Mumford (1937) states the city as a space undoubtedly bonded with the development of human potential: "a city is an expression of the human spirits, and they exist to nurture human personality"2. Weber (1921), one of the founders of modern sociology sees a city in terms of connectivity and settlement between commuters, in that way, the concept of a city, according to Weber, is about the networking, the political and economic participation and the organization among communities. Landry (2013) defines the city as "a complex organism and in constant movement with perspectives, opinions and priorities about what is right often clashing"3. Simmel (1950) explained the correlation of man and the scenarios created by the capitalism and modern society called "The Metropolis". There is always a struggle between the man (individual) and his society (public): "The deepest problem of modern life arises out of the attempt by the individual to preserve his autonomy and individuality in the face of the overwhelming social forces of a historical heritage, external culture and technique of life"4. Simmel's concept of a city as a place where modern man struggle to find his individuality within "overwhelming social forces" is key to understand the theory of the city, specifically one attached with the words: Public -Private. Sennett (1996) in his book "The Fall of the 2 Mumford, L., 1937. What is a city?. In: Scoutt, S and Stoutt, F. ed. 2011. The city reader. Taylor and Francis. pp.91-96. 3 Landry,C. 2013. Civic Urbanity: Looking at the city afresh (PDF). Hangzhou International Congress, "Culture: Key to Sustainable Development", 15-17 May 2013, Hangzhou, China. Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CLT/images/Charles_Landry_Hangzhou_Congress.pdf (Accessed 12 January 2013). 4 Simmel,G. 1950. The Metropolis and Mental Life. In Miles, M; Hall, T and Borden, I. The City Cultures Reader. Ed. 2000. pp. 12-19. 5 public man" gives an account of the city as the scenario where those 2 concepts are correlated. He starts explaining the meaning of public and private. Although its historical background, coming from the Greeks and the idea of Oikos and Polis as the Private and Public respectively, Sennett comments that "the public" in modern times, started to develop in the eighteen century that is as a direct consequence of the industrial revolution and the liberalism ideas coming from The Enlightenment. "Public came to mean a life passed outside the life of family and close friends. In the public region diverse, complex social groups were to be brought into ineluctable contact the focus of this public life was the city"5 The public life is also the ground to understand modern democracy and public political institution. Sennett, citing Hanna Arendt's book The Human Condition shows how the public life in cities can be a scenario where ideas and opinions are discussed and debated. "Private circumstances have no place in the public realm". 6 Arendt even manifests that cities are "democracy's homes"7 This notion of public started to be more evident when places to meet strangers (people from outside the private sphere) within the city started to grow up. Examples of those "places" are the coffee houses and salons (Habermas will mention those examples to explain his theory of public sphere). Those spaces are called "Public Realm" by Sennett. Public Realm, in other words, are spaces where strangers meet. This encounter is characterized by "anonymity". In "The Conscience of The Eye" Sennett (1992) also says that anonymity is the power of modern cities: "The power of the city lies in its diversity; in the presence of difference people have at least the possibility to step outside themselves (.) The city can give them experiences of otherness"8 The concept of Teatro Mundi is an interesting way to look at the public sphere. According to Sennett, "Teatro Mundi" are spaces full of vitality, differences and disorder. Places where the differences connect and all citizens participate: "Society is a theatre and people are actors". This essay will discuss Teatro Mundi in detail in the chapter related to street festivals. . 5 Sennett, R. 2003. The Fall of Public Man. Penguin, New Edition. 6 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 7 Sennett, R. 2008. The Public Realm. (online) Richard Sennet Website. Available at: http://www.richardsennett.com/site/SENN/Templates/General2.aspx?pageid=16 (Accessed 13 January 2014) 8 Sennett, R. 1992. The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. W.W Norton & Company. 6 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss in-depth different theories about the public realm specially the ideas of Habermas about the public sphere and his theory of action communicative. Habermas and the Public Sphere Even though the previous chapter gave an account of the concepts of private-public, it is important to highlight them according to the theory of Habermas. Recognized as one of the most influential sociologist and philosopher of our times, Habermas theories of the public sphere (phrase from the German Öffentlichkeit), and modern democracy as well as his theory of action communicative have been enormously influential for modern sociology9. Firstly Habermas' thought is marked in the tradition of the Frankfurt School. His first mayor publication "The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere" argues that instrumental rationality is implicit in the Public Sphere. However, Habermas took distance from the classical notion of the critical theory when argues that participation in the public sphere (he exemplified the coffee shops and the salons in Paris and London in the XVIII century) is free and autonomous in order to shape a common good: "The public sphere consisted in voluntary associations of private citizens united in a common aim, to make use of their own reason in unconstrained discussion between equals"10(Later on, Habermas is going to present how mass media eroded individuality and declined the public sphere). It is important to mention the dichotomy of the words public-private for Habermas. Although different, both are dependents to each other. In that way the private sphere and the public sphere instead of being exclusive are inclusive. Susen (2011) defines the public sphere, taking into account Habermas' theory, as: "The socialized expression of individuals' reciprocally constituted autonomy: individuals are autonomous not in isolation from but in relation to one another, that is, in relation to a public of autonomous beings".11 9Finlayson, J .2005. "Habermas, a very short introduction". Oxford University Press. 10 Habermas,J. 1991. The Structural Transformation Of The Public Sphere. MIT Press. 11 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 7 Several questions came to mind: How this socialization is constructed? What does an autonomous individual mean? And how can individual reach autonomy? For Habermas, the answer relies on a rational communicative action. The aim of the public sphere is to create a consensus through the active participation of all individuals involved. This consensus is created by a rational approach of the language: "The public sphere is a collective realm in which individuals' cognitive ability to take on the role of critical and responsible actors is indicative of society's coordinative capacity to transform itself into an emancipatory project shaped by the normative force of communicative rationality"12. Rationality in terms of Habermas does not consist in knowledge per se but "how speaking and acting subjects acquire and use knowledge"13. This type of rationality is different from the instrumental rationality from the Enlightenment, widely criticized by the Frankfurt School, since it is "practical, epistemological and more important, intersubjective"14. The public sphere, considering the above, not only describes the space where the encounter occurs but moreover, the public sphere has within itself an emancipator and a transformative component. Some critics find Habermas ideas "too utopian and idealistic"15. The next chapter the link between Habermas and Sennett notion of Public Realm in the city will be tracked. The Open City Sennett takes Habermas as a mayor inspiration for constructing his idea of the Public Realm in the city. According to Sennett (2008), Habermas does not tie the public sphere to any particular place, such as a town centre for instance. Even new technological media as the 12 Ibid. 13 Hahn, L. 2000. Perspective On Habermas. Open Court Publishing. 14 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 Ibid. 8 Internet could be seen as an example of public sphere: "In today's cities, an internet cafe would be more likely to excite him than Trafalgar Square" 16 The place where strangers meet, as Sennett defines Public Realm, could be anywhere: An event, a medium, etc. that encourages communication between strangers. Eventually, Sennett argues, cities that promote those types of encounters are called cities with open systems and on the contrary, cities that lack a real public realm or just promote the privatization of spaces are called cities with closed systems. Based on sociologist Jane Jacobs(1961) and her book "The death and life of great American cities"17, Sennett(2006) imagines a city with a closed system with two attributes: Equilibrium and Integration18. Equilibrium is related with balance, with harmony and with a static idea of conceiving a city. Public Spaces as spaces full of differences, dissents and disorders are not part or are reduced in a closed system. By integration, Sennett means that everything is connected and is part of a greater and unique vision. Thus, everything that is not part of that unique vision is expelled and rejected: "The logic of integration is to diminish in value things that don't fit in (.) Closed system cities refuse to evolve and has paralysed urbanism", concludes Sennett. Opposing a closed system, the open system is all about diversity and finding a place for differences, dissents and disorders. It is about complexity, about how a place adapts itself to the always changing community and its processes. Sennett lists three elements of an open city: Passage territories, incomplete form and development narratives. Passages territories means to diffuse boundaries and different territories within the cities; incomplete form is regarding "empty spaces" so the public can interact in it. Development narratives means to allow dissident voices to express and to fully participate. Wirth (1938) summarize the above by saying: "The juxtaposition of divergent personalities and modes of life tends to produce a relativistic perspective and a sense of toleration of differences"19 Taking into consideration the above characteristics of an open city, one can say that an open city is a place for democracy, "not in the legal sense but in the physical experience" says 16 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 17 Jacobs, J .1961. The death and life of great American cities. Random House, New York. 18 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 19 Wirth, L .1938. Urbanism as a Way of Life. (online) Chicago Journals. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2768119 (Accessed 13 January 2014). 9 Sennett 20. This thesis is important to understand the importance of public spaces in construction of a fully democratic society and thus is connected to the idea of development and equality. ¿What are examples of an open system? Can one give an account of a public sphere? The next chapter will give an account of the relationship between the street festivals and the public sphere, understanding them as a significance example of public realm. Street Festivals and the Public Sphere To begin with, Street Festivals or Urban Festivals as any other cultural event placed in the public sphere are related of what Durkheim called "collective effervescence". As Durkheim pointed out when a group gathers to perform a "religious ritual" experiences a sense of encounter and unity, "leading participants to a high degree of collective emotional excitement or delirium"21. However as Sassatelli(2011) adds, although Festivals are also part of a collective delirium, taking all participant apart from the everyday life, they are also places where the social encounter is made of "polyvalent performances, rather than unified signifiers of a consensual collective conscience"22 Sassatelli complements that street festivals contrasted with museums: By its living dimension as well as its unrestrained sensory experience. Sennett (1992) also talks about spaces "full of live" as narrative spaces where every dweller constructs a disorder and kaleidoscope meaning of the public. This could lead to the erosion of the boundaries of high and low culture in the sense of the Frankfurt School understood the "cultural industries". namely they turn into instances of communication and instances of production of collective meanings and desires. 20 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 21 Durkheim, E .2008. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Oxford Paperbacks. 22 Sassatelli, M. 2011. Urban Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere: Cosmopolitanism between Ethics and Aesthetics in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 12-19 10 If Habermas, the notion of the "Public Sphere" is related as the area where rational individuals communicate to each other to discuss their social problems; nowadays as McGuian(2011) argues, there are different ways to look at the public sphere, not only inside a rational communicative system as Habermas states, but from other types of communication that also create a sense of public sphere. One of those "public spheres" is the cultural public sphere, namely a sphere within the public where different modes of communications, for instance "affective-aesthetics and emotional are articulated with the public and the private"23 "The public sphere nowadays operates though various channels and circuits of mass popular culture and entertainment facilitated the routinely mediated aesthetic and emotional reflections on how we live and imagine the good life (.) festivals are the aestheticization of politics as the ground for festivals is the democratization of an independent thought by the spectators transformed into active actors". . Although McGuian theorized the cultural public sphere for the mass media and populism culture, undoubtedly street festivals share that conception in an emotional and aesthetic way of "come together as a public" and to transcend the private sphere into a societal integration as Habermas explained. Fabiani (2011) explained as well: 24 Street Festivals are also part of the Sennett's idea of "Teatro Mundi". Spaces operated in an open system, where strangers meet through a "rhetorical way, acting in order to be 23Mc Guian, J. 2011. The Cultural Public Sphere- a critical measure of public culture? in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 79-92. 24 Fabiani, J. 2011. Festivals, local and global: Critical interventions and the cultural public sphere. in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 92-108 Involvement rather than contemplation Instances of communication and community building Erosion of the boundaries between high and low culture Construction of Identity Produce meanings and desires Box 1. Characteristics of Street Festivals according to Sassatelli(2011). 11 credible" 25 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss the implications of street festivals in the sustainable development of a city. Different approaches coming from the research of the UNESCO on the relationship between culture and development as well as the studies of the creative class by Michael Florida and the Creative cities by Michael Landry. . People act as in they were in a "role playing" to create a sense of "equality", even if they do not share their same social class, race, sexual orientation, etc. Street Festivals have this "communicative power" of involve everyone together. Street Festivals as mechanism for sustainable development How could we connect street festivals as examples of the cultural public sphere with the idea of development? In other words, is there any connection between street festivals, understood as a cultural manifestation, and sustainable development? This chapter will introduce the concept of "Culture for Development"26 In the last few decades, UNESCO programs have been focused in how culture should be at the centre of economic development in developed and especially in developing countries. One of the last attempts to foster that was the Hangzou Congress in 2013 in China. The final conclusion was: "Placing Culture at the Heart of Sustainable Development Policies"; a term coined by UNESCO in a variety of its programs wide world specially for developing nations and will give an account of the link between that term and street festivals as examples of a cultural industry. 27 25 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. and described 9 main ideas to do so: Integrate culture within all development policies and Programmes; Mobilize culture and mutual understanding to foster peace and reconciliation; Ensure cultural rights for all to promote inclusive social development; Leverage culture for poverty reduction and inclusive economic development; Build on culture to promote environmental sustainability; Strengthen resilience to disasters and combat climate change through culture value; safeguard and transmit culture to future generations; Harness culture 26 Culture and Development. 2013. UNESCO- Culture. (Online) Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development (Accessed 13 January 2014) 27 UNESCO. 2013. The Hangzhou Declaration. UNESCO- Culture. (Online). Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development/hangzhou-congress/ (Accessed 13 January 2014). 12 as a resource for achieving sustainable urban development and management; Capitalize on culture to foster innovative and sustainable models of cooperation. 28 Landry (2008) also talks about the benefits of cultural industries in a city and how the creativity of those industries will foster economic development and social cohesion: "Culture can also strengthen social cohesion, increase personal confidence and improve life skills, improve people's mental and physical well-being, strengthen people's ability to act as democratic citizens and develop new training and employment routes".29 Florida (2003) shows the relationship between creativeness and development. His theory of human capital, called creative capital theory, shows how by fostering tolerance, high education levels and social adaptation to changes, a social class can help to develop their communities. This creative class and its idea of create "new forms of meanings"30 The bond between the cultural public sphere with democracy and the idea of an Open City, explained before, is also a seminal part of how through cultural manifestations, a society can develop and tackle social problems. are attached to the idea of UNESCO's Culture for development program. Case Studies: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and the "Rock al Parque" Festival This essay will present two cases studies of street festivals and its relation with the city and its sustainable development: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogota (Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá) and The Rock al Parque Festival. Both represent two major fields in the cultural industries in Bogotá such as the performative arts and the music. 28 Ibid 29 Landry, C. 2008. The Creative City: A toolkit for Urban Innovators. Earthscan Editions. 30 Florida, M (2003). Cities and the creative class. (Online). Available at: http://uv.vuchorsens.dk/r/KAZ/Undervisning%202012-2013/GEOLOGI/B%C3%A6redygtighed/Befolkning%20og%20b%C3%A6redygtighed/GetFile.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 13 Firstly the chapter will introduce a context of each festival and then discuss around 5 main axes how the two festivals help to development in specific ways. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá Declared in December 2013 as "cultural heritage of Colombia"31, The Ibero-American Theatre Festival of Bogotá is a biannual cultural event held in Bogotá and organized by the Fundación Teatro Nacional (National Theatre Foundation) an NGO dedicated to theatre with private and public funding. It is considered as one of the most important theatre festival in Latin America and the most significant cultural event in Colombia32 The history of the festival is in every sense "quixotic": Launched in 1988 when the country was immersed in drug-related violence and when the public institutions and the general idea of democracy were at crisis, Ramiro Osorio, a renowned cultural entrepreneur and Fanny Mikey, considered one of the icons of theatre and culture in Colombia, created the theatre Festival as a "Act of Faith" in order to promote culture as an answer to defeat the prevailing violence of those years. . It is important to mention somehow the significant role of the National Theatre Foundation in the conformation and development of the theatre in Colombia. Founded in 1981 by Fanny Mikey, an Argentinean émigré, with the play "El Rehén" nowadays has three major venues with a wide programme throughout the year as well as an art college a social programme for deprived communities and an international tours of their plays33 The first Ibero-American theatre festival, held from 25th march to 3th of April 1988, gathered 59 theatres companies from 21 countries with an estimated of no more than 100.000 spectators. In 2012, 26 years later, the festival had more than 3 million spectators and 200 theatres companies from 32 countries and 5 continents. 34 31El Espectador. 2013. Festival de Teatro de Bogotá, declarado patrimonio cultural de la Nación. El Espectador, (Online) (Last updated 11December 2013). Available at: . http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/festival-de-teatro-de-bogota-declarado-patrimonio-cultu-articulo-463508. (Accessed: 13 January 2014). 32 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 33 Ibid 34 Ibid 14 The conception of the festival as a "carnival of the city" relies on the stress in the use of the public space: There are plays presented in the streets, plazas and parks from all over the city: From slums to rich areas covering all significance area of the city. In 2012, the festival presents 218 street plays in 4 major parks (Simón Bolívar, Tunal, Nacional y Plaza de Bolívar) 7 public spaces for street plays, 4 community centres, 2 big parades starting from the north of Bogota (Calle 80) until the Bolivar's Square, the biggest plaza in Bogotá. The Festival was in 11 out of the 21 districts of Bogota. In average, around 2, 5 millions of spectators participate in the festival. 35 "Rock al Parque" Festival In March 2012, Bogotá was chosen by the UNESCO as Creative City of Music along with European cities such as Bologna (Italy), Ghent (Belgium), Sevilla (Spain) and Glasgow (Scotland).36 This recognition is part of the strategy of the secretary of culture of Bogotá of positioning the city as a major culture hub in Latin-American especially in the music field. In recent years and after the creation of the central roadmaps namely the "Políticas Culturales Distritales 2004-2016"37 The link between urban public spaces and public festivals as cultural policies is more visible in the "Festivales al Parque" (Park Festivals) which consists in five annual free music festivals held in different times of the year and performed in important free venues and public parks. They are managed and executed by the Institute for arts in Bogotá (A sub division of the Secretary of Culture of Bogotá) "IDARTES". and the "Plan Decenal de Cultura 2011-2021" the music field and their relation with public spaces have being an important core of the cultural policies in Bogotá. There are 5 "festivales al parque" dedicated to the 5 most popular rhythms that conformed the music scene in the city: Hip Hop, Jazz, Colombia (traditional music) and Rock. Created in different years, the "Festivales al Parque" conforms a local identity and a cultural highlight of the city. 35 Ibid 36 Cultura y Entretenimiento. 2012. Bogotá fue declarada capital mundial de la música. EL TIEMPO. (Online). Available at: http://www.eltiempo.com/entretenimiento/musica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-11842506.html (Accessed 13 January 2014) 37 IDARTES. 2004. Políticas Culturales Distritales (Online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/sites/default/files/politicas_culturales_distritales_2004-2016.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 The pioneer and the biggest in terms of audience of the "Festivales al Parque" is "Rock al Parque" a 3 days rock festival created in 1995 and hosted in the biggest public park of the city, Parque Simón Bolivar; it was organized by musicians Mario Duarte and Julio Correal as a strategy to create a bond between citizens of different socio economic background with the public space during the Antanas Mockus' mayor. The XVIII edition of the festival in 2012 congregated more than 70.000 people per day, making the Festival, the biggest public rock festival in Latin America in terms of audience38. Places for sustainable development: conclusions studies. Although each festival has its own characteristics a study conducted by Obgregón (2007) shows 5 main conclusions that "Rock al Parque" festival has brought to the city. In a similar study done for the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival, Cepeda (2010) also concluded that the festival helped the city in similar ways of the five elements of Obregon. Those five elements also share the same roots of the elements of Culture for Development by the UNESCO. This is an interesting discovery that shows how festivals if they are organized inside the language of Open City -Teatro Mundi (Sennett) and in the Cultural Public Sphere all share similar benefits: 38 Obregon, J. 2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Improve the image of the city Create a sense of identity Help to build an audience Visibilization of a minority group Tolerance and social cohesion. Box 2. Five mains benefit of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and Rock al Parque Festival to Bogotá. 16 1. Improve the image of the city Both festivals improve the image of the city, for both its inhabitants and foreigners audiences. Leguizamón, Moreno and Tibazisco(2013) have argued the relation between the festivals and the local economy especially in the touristic field: "Bogotá is a touristic destiny who takes advantage of its public festivals as an important opportunity to retain tourists interested in performing arts because they visit the city only one time. This advantage depends on quality improvements which tourist perceived around touristic products and services offered like: security, hospitality, environmental practices, mobility and connectivity."39 UNESCO (2001) has also states how cultural tourism has increased in recent years: In 2010, international tourism generated 919 billion dollars in export earnings. Emerging and developing countries accounted for 47 per cent of world international tourism arrivals and 36.9 per cent of world international tourism receipts in 2010. Cultural tourism presently accounts for 40 per cent of world tourism revenues. Taking into account the statistics of the monitoring centre for culture of IDARTES conducted in 2011 the percentage of tourist that visited the city exclusively to assist to "Rock al Parque" Festival were 16,16% compared to 6,03% in 199740. 2. Create a sense of identity Wyss (2012) states that for 17 days, "the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival transformed a chaotic metropolis like Bogotá (more than 8 million inhabitants) into a cultural Mecca", The general director of the Festival, Ana Marta de Pizarro also argues than the festival is "the carnival of the city, crime rates are significantly reduced and the general atmosphere of the dwellers is of great joy and party"41 39 Leguizamon, M; Moreno, E and Tobavizco N. 2013. Impacto turístico del Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá. (online) Available: . http://www.pasosonline.org/Publicados/11113/PS0113_06.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014) 40 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 41 Wyss, J. 2010. Bogota theater festival: a bright mask for a once grim city. (Online) Available at: http://carpetbagbrigade.files.wordpress.com/2012/09/miami-herald-dios-callings-english1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 17 Similar to Wyss, Obregon citing Cante(2007), says that the idea of Rock al Parque has brought a sense of "social cohesion through the construction of an identity of tolerance and coexistence. It creates a civil culture in the city"42. 3. Help to build an audience Obregon (2007) and Cepeda (2010) states that one of the most important benefits of Rock al Parque and the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival is that those events have helped to build an audience in music and performative arts respectively. In the case of Rock al Parque, the event helped to massify a genre that wasn't part of the mainstream in Colombia as Rock. According to IDARTES (2011), almost 60% of the audience that assisted to the Festival in 2011 has been to a different free rock concert. Almost 80% has already assisted to more than two versions of Rock Al Parque. Cepeda (2010) concludes that the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival has collaborate to "enrich the theatre market in the city and to put it in one of the top in Latin America". 65% of the public, who assisted to the Festival in 2010, has seen a play regularly outside the Festival, according to the study. 4. Visibilization of a minority group This point is connected to the last conclusion. By building an audience, the festivals helped to make visible an audience. In Rock al Parque an "underground culture" as the rock scene, stigmatized before as "antisocial, started to have a better image in the community. IDARTES (2011) indicates that 60% of the audience of Rock al Parque has been to a Rock Concert without any kind of stigmatization43. 5. Tolerance and social cohesion Another important point about the two festivals is regarding the social cohesion and zero violence culture that promotes. Cepeda (2010) is very emphatic describing the impact of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival with the violence and crime rates in the city: 42 Obregon, J.2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. 43 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 18 "The festival has contributed since its beginning to the peace process in Colombia. This festival dared to make public performatives acts in the streets when the crimes rates were really high. Those events had an amazing and significative success. One could say that in the 17 days of the festival, crimes and violence stops. Police informs that the crime rates during those two weeks are the lowest of the year."44 93,48% of the spectators of the 2011 "Rock al Parque" felt that the event help to promote a non-violence culture. Still, both festivals shares the unique values of the "Teatro Mundi": Every spectator is equal, no matter his race, gender, social class, etc. The rates of zero violent deaths in the history of both festivals are also an example of how those events are truly places for democracy and peace. Conclusion As it has been seen through the different chapters that conform this essay, the benefits of creating public cultural events in urban spaces bring, undoubtedly a notion of democracy and development. Although Habermas did not specifically discuss street festivals and public festivals in urban spaces as examples of his theory of both public sphere and the theory of communicative action, the essay helped to shape a theoretical background to such events according to Habermas's notions. In the end, the link between Cultural Public Spaces and the UNESCO definition of Culture for Development was an interesting discovery that is worthwhile to keep researching. As mentioned in the introduction, the aim of the essay was to create a structure to understand the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival as examples of cultural public sphere and based on that give an account of the relationship between those spaces and the idea of development. Culture and Cultural manifestations are always moving and changing as society itself. Street Festivals are manifestations that definitely have to be fully addressed. All the rich variety of characteristics that those kinds of events possesses as the essay presented, make them a unique type of cultural products. Could culture transform a society? Definitely. Not only culture transformed society but improves it. Bogota is a better city, with more possibilities with events like the ones studied. In the future, and as part of a cultural policies plan, More events such those, should be created. This is the only recommendation of this essay toward the future, taking into account 44 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 19 that the existing legislation "protect" the two festivals, that in the end, are part of the cultural heritage of the city and the nation. 20 Appendix Photos a. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival45 45 All photos: Humar, Z., 2012. En fotos, Bogotá y su fiesta de las mil caras. [electronic print] Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/video_fotos/2012/04/120405_fotos_galeria_festival_teatro_bogota_aw.shtml [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 21 22 b. Rock al Parque Festival46 46 All photos: Lopez, J., 2013. Bogotá Rock al Parque. [electronic print] Available at: http://tinyurl.com/oabvlmt [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 23 24 Bibliography • Cepeda, A. 2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. • Cultura y Entretenimiento. 2012. Bogotá fue declarada capital mundial de la música. EL TIEMPO. (Online). Available at: http://www.eltiempo.com/entretenimiento/musica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-11842506.html (Accessed 13 January 2014) • Culture and Development. 2013. UNESCO- Culture. (Online) Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development (Accessed 13 January 2014) • Durkheim, E .2008. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Oxford Paperbacks. • El Espectador. 2013. Festival de Teatro de Bogotá, declarado patrimonio cultural de la Nación. El Espectador, (Online) (Last updated 11December 2013). Available at: http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/festival-de-teatro-de-bogota-declarado-patrimonio-cultu-articulo-463508. (Accessed: 13 January 2014). • Fabiani, J. 2011. Festivals, local and global: Critical interventions and the cultural public sphere. in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 92-108 • Finlayson, J .2005. Habermas, a very short introduction. Oxford University Press. • Florida, M .2003. Cities And The Creative Class. (Online). Available at: http://uv.vuchorsens.dk/r/KAZ/Undervisning%202012-2013/GEOLOGI/B%C3%A6redygtighed/Befolkning%20og%20b%C3%A6redygtighed/GetFile.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Habermas,J. 1991. The Structural Transformation Of The Public Sphere. MIT Press. • Hahn, L. 2000. Perspective On Habermas. Open Court Publishing. 25 • IDARTES. 2004. Políticas Culturales Distritales (Online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/sites/default/files/politicas_culturales_distritales_2004-2016.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). • IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Jacobs, J .1961. The Death And Life Of Great American Cities. Random House, New York. • Landry, C. 2008. The Creative City: A toolkit for Urban Innovators. Earthscan Editions. • Landry,C. 2013. Civic Urbanity: Looking at the city afresh (PDF). Hangzhou International Congress, "Culture: Key to Sustainable Development", 15-17 May 2013, Hangzhou, China. Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CLT/images/Charles_Landry_Hangzhou_Congress.pdf (Accessed 12 January 2013). • Leguizamon, M; Moreno, E and Tobavizco N. 2013. Impacto turístico del Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá. (online) Available: http://www.pasosonline.org/Publicados/11113/PS0113_06.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014) • Mc Guian, J. 2011. The Cultural Public Sphere- a critical measure of public culture? in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 79-92. • Mumford, L., 1937. What is a city?. In: Scoutt, S and Stoutt, F. ed. 2011. The city reader. Taylor and Francis. pp.91-96. • Obregon, J .2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. • Sassatelli, M. 2011. Urban Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere: Cosmopolitanism between Ethics and Aesthetics in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 12-19 • Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014)26 • Sennett, R. 1992. The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. W.W Norton & Company. • Sennett, R. 2003. The Fall of Public Man. Penguin, New Edition. • Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A. Companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. • Sennett, R. 2008. The Public Realm. (online) Richard Sennet Website. Available at: http://www.richardsennett.com/site/SENN/Templates/General2.aspx?pageid=16 (Accessed 13 January 2014) . • Simmel, G. 1950. The Metropolis and Mental Life. In Miles, M; Hall, T and Borden, I. The City Cultures Reader. Ed. 2000. pp. 12-19. • Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). • UNESCO. 2013. The Hangzhou Declaration. UNESCO- Culture. (Online). Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development/hangzhou-congress/ (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Weber,M. 1966. The City. Free Press. • Wirth, L .1938. Urbanism as a Way of Life. (online) Chicago Journals. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2768119 (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Wyss, J. 2010. Bogota theatre festival: a bright mask for a once grim city. (Online) Available at: http://carpetbagbrigade.files.wordpress.com/2012/09/miami-herald-dios-callings-english1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014)

 Commander In undergrad I got really into theory, all of it, reading Baudrillard, Deleuze, Debord, Foucault, etc., most definitely etc, all the time. My theory fascination was a byproduct of reading zines and little semiotextes, the more polemical, the more outlandish its claims, the more I loved it. One little book I particularly loved was First and Last Emperors: The Absolute State and the Body of the Despot by Kenneth Dean and Brian Massumi. It is an odd little book, a reading of the Reagan/Bush years framed as much by the legalist philosopher Shang Yang's The Book of Lord Shang as it is by the expected references to Deleuze and Guattari. (Brian Massumi of course translated A Thousand Plateaus). That odd idiosyncratic nature is precisely what I loved about it. I dreamt of writing something similar, not on Reagan and legalism but something which brought together a variety of disparate references to think through a specific problem. I guess my book which talks about Spinoza and Marx along with Breaking Bad and Better Call Saul, might be an attempt to realize that wish. It does not talk about dogs though, which brings us to this post. I read with horror and interest the story of Biden's dog Commander and the number of times that he has bitten secret service agents. Part of this has to do with my own history. People who follow me on social media probably have seen my dog Bento. What people who only know him online do not know is that Bento is what some refer to as a reactive dog, or in other terms, he is fear aggressive, mostly towards humans. This pretty much fits Plato's definition of dogs in the Republic, he loves the people he knows, not just love, he adores them, but if he does not know you he is at least suspicious of you, if not openly hostile. He loves meeting new dogs, but is not really interested in meeting new people. He is generally distrustful of people. This is something I imagined he learned on the mean streets of Memphis (where he came from before I adopted him in Maine). In turn I had to learn how to deal with it and manage it. I have gone through three different behaviorists, eventually taking him to work with the behaviorists at Tufts, who I cannot recommend more highly. (Yeah, I spent a lot of money). What they taught me is that this is a condition than can be managed but never entirely changed. We do manage, mostly this just means that anyone coming to the house has to go through a lengthy introduction process; he wears a muzzle to the vet, and we mostly keep our distance from people out in the world. If you ask "Can I pet your dog" (and by all means you should always ask) the answer is always "No, sorry, but thanks for asking." On some immediate level reading about Commander was reading one of my worst nightmares. To be clear, Bento has never bit anyone. Like I said, we manage his reactions. Bento at his daycare where he has many dog and human friends My nightmare was always what would happen if Bento bit someone. I could only imagine a string of events which ended with Bento going to an "undisclosed location," but in his case the undisclosed location in question would be a euphemism for the final undisclosed location we are all heading towards and not the farm that imagine Commander has retired to. I guess that is what separates me from the President. The sovereign is he who decides the exception, and in this case that includes a dog that can bite people repeatedly without legal ramifications. However, it got me think of the politics of dogs again, something that I wrote about briefly with Trump.  The fabricated image of Trump putting a medal of honor on a dog stands in sharp contrast with Biden's dog taking a chunk out of secret service agents arm. One is a fabricated image of command and authority, and the other is one of a force out of control.This brings me back to Dean and Massumi's little book. In that book they draw a sharp distinction between Reagan who functions as a kind of figure of transcendence, a despot in Deleuze and Guattari's term, who manages to appropriate all of the various functions of the nation and and the state to embody them. Reagan became America. This stands in sharp contrast to Bush. As Dean and Massumi write:"Old Glory's magic dust didn't stick to Bush's lapels. Try as he might to pledge himself to it, if fell from his shoulders like dandruff. Whenever he drew attention to himself, it was in a way that highlighted his inability to rise above, or even remain seated--to maintain his presence at all. For example, Bush could never garner for himself the kind of political capital Reagan did with second-hand war stories, even though he had a true one to tell. Bush actually was a fighter pilot in World War II. The story he tells is about being shot down. It ends with him floating aimlessly in a little yellow raft thinking wistfully about his family as he waits for rescue. In his hour of danger, a raft away from death, the thought of family did not unify the Bush substance(lessness) with that of the nation, as if had for Reagan reminiscing about his birth; rather, it led him to reflect on "my faith, the separation of church and state." Church/state...mind/body, spirituality/materiality, self/other. This split, which Reagan tried to hard to overcome, was a given for Bush, his "faith." It was his ultimate element, his destiny, it was to Bush what the sea was to his doomed fighter plane."Whereas Reagan could appropriate the various machines of the state to the point where everything American seemed to emanate from him, Bush constantly lived the division between his person and his power. This is seen most immediately in the first Gulf War, in which the power of the state's war machine was split between Bush and his generals, most notably Schwarzkopf. It is tempting to read Biden as embodying a similar division, one that Commander exemplifies. It is not the division between the president and his power, but between word and actions. The story linked to above is riddled with statements from the Biden's about their concern. As the piece states, "A White House official who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the matter said the president and first lady were "heartbroken" over what had happened, had apologized to those who were bitten and had even brought flowers to some of them." This division between the deep concern and the sheer number of attacks, brings to mind another, more pressing division: the division between Biden's repeated statement of deep concern for the situation in Gaza coupled with his continued support, actual military and financial support, for Netanyahu and Israel. I do not know how the Secret Service agents felt about getting flowers, but it is increasingly clear that the words of concern and heartbreak many very little to the people in Gaza, and the people in the US who want a ceasefire. Dean and Massumi theorized Reagan and Bush as transcendence and immanence, unity and division. Looking at Trump and Biden through dogs gives us another division. One between an ersatz toughness that is somehow convincing, and gestures of concern that are less so. A president who gleefully identifies with the Machiavellian beast of the state and one who does not even now how to appear to be of the people, out of touch with what it means to live with a dog, and, more importantly, with how the very voters he would count on feel about an ongoing genocide. The simulacrum of power or a division between sentiment and action, these are the choices that voters are facing. Updated 5/5/24Commander returned to the news today. Kristi Noem, the Governor of South Dakota, who made it in the news recently for shooting her dog, Cricket, not only defended her decision to shoot her dog, but suggested that the same thing should happen to Commander. Noem's remarks reveal not only the media politics of the current moment, which have as their basic rule, "Never apologize, always double down," but also her vision of political power. The initial anecdote was meant to illustrate her willingness to do the difficult and messy things needed to "get things done." As someone who worked and volunteered in an animal shelter I just want to say there are myriad other ways to get rid of a dog besides getting a gun, there are shelters, breed rescues, etc., there is also dedicating more time to train a dog. I volunteered at a shelter in Maine and failed working dogs, hunting dogs that do not hunt, often make wonderful pets. Those other options are beside the point, what matters, and what is being espoused is violence as the epitome of power, and offending others as the measure of righteousness. That people are offended and outraged is the point. As with Trump and Biden, the dog is once again being used to articulate a particular vision or ideal of political power. In the case it is one in which violence is synonymous is decisiveness, the outrage of others is synonymous with righteousness. Years ago confessing to killing a dog would have been seen as the end of a political career; the revelation that Mitt Romney made the family dog ride on a career outside the car probably played some role in ending his presidential bid. That Noem is doubling down could be seen as evidence of her cluelessness and cruelty, but it also could be seen how deep we are in a micro-politics of fascism. 

Educational Leadership in Independent Muslim Schools: A Methodological Proposal Author(s):Henrik Nilsson (presenting) Conference:ECER 2016, Leading Education: The Distinct Contributions of Educational Research and Researchers Network:26. Educational Leadership Format:01. Continuing Professional Development: Learning for Individuals, Leaders, and Organisations Session Information 26 SES 04 C, Perspectives on Leadership in Denmark, Australia and Swedish Muslim Schools Paper Session Time:2016-08-24 09:00-10:30 Room:OB-H1.12 Chair:David Gurr Contribution Educational Leadership in Independent Muslim Schools: A Methodological Proposal The phenomena of Muslim independent schools in Sweden is mainly discussed as an issue of social and cultural integration. This discourse have to been understood in the light of the transformation of Swedish school system has underwent. Meanings about the necessary of keeping religious influence and secularised education apart (Englund, 1996) are still strong. The state and municipals is looked up as warrants of this divide. At the same time 6 % of 134 000 pupils in independent schools attend confessionals schools in Sweden. The number of Islamic profiled school are increasing as the immigration from countries where the larger part of the population affirm themselves as Muslims. The Central Bureau of Statistics (2014) in Sweden predict that 20 % of the Swedish population either are immigrants or the children of immigrants in year 2020. A larger part of those immigrants will probably be Muslims with a wish to maintain their faith identity and recognized as Muslims (Thobani, 2011). To understand the context of leadership you need to have knowledge about the discourses about Islam and Muslims. The aim of this paper is to discuss methodology to do research on educational leadership in Muslim schools. An empirical touchdown from my dissertation (Nilsson, 2015) will serve as a back-drop to do this. The academic discourse about the outcomes of Muslim profiled schools education is divided (Nilsson, 2015). Either are Muslim Schools comprehended to maintain self-assurance and cultural recognition (Gerle, 1997) or as means of segregating children with different backgrounds from each other (Englund, 2010) and/or to reproduce patriarchy circumscribing democracy (Ali, 2009). The representation of Muslims and Muslim school in mass media and the civil sphere often held the later opinion to be true (Shadid & Koningsveld, 2002). Especially when it comes to the establishment of a new school, prejudice are common among the members of the majority. An increasing Islamophobia in Europe is emerging and parents therefore chose Muslim profiled schools because they think they are safe. However Shah (Shah, 2015, p 140) argues that the interest in Islamic schools is reflecting a desire to make education not just a mean for developing and strengthening their faith identity but also as a vehicle for social mobility". According to Durkheim, education is about transmitting knowledge and values to the next generation (Durkheim, 1956) and this process can in a social perspective bring about reproduction of social position (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990) but also producing cultural meanings and crossing boarders of culture (Giroux, 2005). But how does cultural boarder crossing happens? My suggestion is to look up on educational leadership as a possible cultural boarder crossing. I understand the boarder crossing as a social performance which aims to re-fuse already de-fused meanings (Alexander, 2006). A social performance can be successful if it re-fuses meaning and change the audiences'' landscapes of meaning (Reed, 2011) and change the way of social life in the direction that the actor intend. This direction has in a normative perspective not be wanted. That's why, from a sociological point of view, I suggest that the social performance also is a question about content in aspects about whose cultural meanings getting re-fused or remains de-fused. The different content of the de-fusion/re- fusion is therefore understood as different modes of incorporation: assimilation, hyphenation and multicultural incorporation (Alexander, 2006). Integration in this perspective is about on-going internal social and cultural processes. Method Under scrutinity is social performance and incorporation; ways of managing the future lives of the children. When performed, the curriculum consist of particular values, attitudes and dispositions. The curriculum taught "shapes perceptions of ethnic identity.struggles over ethnicity and curriculum" (Sleeter, 2015, p 231). The action of educational leaders are "set in motion by discursive and organizational conflicts over incorporation" (Alexander, 2001, s. 246) i.e. cultural meanings. The practises are tied to particular times and places located in a web of practice (politic, economic, cultural, language, family.) The educational leader breaks off certain aspects of other practices to motivate and legitimize pedagogies and therefore also construct different discourses of pathways to incorporation. From a sociological point of view the educational outcomes describes modes of incorporaton: i) assimilative ii) hyphenated iii) multicultural (Alexander, 2001). In an assimilative mode of incorporation the particular identity is expected to be hidden in public places. It is not appreciated e.g. if you talk your native language during breaks or wear the hijab in school. This mode of incorporetation reminds of what McLaren (1994, p 49) defines conservative (or corporate) multiculturalism. The goal is to assimilate everyone into the culture of the majority and the coregroup. A prinicipal that perform an assimilative educational leadership tries to persuade and get his audience to embrace standards of achievment that assimalte students of minorities "into skills, concepts, language, and values of the dominant society" (Sleeter, 2015). How and if it happens depends on the success or failure of the performance in a local context. In the hyphenated mode different identities are highlighted when it suits and benefits the majority (Banks, 1999).The third mode of incorporation is understood as multicultural. In this mode the particular identities and the majoritys' is seen as equal good, righteous, democratic and so are the institutions they represent (Alexander, 2006). According to (Banks, 1999, p 31) the mode is a "transformative approach, which changes 'the canon, paradigms, and basic assumptions of the curriculum and enables students to view concepts, issues, themes, and problems from different perspectives and points of view". Expected Outcomes I expect that the theory of social performance and incorporation can add important perspective on leadership, it means social performance and it's ends incorporation. Traditionally, educational leadership in multicultural school is understood as reproducing structures: symbolic, cultural and economic capital which constitute an assimilative mode of incorporation. In control of material elements such as structures and institutions e. g. means of symbolic productions: television and mass media, the chances for a successful assimilation of course increases. But it's not sufficient to re-fuse meanings with those performative elements. Even if you own and/or access means of symbolic production the others elements of the social performance e. g. authenticity of actor, the actual performance on the scene and the script has to be interpreted as true, real and natural. If the actor fails in these regards so does the re-fusion of meanings and it doesn't matter how much material recourses you use. The initial re-analyse of the ethnographic observation indicates that in the particular case the principal have to balance between different modes of incorporation. That's because different social groups have different normative hopes and beliefs about education, both within school and with external stakeholders, such as worried neighbours in connection with the establishment of the school. The principal explain how Islam, and the way Muslims use Islam, and be interpreted. Sometimes he criticises Islam and it's practising representatives, but above all he tries to reshape the characteristics society attributes to Muslim and Islam. The principal dedicates himself to talk about problems and solutions in a way that he identifies as Swedish. In this and other ways he attributes the Swedish society positive values at the same time as he weaves together the picture of himself and his work with a dominant narrative about the Swedish pragmatic society. References Alexander, J. (2006). The civil sphere. New York: Oxford University Press. Ali, A. H. (2009). Därför måste demokratin försvara sig mot islamismen. Banks, J. A. (1999). An Introduction to Multicultural Education: MA: Allyn and Bacon. Bourdieu, P., & Passeron, J.-C. (1990). Reproduction in education, society and culture (2. ed.). London: Sage. Durkheim, É. (1956). Education and sociology. New York: Free Press. Englund, T. (1996). Utbildningspolitiskt systemskifte? Stockholm: HLS. Englund, T. (2010). The general school system as a universal or a particular institution and its role in the formation of social capital. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 1(53), 17 - 33. Gerle, E. (1997). Muslimska friskolor i Sverige. Pedagogisk Forskning i Sverige, 2 (3), 182-204. Giroux, H. A. (2005). Border crossings : cultural workers and the politics of education (2. ed.). New York: Routledge. Gustafsson, K. (2004). Muslimsk skola, svenska villkor: konflikt, identitet & förhandling. Umeå: Boréa. McLaren, P. (1994). 'White terror and oppositional agency: towards a critical multiculturalism'. In D. T. Goldberg (Ed.), Multiculturalism: A Critical Reader. (pp. 45–74.). Cambridge: MA: Blackwell. Nilsson, H. (2015). Kultur och utbildning – en tolkning av två grundskolors mångkulturella kontexter. Växjö. Reed, I. A. (2011). Interpretation and Social Knowledge. On the use of theory in the human sciences. Chicago & London: The University of Chicago Press. Shadid, W., & Koningsveld, P. S. v. (2002). The Negative Image of Islam and Muslims in the West: Causes and Solutions. In W. Shadid & P. S. v. Koningsveld (Eds.), Religious Freedom and the Neutrality of the State: The Position of Islam in the European Union. (pp. 174-196). Leuven: Peeters. Shah, S. (2015). Education, Leadership and Islam: Theories, discourses and practices from an Islamic perspective. . London: Routledge. Sleeter, C. (2015). Ethnicity and the Curriculum. In D. Wyse, L. Hayward, & J. Pandya (Eds.), The Sage handbook of curriculum, pedagogy and assessment SAGE Publications Ltd. Thobani, S. (2011). Pedagogic discourses and imagined communities: knowing Islam and being Muslim. Discourse: Studies In The Cultural Politics Of Education, 32(4), 531-545. Author Information Henrik Nilsson (presenting) Linneaus University Department of Education

1 Single abstract for the CUC (Creative University Conference), August 2016 UNIVERSITIES AS ORGANIZATIONS FOR MARKETIZATION AND SELF-BRANDING. Bente Elkjaer and Niels Christian Mossfeldt Nickelsen Contact author: elkjaer@edu.au.dk"Right. As long as you have access to a telephone, a Xerox machine, and a conference grant fund, you're OK, you're plugged into the university that really matters – the global campus" (Lodge, 1985: 44)Knowledge production through innovation and learning appear crucial in contemporary knowledge based economies (Edmondson, 2012), and universities are ascribed a central role in this endeavor (Bleiklie & Byrkjeflot, 2002). One of the ways this has shown is through politically implemented new ways in which to manage universities in order to make them fulfil their contribution to societies (Carney, 2006; Deem, 2001; Halvorsen & Nyhagen, 2011; Wright & Ørberg, 2008). The Danish University system has not been exempted from this worldwide development, and in 2003 the university system in Denmark was changed from one in which managers at all levels were elected amongst peers to a system where a Board with a majority of external members (i.e. people who are not employed at the university) is the highest authority of the university. The result is that we as university scholars within the last 10-15 years have witnessed an increased emphasis on 'professional management' occupied with formulations of distinct strategic goals in combination with a more closely monitoring of quantitative measurements of research outputs (Wright, 2011) and the demands of adaptation to international and standardized ranking systems (Czarniawska, 2015) through for example lists of which publication outlets count and not count as well as a steady stream of invitations to answer surveys on our knowledge of the reputation of universities.The purpose with the paper is to discuss how this increased emphasis upon the professionalization of management and a strategic marketization of universities (Czarniawska & Genell, 2002; Kallio, Kallio, Tienari, & Hyvönen, 2016) will influence universities' abilities to2maintain their pivotal position with regard to production of new knowledge and learning. The question is whether the 'plurality of thoughts' (Kallio et al., 2016: 702) and the 'intellectual model' of the university (O'Byrne & Bond, 2014: 572) will be squeezed in professional management, measurement and ranking with innovative learning and knowing as the losers.Some dilemmas appear to be interesting in this debate both with regard to what drives scholarship, learning and knowledge production, and to the contemporary organization of scholars. With regard to the latter, we believe that it is important to recall that university scholars are not only embedded in their home-university but also participants in worldwide social worlds of scholars within their fields of inquiry and a competitive market for university scholars. This may for example be exemplified through not only citation indexes but also through the many competitions in which scholars are invited to vote for other scholars' work in order to be nominated as the 'author of the year' or similar prizes. With regard to what drives scholarship, learning and knowledge production, we understand this as both driven by exploration and experimentation (Dewey, 1913 [1979], 1922 [1988]) as well as struggles for visibility, attention and recognition (Merton, 1968, 1988) and even aspirations for celebrity (Van Krieken, 2012).The theoretical framework that informs the paper is both a pragmatist inspired understanding of organizations as "people doing things together" (Becker, 1986; Hughes, 2015), learning and knowing as driven by tensions (Brandi & Elkjaer, 2013; Elkjaer, 2005; Elkjaer & Huysman, 2008) and passions (Dey & Steyaert, 2007; Gherardi, Nicolini, & Strati, 2007). This will allow us to both look at the organizing processes amongst scholars but also how the university as an organization of knowledge production organize around this pursuit, for example with regard to support mechanisms for scholarly research. Theories on how the branding of selves unfold in academia (see for example Wirtén, 2015), and how this may be supported by the web-based platforms (Marwick, 2013; Senft, 2013) also inform the research in order to help interpret how scholars' own participation in marketization through branding of selves may be understood.The methodology is based upon a reading of books, reports, papers and articles on the changes of management at universities and the dilemma of university scholars to adapt to these changes. For example, it may be observed how the demands for Open Access to knowledge and new network sites for academics (for example ResearchGate and Academia.edu) (Thelwall & Kousha, 2014, 2015) may act as a way in which academic scholars gain not only voice and visibility amongst3peers but also easy access to a worldwide market of knowledge. The new media platforms allow for work to be cited, uploaded, spread and measured by other members of the field of inquiry in order for university scholars to not only brand themselves in a competitive market for knowledge. This latter may also be captured in a competitive or a collaborative ethos of scholarship, or maybe best as a balance between the two (Kallio et al., 2016).The results are to re-consider what sort of organizing may benefit universities when innovative and competitive learning and knowing is the aim bearing in mind that university scholars not only serve organizational but also their own interests, which are situated in both markets and their fields of inquiry and their social worlds of peers. So, basically it is a paper highlighting the relationship between the employing organization (in case universities) and the employed person (in case university scholars) with a focus upon universities as organizations for learning and knowledge production.The limitations may be that the paper is a discursive voice into a field of many voices and as such does not represent a cumulative 'truth' – but a voice.The implications are to consider looking at the organizing processes of university scholars and knowledge production, for example to map how the support system for research in universities works to enhance scholarly learning and knowing, and how scholars participate in the marketization of selves and knowledge production.The originality lies in the reconsiderations of how management and marketization also taps into scholars as part hereof, not only out of compliance (Alvesson & Spicer, 2016), but also as active participants and with own aspirations for celebrity.4ReferencesAlvesson, M., & Spicer, A. 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Barnett (Eds.), Universities in the flux of time. An exploration of time and temporality in university life (pp. 32-45). London and New York: Routledge.Czarniawska, B., & Genell, K. (2002). Gone shopping? Universities on their way to the market. Scandinavian Journal of Management, 18(4), 455-474.Deem, R. (2001). Globalisation, New Managerialism, Academic Capitalism and Entrepreneurialism in Universities: Is the local dimension still important? Comparative Education, 37(1), 7-20. doi:10.1080/03050060020020408Dewey, J. (1913 [1979]). Interest and Effort in Education. In J. A. Boydston (Ed.), Middle Works 7 (pp. 151-197). Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press.Dewey, J. (1922 [1988]). Human nature and conduct. In J. A. Boydston (Ed.), The Middle Works of John Dewey, 1899-1924 (Vol. 14: 1922, pp. 1-230). Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press.Dey, P., & Steyaert, C. (2007). The troubadours of knowledge: Passion and invention in management education. Organization, 14(3), 437-461.Edmondson, A. C. (2012). Teaming: How organizations learn, innovate, and compete in the knowledge economy. San Francisco: John Wiley & Sons.Elkjaer, B. (2005). From Digital Administration to Organisational Learning. Journal of Workplace Learning, 17(8), 533-544.Elkjaer, B., & Huysman, M. (2008). Social Worlds Theory and the Power of Tension. In D. Barry & H. Hansen (Eds.), The SAGE Handbook of New Approaches in Management and Organisation (pp. 170-177). London: SAGE Publications Ltd.Gherardi, S., Nicolini, D., & Strati, A. (2007). The passion for knowing. Organization, 14(3), 315-329.Halvorsen, T., & Nyhagen, A. (Eds.). (2011). Academic Identities—Academic Challenges? American and European Experience of the Transformation of Higher Education and Research: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.Hughes, J. (2015). Looking elsewhere: Howard S. Becker as unwilling organisational theorist. Organization, 22(6), 769-787. doi:10.1177/13505084155871555Kallio, K.-M., Kallio, T. J., Tienari, J., & Hyvönen, T. (2016). Ethos at stake: Performance management and academic work in universities. Human Relations, 69(3), 685-709. doi:10.1177/0018726715596802Lodge, D. (1985). Small World. An Academic Romance. London: Penguin Books.Marwick, A. E. (2013). Status update: Celebrity, publicity, and branding in the social media age. New Haven & London: Yale University Press.Merton, R. K. (1968). The Matthew effect in science. Science, 159(3810), 56-63.Merton, R. K. (1988). The Matthew effect in science, II: Cumulative advantage and the symbolism of intellectual property. Isis, 79(4), 606-623.O'Byrne, D., & Bond, C. (2014). Back to the future: the idea of a university revisited. Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management, 36(6), 571-584. doi:10.1080/1360080X.2014.957888Senft, T. M. (2013). Microcelebrity and the branded self. In J. Hartley, J. Burgess, & A. Bruns (Eds.), A companion to new media dynamics (pp. 346-354). Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell.Thelwall, M., & Kousha, K. (2014). Academia.edu: Social network or Academic Network? Journal of the Association for Information Science and Technology, 65(4), 721-731. doi:10.1002/asi.23038Thelwall, M., & Kousha, K. (2015). ResearchGate: Disseminating, communicating, and measuring Scholarship? Journal of the Association for Information Science and Technology, 66(5), 876-889.Van Krieken, R. (2012). Celebrity society. London and New York: Routledge.Wirtén, E. H. (2015). Making Marie Curie: intellectual property and celebrity culture in an age of information. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.Wright, S. (2011). Universitets performancekrav. Viden der tæller. In K. M. Bovbjerg, S. Wright, J. Krause-Jensen, J. B. Krejsler, L. Moos, G. Brorholt, & K. L. G. Salamon (Eds.), Motivation og mismod. Effektivisering og stress på offentlige arbejdspladser (pp. 211-235). 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Last week I was honored to be moderator for a discussion with Greg Lukianoff and Rikki Schlott on their new book "Canceling the American Mind" at the Commonwealth Club of San Francisco.  Link here, if the embed above doesn't work Here are my questions. I shared them with Greg and Rickki ahead of time, so the actual questions are a bit shorter. But this may give you some interesting background, and I think they're good questions to ponder in general. 1) The book is full of great stories. Perhaps you can help everyone get a sense of the book with one or two of the most informative cancellation stories. 2) I notice a progression in your work. "Coddling" has moved to "canceling" and is moving to "censorship."  People think of  "canceling" as a social phenomenon, twitter pile-ons. But, as you show in the book, it has now moved on to organized institutional censorship, in universities, scientific societies and publications,  medicine and medical schools, journalism, media and tech, publishing, psychotherapy, law schools, and corporations, which not only punish transgressors but enforce ideological conformity. I'd like you to choose a few stories, explain some of these mechanisms,— for example "DEI" bureaucracies, speech surveillance, curriculum mandates, and so on. 3) There is an important distinction between free speech and academic freedom. It is one thing to censor and fire people for political tweets, but entirely another that whole lines of research are censored — covid, sex and biology, race and policing are examples. And the spread of censorship to the formerly hard sciences seems more damaging than just how much of a lost cause the humanities are. Yet academic freedom in research and teaching is not absolute. If you're hired to research and teach cosmology, the university is right to say you can't do lots of creationism, and the right to invest in what it thinks are promising fields.  I don't like "where do you draw the line" discussions, but I would like your thoughts on academic freedom. It also strikes me that we find your stories so compelling simply because the things people are censored for seem so reasonable, and their censorship so ridiculous. Yet the ideologues think we're ridiculous. It's not clear that academic freedom is the central issue, rather than just how ridiculous and politicized most universities have become in their teaching and research priorities. Perhaps free speech and academic freedom are  necessary but not sufficient to fix universities.4) A softball: Free speech is all well and good but surely "hate speech and disinformation must be regulated." —usually stated in that maddening subject-free passive voice, leaving who and how unsaid.5) Censorship now infects the government. Since you wrote the book, the twitter files and the savage Missouri V. Biden injunction have come out, detailing how the government got tech companies to silence its political critics. A notable example includes the Great Barrington declaration signatories who turned out to be right about masks, vaccine mandates, lockdowns, and school closures.  I fear that social media and AI regulation are really all about censoring political speech, which now includes scientific discourse. Are you?6) You also wrote the book before the Hamas terrorist attack in Israel. Campuses and much of Europe exploded with pro-Hamas protests. University leaders, used to denouncing every small injustice in the world, issued muddles. Long-time donors are rebelling. Well, they say, don't you believe in freedom of speech and academic freedom? If we want to go on a campus rampage with "kill the jews" signs, that's freedom of speech. If we want to run an exercise in class where we make Jewish students stand apart, that's academic freedom.   Follow up: In my view, the main lesson is not the hilarious hypocrisy, or a pointless "where do you draw the line" on free speech.  The real question is why universities have chosen to admit, hire, and promote so many people who, given free speech, choose to use it on murderous anti-semitism? How do you process these events?7) Your book valiantly tries to balance "left" and "right." I want to push us to a more nuanced view, which may help to defuse partisan sentiments. It's not really "left" and "right," as most people on each side still support free speech.  [Greg pushed back hard on that, which was very interesting.] Rather there is a small, but influential minority of each that is the enemy of free speech. And let's get past whose "fault" it is.a) Let's start with the left. I think of the free speech enemies as the totalitarian progressives, sometimes called "woke," but I try to avoid that charged term. Who do you see the as enemies of free speech on the left, what do they want, and what dangers they pose? b) Now on the right. I was surprised to learn how much cancellation is coming from the right.  Who are they? In your book, I count some ham handed anti-woke politicians, some traditional book-banning social conservatives, a smattering of "national conservatives," "common good conservatives" and a vortex of Trump supporters rallying around his peccadillos. But I shouldn't put words in your mouth. Who are they and what do they want?c) You try to be even handed, but I want to push you on that. The anti-speech forces on the left have won the long march through the institutions. You describe a string of selection mechanisms starting in grade school to enforce left-wing ideological conformity. They're on the advance. On the right you describe have ham-handed "anti-woke" legislators, and what you call a "fringe theory from the Opus Dei wing of the conservative movement." The the left has Harvard, Yale, Princeton, and Stanford.  You cite right-wing cancellations at Collin College, University of Rhode Island, Montana State and University of Kentucky. Is not the present danger to freedom really mostly from the small minority of left-wing activists, and the crowd of bien-pensants who go along with them?8) I have to admit I'm a bit disappointed about your "cures."  Maybe depressed is the right word — if you two don't have magic bullets, we're in real trouble. You outline a radical restructuring of universities, which is great, but not who is going to take over universities to do it. You emphasize nice rules for a better rhetoric: free speech, logic and evidence, ignore what someone said about another topic, no ad-hominem attacks, and so on. But the opponents of free speech ignore traditional enlightenment rhetoric for a reason. The far left says that logic and evidence are colonialist white supremacist racist thinking; we don't have to listen to evil people. And faced with their latest ideological word salad, it's hard to see what there is to discuss on a factual basis anyway. The far right says, we are faced with a Maoist / Bolshevik cultural revolution, aimed at seizing power. There's no free speech in a war. Voluntarily abiding by better rhetoric doesn't seem likely. Neither side likes your "free speech culture." 9) Let's close with another softball. As you note, free speech is a rare and recent idea. Censorship for political or religious reasons has been the norm in human societies.  In your words, why is freedom of speech and thought so crucial? 

Den digitale sky gennemsyrer det daglige liv. 3,6 milliarder brugere føder den 174 $ millionindustri som udgør 3% af det globale energiforbrug. Afhandlingen undersøger metaforen og de datacentre som det er tegn på for at afsløre skyens midlertidighed, rumlighed og materialitet fra et arkitektonisk perspektiv. Ved at skabe analogier med skyvariationer – meteorologiske, fiktive og nedfalds-skyer – søger undersøgelsen at afdække hvad sky-metaforen afslører om digitale arkiver. På trods af den (digitale) skys omfattende tilstedeværelse i beslægtede fagområder, har den stadig ikke etableret en teoretisk ramme i arkitektur. Gennem "planetary imaginary" viser jeg at digitale arkiver legemliggør det meteorologiske modus: som meteorlogiske skyer er de ekstremt responsive og opdaterer konstant deres animerede mobile data, styret af en arkiveringsimpuls til at opdatere. Del I undersøger geologiske konsekvenser af datacentre, skyens fysiske rygrad, da servere er lavet af materialer udvundet af jorden: metaller, mineraler, sjældne jordarter (Parikka). Da geologi var en ung videnskab defineredes planeten som et arkiv. I dialog med en række tænkere (Ruskin, Smithson, Ernst, Leopold, Bjornerud, Cohen, Deleuze og Guattari) udvikler jeg den geologiske modus – en tidslig, materiel og rumlig metode der legemliggør jordens/terrænets logik. Det guider min analyse af tre casestudier. Først Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory. Det arkiverer sedimentkerner udtaget af fra havbunden, der indeholder geofysiske og miljø historier legemliggjort i fossiler. Med Meillassoux undersøger jeg de store tidslige horisonter i det før animerede stof. For yderligere at vurdere terrænets tidsligheder, vender jeg mig mod stor-skala mindesmærket Il Grande Cretto (1984–2015) af kunstneren Alberto Burri. Det arkiverer geologisk materiale der engang udgjorde Gibellina´s byggede struktur, før det blev ødelagt af jordskælv. I tråd med planetens immanente bevægelse (Nigel Clark), affekt teori (Sara Ahmed og Lauren Berlant) og kunsthistoriske referencer, forstår jeg Cretto som Burri's forsøg på at skabe et ophold, en pause i de vedvarende geologiske aktiviteter. Den geologiske modus frembringer arkiver der uafbrudt opdaterer deres indhold. Denne modus er legemliggjort i Nordeas hovedkvarters datacenter af Henning Larsen, 2017. Datacentre tæmmer det geologiske stofs kapacitet til at arkivere. Deres indgroede hemmelighedsfuldhed modstandsdygtighed og redundans inviterer den arkitektoniske sammenligning til bunkeren (Virilio, Hu). Bunkeren er som en modvægt overfor den omfattende infrastruktur som datacentrerne ikke kan isoleres fra (Koolhaas, Easterling). I Del II med datacentrers faste men aktive (geologiske) terræn som baggrund, har jeg vendt mig mod skyen og den meteorologiske modus. Begyndende med den filosofiske kontekst af skyen og dets skyer som medie (Durham Peters) beskriver jeg de meteorologiske skyers drivgas som datapunktskyer, der bogstaveligt lagrer og overfører information. Som data i den digitale sky, komponerer den konstant foranderlige og omskiftelige drivgas stadigt nye forbindelser og sammenstillinger. Med reference til tidlig "computing" (Babbage) taler jeg for meteorologiske skyer som analoge computere. For en arkitektonisk konstellation af vejr og "computing" vender jeg mig mod meteorologen Richardsons spekulative Forecast Factory (1922) – en kombination af en sky og en klode, designet til at beregne og arkivere planetens vejr. Jeg vender mig mod den arkiveringshistorie som har påvirket skymetaforen. Eksemplet med en tidlig databank foreslået af den amerikanske regering i 1966, afslører hvordan det kybernetiske arkiv i kombination med den kolde krigs konstante tilstedeværelse af radioaktivitet, gav næring til arkiv- og netværk- feber, kulminerede afslutningsvis i vores digitale sky. Udlicitering af ubevidste kognitive processer (Hayles) til "technical beings", er et forsøg på at dæmpe disse febertilstande. Jeg kobler den digitale skys domæne af ubevidstes "mschine learning" og big-data med forestillingen om et "great outdoors" (Meillassoux, Bennett). Kunstige skyer medierer det utilgængelige. Arkitektoniske eksempler fra 1960-erne (Wright, Ant Farm) aktualiserer skymediatoren i en tid hvor det globale, øjeblikkelig kommunikation og rumrejser spirede. Den digitale sky udgør et eksteriørt og fysisk utilgængeligt domæne der paradoksalt nok er fyldt med intime og identitet-definerende information om dets eksternaliserede brugere. Den digitale sky er mere end en metafor: den artikulerer, stadig mere gennemtrængende, tærsklens rumlighed, af kroppe uden overflader, af medie som rum, af vores byggede verden udvidet til det uhåndgribelige – kort sagt et "great outdoors". ; The digital cloud permeates daily life. The $174 billion industry is fuelled by 3.6 billion users and constitutes three per cent of global energy consumption. This thesis examines the cloud metaphor and the data centres it denotes to reveal the cloud's temporality, spatiality and materiality from an architectural perspective. By creating analogies with cloud variations—meteorological, fictional and artificial clouds—the research seeks to uncover what the metaphor discloses about digital archives. Despite the (digital) cloud's ample presence in adjacent fields, a theoretical framework for it has yet to be established in architecture. Tapping into the planetary imaginary, I show that digital archives embody the meteorological mode: like meteorological clouds, they are extremely responsive and governed by an archival impulse to continuously update their animated, mobile data. Part I addresses the geological implications of data centres, the physical backbone of the cloud, as servers are made of materials extracted from the ground: metals, minerals, rare earth elements (Parikka). The beginnings of geology as a science (Hutton, Lyell) defined the planet as an archive. In dialogue with a variety of thinkers (Ruskin, Smithson, Ernst, Leopold, Bjornerud, Cohen, Deleuze and Guattari), I develop the geological mode—a temporal, material and spatial method that embodies the logic of the ground. It guides my analysis of three case studies. The first is the Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory, New York. This archives sediment cores, extracted from ocean floors, which contain geophysical and environmental histories embodied in fossils. Thinking with Meillassoux, I explore the vast temporal horizons stored in the formerly animated matter. To further gauge the ground's temporalities, I turn to the large-scale memorial Il Grande Cretto (1984–2015) by artist Alberto Burri. It archives geological matter that used to constitute the built fabric of Gibellina before the latter was destroyed in an earthquake. In line with the planet's intrinsic movement (Clark), affect theory (Ahmed, Berlant) and art-historical references, I understand Il Grande Cretto as Burri's attempt to suspend persistent geological activities. The geological mode engenders archives that incessantly update their content. This mode is embodied in Henning Larsen's Nordea Bank headquarters data centre (2017). Data centres harness the archival capacities of geological matter. Their ingrained secrecy, resilience and redundancy invite architectural comparison to the bunker (Virilio, Hu). The bunker is positioned in tension with vast infrastructure networks from which data centres cannot be isolated (Koolhaas, Easterling). In Part 2, against the backdrop of the firm but active (geological) ground of data centres, I turn to the cloud and the meteorological mode. Beginning with the philosophical context of the sky and its clouds as media (Durham Peters), I describe meteorological clouds' aerosols as data points that literally store and transmit information. Like data in the digital cloud, the continuously transforming and shifting aerosols compose ever- new adjacencies and juxtapositions. Referring to early computing (Babbage), I postulate meteorological clouds as analogue computers. For an architectural constellation of weather and computing, I turn to meteorologist Richardson's speculative Forecast Factory (1922)—a combination of a cloud and a globe, designed to compute and archive the planet's weather. I then turn to the archiving history that has affected the cloud metaphor. The example of an early databank proposed by the American government in 1966 reveals how the cybernetic archive, in combination with the constant presence of radioactivity during the Cold War, fuelled archive (Derrida) and network fever (Wigley), finally culminating in our digital cloud. The outsourcing of nonconscious cognitive processes (Hayles) to technical beings is an attempt to cool these fevers. I pair the digital cloud's nonconscious realm of machine learning and Big Data with the notion of a great outdoors (Meillassoux, Bennett). Artificial clouds mediate the inaccessible. Architectural examples during the 1960s (Wright, Ant Farm) actualised the cloud mediator at a time of budding instant global communication and space travel. The digital cloud thus constitutes an exterior, a physically inaccessible realm that is paradoxically filled with intimate and identity-defining information about its externalised users. The digital cloud is more than a metaphor: it articulates an increasingly pervasive spatiality of the threshold, of bodies without surfaces, of space as media, of our built world extended into the intangible—in short, a great outdoors.

How it started/how it is goingLouis Althusser is most known for his argument regarding an epistemic break between the young and mature Marx. According to Althusser the works of the eighteen forties, most significantly The Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844, are burdened by a humanist and idealist conception of history that Marx inherited from Feuerbach and Hegel. In this conception capitalism alienates humanity from his or her productive essence. Marx breaks with this influence over the course of the eighteen fifties, eventually developing his own, anti-humanist and materialist philosophy in Capital. Marx broke with his focus on humanity and the human essence to focus on capitalism as a system of relations of exploitation. Althusser in part borrowed this notion of a break, a division between ideology and science, from Spinoza's understanding of the division between the first and second kind of knowledge in the Ethics. Althusser equated the first kind of knowledge with ideology, with the imagination, and the second (and third), with science. That Althusser relied on Spinoza's epistemology to drive a wedge between the young and the old Marx has, as its perhaps unstated corollary, that Spinoza is to be identified with the late Marx, with Capital.The connection is not just Spinoza in general, but the Ethics. It is from the Ethics that Althusser would draw most of his central arguments, not just the epistemic break, but also immanent causality and the theory of ideology. The Spinoza/Marx connection in Althusser is most of all a connection between the Ethics and Capital, those two completed works of maturity. Two recent works on Althusser and Spinoza have not so much questioned this connection, but complicated and expanded it. Juan Domingo Sánchez Estop's Althusser et Spinoza: Détours et Retours, cites an interview from 1966 in which Althusser states, "the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus is the Capital of Spinoza, because Spinoza is preoccupied above all with history and politics." This point is further developed in Jean Matthys' Althusser Lecture de Spinoza . Matthys shows that the connection between Spinoza, Marx, and Althusser is the problem of reading. Spinoza reads scripture in order to reveal the hidden text of obedience, its politics; Marx reads political economy in order to find the politics it necessarily cannot admit; and Althusser reads Marx to find the philosophy that he never developed. This is not to discount the emphasis of the Ethics on Althusser's thought, or to argue for some kind of break between the TTP and the Ethics, but to insist on not only different theoretical stakes and objects, such as the theory of reading, and as Matthys argues, a different idea of what it means to do theory, not a grandiose system but a specific intervention (I should add that this model of theory makes it easier to trace a direct connection to the conjunctural interventions of Balibar and Macherey). I make this connection only to make a different suggestion, a very un-Althusserian one, as I have mentioned, again and again on this blog, on social media, to random people on the street, I recently translated Franck Fischbach's La Production des hommes: Marx avec Spinoza, now out in English as Marx With Spinoza: Production, Alienation, History.  One of the many merits of this book is that it argues for a connection between Spinoza's Ethics and Marx's Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844. In doing so it makes a case for a post or non-humanist reading of the 1844 Manuscripts. In doing so he joins Gerard Granel and, more obliquely, Deleuze and Guattari in arguing for a nonhumanist reading of that text. I will say, as something as an aside, that one of the strange things about the argument about the humanism of the young Marx is that it is rarely contested; it is more or less accepted as either a good thing, Marx is a humanist, Yay!, or a bad, thing, Marx is a humanist, Boo!. In philosophy, where everything is a Kampfplatz, and nothing is settled once and for, it seems odd that this point has remained mostly uncontested.Fischbach does not directly contest this claim about the young Marx, but transforms it through the engagement with Spinoza. Fischbach's own particular strategy of reading is to use Spinoza as an agent, a developer, to bring to light the philosophical dimension of Marx's thought. Following this we can say that if for Spinoza the formulation of humanism is to treat man as a "kingdom within a kingdom," as something that breaks rather than confirms nature's laws, then Marx's assertion in the 1844 Manuscripts that man is a part of nature is consistently Spinozist. To quote Marx,"Man lives on nature – means that nature is his body, with which he must remain in continuous interchange if he is not to die. That man's physical and spiritual life is linked to nature means simply that nature is linked to itself, for man is a part of nature."As Fischbach writes, summing up this connection."What exactly does this affirmation of man as a being of nature, as a part of nature, mean for Marx, because after all, he could or could not give these formulations a literal spinozist sense. It means first of all that man is "objective, natural, and sensuous" that is to say a finite mode amongst an infinity of other such modes. The determination of humanity as a objective being would be returned to by Marx again and again up to and including Capital, where he writes that, "the human being itself, considered as a pure existence of labor power, is a natural object, a thing, certainly living and conscious of itself, but a thing—and work properly speaking is a reification of this force." Adopting the point of view according to which the human being is first of all a being in nature, a thing in the world, is exactly to adopt the spinozist point of view according to which humans must first be grasped as a finite mode: to start, as does Spinoza, from the double fact, to know that on one hand that "man thinks" and, on the other, that "we feel that a certain body is affected in many ways," it being understood that these two traits are at the same level and of equal importance..."This is not to say that this is a simple identity, humanity is nature, Marx is Spinoza. All of these strategies of the "sive" from Spinoza's Deus sive Natura to "man is nature" are transformations as much as they are identifications. If humanity is part of nature, then that also means that nature and history are not opposed but part of the same process of transformation. As Fischbach writes, "What preserves Marx from a hypostasis of historicity is, as we have already seen, precisely his Spinozism. Because if there is a philosophy that does not know
the opposition between nature and history and which resists positing their separation, it is the philosophy of Spinoza. Not just because there is for Spinoza no real difference between nature and history, but also because with Spinoza it is difficult to even hope to understand history if one isolates it from the general order of nature. If the actors of history are certainly the peoples and states, the latter nonetheless are first and foremost made up of natural individuals, subject as such to natural necessity. If history is the history of states, and the history of a state is the history of its formation, its development, dissolution, and disappearance is made by internal dissensions and other seditions. In other words, there is for Spinoza in the Political Treatise a knowledge of nature that makes possible the understanding of history, a nature that makes history intelligible. History is made up of nothing other than the natural effort that human beings expend in order to create their collective power, to create the conditions that increase this power, and from the causes (equally natural) which contradict this effort and return human beings to their native impotence. We can therefore say, as Etienne Balibar argues, that with respect to Spinoza "nature…is nothing other than a new way of thinking about history, according to a method of rational exegesis that seeks to explain events by their causes." Historical knowledge cannot be of a different order than natural knowledge for the reason that actors of history are themselves nothing other than things in nature, parts of nature."Lastly, to add one more sive to the list, as the passage above indicates the relation of human beings to nature, of nature and history, is all because of another relation, equally important and equally overlooked, and that is humanity to society: humanity, that is society. We are nature and historical beings because we are social beings. Of course this sentence could be rewritten in multiple ways, we are social because we are natural (our needs met by society), or we historical because we are natural, and so on. Part of nature, part of history, part of society. This conception underlies one of Fischbach's most important theoretical interventions, a redefinition of alienation, not as the loss of the self, the subject in an object, but a reduction to subjectivity,"This is why we interpret Marx's concept of alienation not as a new version of a loss of the subject in the object, but as a radically new thought, of the loss of the essential and vital objects for an existence that is itself essentially objective and vital....Alienation is not therefore the loss of the subject in the object it is the loss of object for a being that is itself objective. But the loss of proper objects and the objectivity of its proper being is also the loss of all possible inscription of one's activity in objectivity, it is the loss of all possible mastery of objectivity, as well as other effects: in brief, the becoming subject is essentially a reduction to impotence. The becoming subject or the subjectivation of humanity is thus inseparable according to Marx from what is absolutely indispensable for capitalism, the existence of a mass of "naked workers"—that is to say pure subjects possessors of a perfectly abstract capacity to work—individual agents of a purely subjective power of labor and constrained to sell its use to another to the same extent that they are totally dispossessed of the entirety of objective conditions (means and tools of production, matter to work on) to put to effective work their capacity to work."This is one merit of rereading the 1844 Manuscripts today, a new definition of alienation, one that is well suited to a world in which we are encouraged to see our existence as "kingdoms within a kingdom," separated from nature, history, and society, as our liberation and freedom. Fischbach shows how the reduction to pure subjectivity, a subject without nature, history, or society is subjection, not liberation. However, I would like to close with a different justification, that in the age of the collapse of the three ecologies, to borrow Guattari's term, natural, social, and psychic, we need to take up the problems of the 1844 Manuscripts in a nonhumanist way, to rethink what it means to be part of nature, history, and society.  This is a different sort of theoretical intervention than what Althusser called for, more philosophical, even metaphysical. 

This doctoral thesis, made up of published works, develops a historical analysis of the introduction of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) into the educational system of Spain. The many innovations that have taken place in the development of digital tools has produced great transformations in all social spheres, and especially in educational systems. In reviewing the bibliography on ICT and Education we find massive numbers of scientific publications, but most of these are on topics related to the use of such devices to improve teaching and learning processes, or to the development of Educational Technology as a disciplinary field. This research sets out other objectives, trying to analyse the fundamental issues that led a specific technological tool - the first personal computer - to be introduced massively into schools all over the world, even when it was still an incipient and little-used device. We believe that in order to understand current digitalization we must look at the first incursions of ICT into educational systems, analysing and tracking the first programmes that were developed and the arguments used in justifying them. Since the 1950s, with the appearance of teaching machines and following the behavioural theory proposed by Skinner, the fundamental role of the mass media and the emerging ICTs in the modernisation of educational systems has been a subject of debate. With the development of the first personal computers starting at the end of the 1960s, and the reduction in size and cost in relation to previous models, the potential of these tools for use in the classroom first began to be appreciated. This innovation occurred at the same time that access to education began to become effective for all social sectors, and when transnational bodies such as UNESCO, the OECD and the World Bank, among others, were stressing the fundamental importance of modernising education systems in order to spur economic development. To this end, technologies such as radio, cinema and television were considered the ideal tools, a realm a few decades later was taken over by the computer. Given this scenario, it was not only the large organisations and state governments that saw the opportunity to implement programmes for development where the computer was the fundamental element; the computer industry also saw a virtually infinite business niche in the national education systems. All of this led to the alignment of many interests and initiatives during the 1980s, resulting in an infinite number of state programmes that introduced computers into schools. The Spanish case was by no means an exception. At the end of the sixties, Spain, still under Franco's dictatorship, began to implement various policies in an attempt to promote economic development. In 1968, it received a team of expert consultants led by members of the UNESCO who strongly recommended undertaking a structural reform of the education system, and what ultimately became the General Education Law of 1970 began to take shape. This reform, advised and financed largely by the UNESCO and the OECD, was the result of a series of close contacts between these bodies and Spain. It was in this context that the UNESCO itself recommended that the first pilot project proposed for the use of computers to improve teaching and learning processes (in this case for initial teacher training) be carried out in Spain. The programme was intended to be a first experiment, one whose results would then be exported to other developing countries. After this first initiative, at the beginning of the 1980s, and especially starting in 1983, a new programme was planned which had as one of its main objectives to provide schools with computers and encourage their use to improve the efficiency of teaching and learning. Atenea, as it was finally called, was developed between 1985 and 1989, and was the first major state initiative to provide schools with extensive computer equipment, a measure that was also meant to spur on the Spanish industry in this sector. The results were questioned and disputed at length but, in general terms, the conclusions arrived at were similar to those of programmes being implemented in other countries at the same time: there were no great advances in terms of improving educational processes, and, in most cases, political and economic interests were placed above pedagogical criteria. The gap between curricular contents and educational software, the limited computer skills of the teaching staff — only logical if we take into account that the expansion of its commercialisation in Spain began in 1984— and the fact that the administrations relegated it to the teachers' voluntary initiative were some of the key conditioning factors of the results. Larry Cuban (2001) concluded that these programmes had failed across the board, and although the sales of computer products increased greatly, their use in schools was quite insignificant. The interesting thing about the study of these initiatives and of the background that led to this shift in education towards ICT and digitalisation was that the arguments and interests that have historically been put forward to support their use have not changed significantly from these early programmes in the middle of the last century to the present day. Therefore, the need for critical study and analysis of the use of ICT in education is fundamental to avoid falling into the instrumentalization of education and ending up with it being exclusively at service of political and economic interests.

Problem setting. Regular contacts between representatives of different cultures determine the need to solve problems that always arise in the form of the need to adapt representatives of one culture in the conditions of their existence in another culture. It is important to understand that the cooperation of such entities on a professional basis also requires the development of approaches that would allow a high level of effectiveness of such interaction. A special role should be played by public authorities and management, designed to implement the relevant functions. Recent research and publications analysis. At the present stage, the issue of intercultural communication is covered in the works of such scientists as Hasanov Z., Zasluzheniuk V., Kucherian S., Miroshnichenko V., Zhornova O., Nieto S., Rulker T. and others. Socio-cultural environment forms certain patterns of behavior of individuals, as claimed by such researchers as Verbytska P., Manakin V., Traiger G., Hall E., Shaigorodskyi Y. and others. Scientists argue that intercultural communication underlies the implementation of civilized relations observed in modern society. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. It should be noted the need for in-depth research in the context of public administration, as this aspect is extremely important for state building and the transition to a new communicative format among the population and public authorities. Such research should begin with the elucidation of the theoretical foundations and features of intercultural communication in public administration. Paper main body. Communication will be effective if the participants of the communication process are able to understand each other. It occurs in accordance with the worldview of an individual and is the main way of human communication. The term "intercultural communication" appeared in the scientific literature in the 1970s. Already in the next decade there was a significant surge of interest in the issue of intercultural communication among specialists in the field of linguistics, psychology, culturology and sociology. Currently, there are a large number of special institutes and scientific schools that study the features of intercultural communication The set of terminological positions of intercultural communication gives grounds for such generalizations. The subjects of intercultural communication are the representative of one culture as the producer of the message and the representative of another culture as the recipient of this message. Intercultural communication should be considered as "adequate mutual understanding of two participants in a communicative act who belong to different cultures". The interaction of parties with different experiences, and their individuals are the different patterns of behavior that have historically developed in different periods. This refers to a communicative format in which the sender and recipient of information belong to different cultures. In the process of studying the peculiarities of intercultural communication, it is necessary to focus on the study of differences between cultures on the basis of the theory of four dimensions: the first dimension is the distance of power; the second dimension is individualism and collectivism; the third dimension is the avoidance of uncertainty; the fourth dimension is male and female. The public aspect is dominant in intercultural communication, as it is realized through open interactions, which in one way or another must regulate, coordinate and be guided from the outside. Publicity in this case manifests itself as the influence of certain external factors, the most important of which is public authority. In particular, the power-management vectors aimed at ensuring that the process of intercultural communication is carried out within the legislative and regulatory framework of those countries in which such communicative interaction is observed. And public authorities and administration are called to perform the following functions: to inform participants of intercultural communication by placing information in the media, on the official websites of government agencies, providing answers to inquiries, etc.; to advise communicators in order to acquaint the parties with the position of public administration bodies regarding a particular format of behavior; to conduct a dialogue with the participants of intercultural communication by transmitting the necessary information bilaterally and waiting for the relevant results; to cooperate with the authorities and participants of intercultural communication on the basis of partnership. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The studied concept has a sufficient justification in the scientific literature. Based on the versatility and multifaceted nature of this definition, it is correct to say that it is closely related to various sciences and worldviews, which allows us to deeply understand the importance of understanding the term under study by participants in intercultural communication. The sphere of public administration contributes to the establishment of effective cooperation between representatives of different cultures and countries, while performing a number of functions. The main ones are informative, consultative, partnership and dialogue function. Effective cooperation between public authorities and participants in intercultural communication helps to improve the quality of the communication process and meeting of the goals. ; Розглянуто теоретичні підходи до розуміння сутності міжкультурної комунікації в публічному управлінні. Проаналізовано основні підходи науковців щодо розуміння сутності поняття міжкультурної комунікації дослідниками у науковій літературі та зроблено їх узагальнення. Представлено взаємозв'язок міжкультурної комунікації з іншими науками та світоглядними відходами. Здійснено оцінку різних аспектів міжкультурної комунікації. Зроблено акцент на публічному аспекті міжкультурної комунікації та обґрунтовано необхідність публічного управління у сфері взаємодії суб'єктів, належних до різних культур та країн.