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In 1976, Robert Gilpin distinguished three contrasting political economy perspectives: liberalism, Marxism, and mercantilism. Gilpin introduced these International Relations-derived categories as theories and ideologies of political economy, sometimes conceived either as explanatory models or future scenarios. He recognises that the three ideologies 'define the conflicting perspectives' that actors have, but he does not go as far as to theorise how the perspectives may be part of the dynamics of the world economy and generative of its history and future. Gilpin's models, scenarios, and theories are thus mainly cognitive attempts to understand reality from the outside. Since Gilpin's main works, a large number of critical and constructivist International Political Economy (IPE) and Global Political Economy (GPE) approaches have arisen, stressing the constitutive role of ideas and performativity of theories. Many of these studies, however, tend to focus on aspects of contemporary matters or specific issues and fall short of analysing broad historical developments and, most markedly, causation. In a recent book that is coming out as a paperback in May, I develop the idea that the conflicting political economy perspectives are fields that generate the dynamics of the world system.
The post Towards a 'field theory' of global political economy appeared first on Progress in Political Economy (PPE).

THE DATA ON YOUNG PEOPLE'S ATTITUDES TOWARD GOVERNMENT WERE GATHERED DURING A SURVEY OF ELEMENTARY SCHOOL CHILDREN IN QUEBEC, BETWEEN OCT, 1970 & MAR, 1971. A PAPER & PENCIL QUESTIONNAIRE WAS SUBMITTED TO 960 PUPILS, SUPPLEMENTED BY ESSAYS WRITTEN BY THE CHILDREN, & BY PERSONAL INTERVIEWS. THE SAMPLE IS A NONPROBABILITY QUOTA SAMPLE TO FACILITATE SUBGROUP COMPARISONS. FRENCH- & ENGLISH-CANADIAN CHILDREN DIFFERED IN THEIR PERCEPTION OF GOVERNMENT. FRENCH-CANADIAN CHILDREN VIEWED THE GOVERNMENT AS AUTHORITATIVE WHILE THE ENGLISH-CANADIAN CHILDREN VIEWED IT AS A 'MANAGER'. THERE WAS NO DIFFERENCE IN THE EVALUATION THE 2 GROUPS HAD OF THE PERFORMANCE OF GOVERNMENT: "BOTH GROUPS DISPLAYED AN UNIDEALISTIC CONCEPTION OF GOVERNMENT." 7 TABLES. L. DEFORGE.

[EN] Stance Detection is the task of automatically determining whether the author of a text is in favor, against, or neutral towards a given target. In this paper we investigate the portability of tools performing this task across different languages, by analyzing the results achieved by a Stance Detection system (i.e. MultiTACOS) trained and tested in a multilingual setting. First of all, a set of resources on topics related to politics for English, French, Italian, Spanish and Catalan is provided which includes: novel corpora collected for the purpose of this study, and benchmark corpora exploited in Stance Detection tasks and evaluation exercises known in literature. We focus in particular on the novel corpora by describing their development and by comparing them with the benchmarks. Second, MultiTACOS is applied with different sets of features especially designed for Stance Detection, with a specific focus to exploring and combining both features based on the textual content of the tweet (e.g., style and affective load) and features based on contextual information that do not emerge directly from the text. Finally, for better highlighting the contribution of the features that most positively affect system performance in the multilingual setting, a features analysis is provided, together with a qualitative analysis of the misclassified tweets for each of the observed languages, devoted to reflect on the open challenges. ; Cristina Bosco and Viviana Patti are partially supported by Progetto di Ateneo/CSP 2016 (Immigrants, Hate and Prejudice in Social Media, S1618_L2_BOSC_01). The work of Paolo Rosso was partially funded bythe Spanish MICINN under the research project MISMIS-FAKEnHATE on MISinformation and MIScommunication in social media: FAKE news and HATE speech (PGC2018096212-B-C31). ; Lai, M.; Cignarella, AT.; Hernandez-Farias, DI.; Bosco, C.; Patti, V.; Rosso, P. (2020). Multilingual Stance Detection in Social Media Political Debates. Computer Speech & Language. 63:1-27. ...

You have given me a lot of territory to cover this morning with the title: "Political Factors in the Formulation of National Strategy." I have been trying to think of what I might say that would not be too repetitive of what you have been reading and covering in your discussions, which are the life of this great insti­tution. I am delighted to be asked to take part in a "global" problem, for it seems to me that it is only "global" thinking that will meet our national needs.

The claim that democracy requires a particular type of political scepticism for its justification has an initial plausibility. The present article argues, however, that Bufacchi does not succeed in adequately identifying the relevant type of uncertainty. Secondly, it is claimed here that Bufacchi's analysis neglects a crucial element in the justification of democracy, namely, the positive evaluation of moral autonomy. When the role of autonomy is given its proper place epistemology becomes secondary, providing a basis not for scepticism but for a theory such as Rawls's theory of reasonable disagreement.

This article explores apocalyptic theology in four American extremist religions: Christian Identity; Nordic Christianity and Odinism; violent, "freewheeling" fundamentalism; and Creatorism. It is argued that violent eschatology interacts with criminology in the sense that politicized religions produce criminal behavior and, at times, terrorism. A brief history of the relationship between religion and racist violence is presented as well as an analysis of the social factors that produce political eschatology. The article concludes with an examination of religious terrorism and technological weapons. Mass destruction is the greatest threat of religiously motivated terrorism.

The unevenness of congressional oversight, the proclivity of executive foreign affairs agencies for violating the law and the traditional responsibility of the courts as the last guardians of the Constitution—all point to the propriety of an active role for the judiciary in ensuring governmental compliance with the law. Specifically, courts should not decline to resolve foreign affairs disputes between Congress and the President because they present "political questions." The recent case of Lowry v. Reagan illustrates the serious systemic damage wrought by judicial abstention in such disputes.

This paper is conceived as part of a line of inquiry into the reasons for controlling novel scientific knowledge, & the ways of doing so, by major social institutions within & across modern societies. The sociology of knowledge always had an interest in the social role of knowledge (power based on knowledge), its transformation & its carriers (experts, intellectuals, cognitive elites). However, the primary knowledge-guiding interest of the sociology of knowledge traditionally has been on questions concerned with the production & not the consumption of knowledge. The emerging focus of sociology of knowledge inquiry should be with issues that may be designated as 'knowledge politics.' I will first describe & delineate the notion of knowledge politics as a new field of political activity. When it comes to the utilization of new capacities for action (that is, knowledge) knowledge politics does not have to be restrictive a priori; my focus, however, will be on efforts to anticipate the effects of new knowledge on social relations, & attempts to control its impact. Second, I will delineate some of the main reasons why knowledge politics gains prominence as a field of political activity in modern societies. I will stress, in particular, changing relations between science & society. In a third section of the paper, the distinction between knowledge & science policies will be introduced. Before concluding the discussion with a brief outlook, I will sketch some pertinent episodes that illustrate knowledge politics in action. 67 References. Adapted from the source document.

While the pandemic and recovery unfold in real time, this article investigates some of the major themes on preparations for the next pandemic. Humanity cannot rely on modern medicine to beat the next 'disease X' and the world cannot afford the extortionate health and economic policy interventions during the COVID-19 pandemic again. From the COVID-19 pandemic we learned that the international economic organizations suffered from disaster myopia and that the self-image of the advanced economies is distorted. It also has become apparent that 'beggar-thy-neighbor' health care was generally practiced while global health care should have been the norm. A discussion on the related issues of rationing, triage and scarcity of health care during a pandemic is urgently needed. All in all, a major global investment project is necessary to reduce the vulnerability to and impact of pandemics. As inequalities to a large extent determine pandemic vulnerability and adjustment of SDGs is necessary.

In this article, the author explores the inherent tension in the mixed political culture (i.e., parochial, subject, and participant) of postcolonial Macao under the reign of its first chief executive, Edmund Ho Hau Wah. The continuity of a parochial or subject political culture is reflected in the alliance between the government, pro-Beijing and probusiness elites, and traditional social organizations. Participant culture can be seen in the emergence of social movements and labor protests that challenge the government's capacity to govern effectively. The paradoxical and unaccountable system of the Macao administration and patrimonial rule, coupled with the failure of traditional social organizations in representing workers' interests, has resulted in a growing labor movement. Demand overload, government's tardiness in tackling social problems (social inequality, discrimination, and the relative deprivation of workers), and administrative corruption have pushed workers' grievances and tolerance to the limit, which has culminated in challenges to the legitimacy and governing capacity of the government, as shown in the "infamous" 2007 labor protest. (Asian Aff/GIGA)