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The paper investigates an impact of the global financial crisis on China and outlines stimulus package of the Chinese Government. The author gives attention to the quality of China's economic development before the crisis discovering unbalances and distortions that accompanied the country's high growth. Exposure of Chinese regions, industries, and groups of population to the crisis are revealed. China announced a $586 billion stimulus package in Nov. 2008 to support a sustainable growth of the Chinese economy. Some positive effects of the package on the China's economy are already observed this year. Currently, China plays a stabilizing function in the international financial market, as well as in the world economy by continuing to hold US securities, support dollar, and avoiding protectionism in the foreign trade. There are signs of the China's future enhanced role in the world economic order. ; The paper investigates an impact of the global financial crisis on China and outlines stimulus package of the Chinese Government. The author gives attention to the quality of China's economic development before the crisis discovering unbalances and distortions that accompanied the country's high growth. Exposure of Chinese regions, industries, and groups of population to the crisis are revealed. China announced a $586 billion stimulus package in Nov. 2008 to support a sustainable growth of the Chinese economy. Some positive effects of the package on the China's economy are already observed this year. Currently, China plays a stabilizing function in the international financial market, as well as in the world economy by continuing to hold US securities, support dollar, and avoiding protectionism in the foreign trade. There are signs of the China's future enhanced role in the world economic order.

In this article author analyzed the notion of humanitarian intervention and its relation to the notion of the state sovereignty. Intervention into domestic affairs of one state for humanitarian purposes represents one of the most complex legal and political issues in modern international relations. There is no doubt that a drastic breach of human rights, the genocide and racial, national and religious discrimination of large proportions make for a necessary intervention of international community, that implies the violation of sovereignty of the state where the drastic crimes in question have occurred. However, the hitherto practice has shown that very often the humanitarian purposes have been used as a pretext for the intervention of completely different objectives often directly contrasted to the humanitarian causes itself, therefore putting the whole concept of humanitarian intervention under suspicion. In the article there are also presented several characteristic examples by which the author tried to clarify the notion of humanitarian intervention. ; U ovom radu razmatran je pojam humanitarna intervencija i njegov odnos prema pojmu državnog suvereniteta. Intervencija u unutrašnje stvari jedne zemlje iz humanitarnih razloga predstavlja jedno od najsloženijih pravnih i političkih pitanja savremenih odnosa u međunarodnoj zajednici. Nema sumnje da teško kršenje ljudskih prava, genocid, rasna, nacionalna i verska diskriminacija većih razmera, čine neophodnom intervenciju međunarodne zajednice, koje podrazumeva narušavanje suvereniteta države u kojoj dolazi do tako teških zloupotreba. Međutim, dosadašnja praksa pokazuje da su humanitarni razlozi često korišćeni kao izgovor za intervenciju koja je imala potpuno drugačije ciljeve, često direktno suprotstavljanje razlozima humanosti, što ceo koncept humanitarnih intervencija stavlja pod ozbiljnu sumnju. U radu je navedeno i nekoliko karakterističnih primera kroz koje se pokušava osvetliti pojam humanitarne intervencije.

En este trabajo el autor ofrece un examen sobre las prácticas de dominio eminente (eminent domain) en tres de las más importantes ciudades latinoamericanas. Aborda conforme lo anterior, de manera crítica, las relaciones entre las reglas legales usadas respecto del dominio eminente y el contexto institucional en el cual son aplicadas dichas reglas, en una perspectiva bidimensional: la primera, la de las relaciones entre los poderes judicial, legislativo y ejecutivo en lo concerniente al dominio eminente, y la segunda, la distribución de autoridad con relación al dominio eminente a nivel de gobiernos nacionales, provinciales o locales. Por esta vía logra el autor un acertado análisis comparativo, contextualizando dichas prácticas de dominio eminente, con la realidad de cada una de esas metrópolis, permitiendo las inferencias aterrizadas de que carecen estudios similares. ; In this work the author offers a rich and deep examination on the practices of "eminent domain" in three of the most important Latin-American cities. He approaches as the previous thing, of a critical way, the relations between the legal rules that concern of "eminent domain" and the institutional context in which the above mentioned rules are applied, in a two-dimensional perspective: the first one, that of the relations between the power judicial, legislative and executive in the relating thing to "eminent domain", and the second one, the distribution of authority with relation to "eminent domain" to level of national, provincial or local governments. For this route the author achieves a guessed right comparative analysis, giving context to the above mentioned practices of "eminent domain", in the reality of each one of this metropolis, allowing the inferences landed that similar studies lack.

En este trabajo el autor ofrece un examen sobre las prácticas de dominio eminente (eminent domain) en tres de las más importantes ciudades latinoamericanas. Aborda conforme lo anterior, de manera crítica, las relaciones entre las reglas legales usadas respecto del dominio eminente y el contexto institucional en el cual son aplicadas dichas reglas, en una perspectiva bidimensional: la primera, la de las relaciones entre los poderes judicial, legislativo y ejecutivo en lo concerniente al dominio eminente, y la segunda, la distribución de autoridad con relación al dominio eminente a nivel de gobiernos nacionales, provinciales o locales. Por esta vía logra el autor un acertado análisis comparativo, contextualizando dichas prácticas de dominio eminente, con la realidad de cada una de esas metrópolis, permitiendo las inferencias aterrizadas de que carecen estudios similares. ; In this work the author offers a rich and deep examination on the practices of "eminent domain" in three of the most important Latin-American cities. He approaches as the previous thing, of a critical way, the relations between the legal rules that concern of "eminent domain" and the institutional context in which the above mentioned rules are applied, in a two-dimensional perspective: the first one, that of the relations between the power judicial, legislative and executive in the relating thing to "eminent domain", and the second one, the distribution of authority with relation to "eminent domain" to level of national, provincial or local governments. For this route the author achieves a guessed right comparative analysis, giving context to the above mentioned practices of "eminent domain", in the reality of each one of this metropolis, allowing the inferences landed that similar studies lack.

Исследование проведено при поддержке РГНФ, грант №07-03-00470а «Семейные ценности и репродуктивные установки родителей и детей как факторы будущего демографического развития России». В статье раскрыта роль государства в преодолении кризиса рождаемости, которая проявляется через категории социальной ответственности и эффективности управления сферой социальной защиты детей. Основная цель статьи состоит в анализе мнений и оценок родительской общественности по поводу ценности детей и семьи для государства. Индикаторами отношения власти к социальному институту детства и семьи были выбраны объективные показатели, такие как уровень материального положения семей, размер детских пособий, жилищные условия семей с детьми, доступность социальных услуг для детей в области образования и здравоохранения, развитие социальной инфра-стуктуры для детей, уровень заболеваемости среди детей и подростков и др. Автор на материалах социологического исследования анализирует проблемы и потребности семей с детьми, мнения родителей об отношении государства к семье и детям, формулирует пути выхода из демографического кризиса. ; In the article the author reveals the role of the government in overcoming demographic crisis. This role is described through categories of social responsibility and management effectiveness in children social protection sphere. The main aim of the article is to analyze parental opinions and evaluations of value of children and family for the government. The indications of governmental relationships with social institutes of childhood and family are such indexes, as family welfare standards, welfare payments for children, family housing, social protection availability for children in the field of education and health care, development of social infrastructure for children, level of child morbidity, etc. The author, drawing on the sociological research, reveals problems and needs of families with children, parental opinion of relationships between government and families, shows possible ways of dealing with natality crisis.

On the basis of an approach combining elements of political, literature and sociological studies B. Stepanov analyzes A. Prokhanov's novel "Mister Hexogen" as a form of ideological search, and tries to find out how the novel identifies value lacunas and what it offers to fill them in. Seeing Prokhanov's novel as a sort of a symptom reflecting such features of public consciousness of the 2000s as sacralization of power, simulative nature of politics and its mediatization, vagueness and indistinctness of political oppositions and the strive for constructing a holistic ideology that turns into an eclectic combination of prepared ideologies of various origin, the author not only analyzes the literature construct constituted by a symbolic work of Prokhanov as chief editor of the "Zavtra" newspaper, but also considers the assessment this construct gets from representatives of various interpretative communities. ; On the basis of an approach combining elements of political, literature and sociological studies B. Stepanov analyzes A. Prokhanov's novel "Mister Hexogen" as a form of ideological search, and tries to find out how the novel identifies value lacunas and what it offers to fill them in. Seeing Prokhanov's novel as a sort of a symptom reflecting such features of public consciousness of the 2000s as sacralization of power, simulative nature of politics and its mediatization, vagueness and indistinctness of political oppositions and the strive for constructing a holistic ideology that turns into an eclectic combination of prepared ideologies of various origin, the author not only analyzes the literature construct constituted by a symbolic work of Prokhanov as chief editor of the "Zavtra" newspaper, but also considers the assessment this construct gets from representatives of various interpretative communities.

The author argues in the first four sections that there are two main reasons for using "post-democracy" as the adequate term for describing contemporary western societies. On the one hand there is a class biased decline in political participation which hurts the democratic promise of equality. On the other hand we observe a weakening of the democratic state due to the globalization of politics. In effect politics at the dawn of the twenty-first century is becoming more and more a game played by international elites almost without democratic control. In the last section the author asked whether the concept of post-democracy could be transformed to Latin-America. However, there is no clear answer to this question due to the fact that all political concepts are essentially contested. ; En los primeros cuatro apartados el autor enuncia dos motivos principales para la descripción de las sociedades occidentales de hoy como "post-democráticas". Por un lado, es posible constatar - particularmente en los segmentos socialmente excluidos - un retraimiento de la participación electoral, lo cual afecta la promesa democrática de la igualdad. Por otro lado, podemos observar por lo menos desde hace dos décadas un debilitamiento del actuar democráticamente legitimado del Estado, lo cual está relacionado con el proceso de unificación europea y con la globalización económica. Producto de ello, la política a comienzos del siglo XXI es llevada adelante cada vez más por elites internacionalizadas que no están sujetas al control democrático. En el último apartado es discutido si el concepto de "post-democracia" también puede ser transferido a América Latina. Sin embargo, no resulta posible dar una respuesta concluyente, en cuanto la semántica de conceptos como "democracia" y "post-democracia es inevitablemente controvertida.

The aim of this article was to explore the interaction between terrorism and the media after September 11 using two case studies: 6 audio/video statements of Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden and the global crisis of publishing a dozen cartoons of the prophet Muhammad. The author seeked to presume that the different media's outlets (television ,,Al-Jazeera" and the press ,,Jyllands-Posten") influence the goals and itselfs the attacks of terrorists both directly and indirectly. The results of the research helped the author get to the following conclusions: Publicity has always been a major concern for terrorists because publicity is the ,,oxygen". Terrorism universal's goals that depend on news coverage are: publicity, respectability and legitimacy, attention, recognition. If a terrorist group operates solely in the domestic sphere, the domestic publicity is their most important goal. If terrorists operate in the international sphere, they always gain automatic access to the international triangle of political communication. The impact of media on the public is not a matter of argument, though the audience is not homogeneous. However today's media culture is one in which there is an acute awareness of image manipulation. The war on terrorism is not immune from this because the media function as a central mechanism of propaganda. The Middle East media are naturally grounded in the religious, historical, and social forces shaping its society. Al-Jazeera, the Arab world's first all-news network, has marked as a channel that provides ,,the view and the other point of view" but also as a forum of choice for Islamic radicals and the maintenance of bin Laden's assertions. The West media are traditionally grounded in the freedom of the press and the independence from the authority.[.].

The article aims to structure historical knowledge on Klaipėda municipal and local government issues, to highlight the problems, and suggest guidelines for future studies. The author defines local government development stages, and analyses the state of studies and the accessibility of sources. More attention is paid to the results of studies that cover local government structure of 1945-1990, and problems related to the definition of legal status of sovereign and relationship of citizens in a time of Teutonic Order. On the basis of the scope of public participation in local and municipal government structures, changes of competencies, and structural development criteria, the author defines three stages of local government development in Klaipėda: the 13th – the beginning of the 19th c., the beginning of 19th c. – 1945, and 1945-1990. Studies of the first stage are the most explicit ones. Other two periods are less studied, but there are not few unused sources of the 16th-19th c. All stages lack for comparative evaluation of historic and historiographic contexts; historiography lacks for the identification of problems of this subject. The analysis of some problem issues called for a conclusion that the confirmation of Lubeck rights to Klaipėda should be dated 1258 and interpreted in two contexts: 1) the 13th c. pressure between Lubeck and German order in regards to the establishment of cities in the East Baltic region; and 2) possible contradiction between visions of German and Livonian orders in regards to the development of Klaipėda city. The confirmation of the 1475's privilege should be assumed as Great Master's aim to liquidate the exclusivity of Klaipėda city and completely integrate its citizens into legal state structure of the Order.

The article aims to structure historical knowledge on Klaipėda municipal and local government issues, to highlight the problems, and suggest guidelines for future studies. The author defines local government development stages, and analyses the state of studies and the accessibility of sources. More attention is paid to the results of studies that cover local government structure of 1945-1990, and problems related to the definition of legal status of sovereign and relationship of citizens in a time of Teutonic Order. On the basis of the scope of public participation in local and municipal government structures, changes of competencies, and structural development criteria, the author defines three stages of local government development in Klaipėda: the 13th – the beginning of the 19th c., the beginning of 19th c. – 1945, and 1945-1990. Studies of the first stage are the most explicit ones. Other two periods are less studied, but there are not few unused sources of the 16th-19th c. All stages lack for comparative evaluation of historic and historiographic contexts; historiography lacks for the identification of problems of this subject. The analysis of some problem issues called for a conclusion that the confirmation of Lubeck rights to Klaipėda should be dated 1258 and interpreted in two contexts: 1) the 13th c. pressure between Lubeck and German order in regards to the establishment of cities in the East Baltic region; and 2) possible contradiction between visions of German and Livonian orders in regards to the development of Klaipėda city. The confirmation of the 1475's privilege should be assumed as Great Master's aim to liquidate the exclusivity of Klaipėda city and completely integrate its citizens into legal state structure of the Order.

The article by S. Kaspe is a provocative text built on the analogy of the current position of the Commonwealth of Independent States and the situation in the early medieval Europe of about V-DC centuries. The basis for such defiant analogy is the qualification of both situations as post-imperial. Using the method and terms of Edward Shils, S. Kaspe demonstrates that the deficit of value legitimation is the general problem of political organisms that find themselves in such situations, whereas the search for an external center that could engender it a general objective. The author considers the "Western 194 "1ЮЛППН" Np 7 (48) 2008 ПРПЛОЖШ empire" as the only realistic and at the same time acceptable candidate for such role and believes that Russia's acquiring the status of one of its plenipotentiary sub-centers would be an optimistic scenario. ; The article by S. Kaspe is a provocative text built on the analogy of the current position of the Commonwealth of Independent States and the situation in the early medieval Europe of about V-DC centuries. The basis for such defiant analogy is the qualification of both situations as post-imperial. Using the method and terms of Edward Shils, S. Kaspe demonstrates that the deficit of value legitimation is the general problem of political organisms that find themselves in such situations, whereas the search for an external center that could engender it a general objective. The author considers the "Western 194 "1ЮЛППН" Np 7 (48) 2008 ПРПЛОЖШ empire" as the only realistic and at the same time acceptable candidate for such role and believes that Russia's acquiring the status of one of its plenipotentiary sub-centers would be an optimistic scenario.

Autores izvēlētā maģistra darba tēma ir – "Izmaiņas politisko partiju nostādnēs par nepilsoņu iesaisti vietējo pašvaldību vēlēšanās pēc iestāšanās Eiropas Savienībā". Nepilsoņu jautājums nav zaudējis savu aktualitāti Latvijas politiskajā ikdienā arī šobrīd, esot Eiropas Savienības sastāvā tas iegūst jau ne tikai lokālas problēmas aprises, bet jau vairāk starptautiskas. Par ko liecina dažādas starptautiskās rekomendācijas Apzinoties ES aspektu darbā, autore izvēlas aplūkot divas ES valstis Dāniju un Igauniju no pašvaldību viedokļa un nepilsoņu iesaisti vēlēšanu procesā Darba hipotēze: parlamentāro pariju nostādnes nepilsoņu jautājumā ir mainījušas pēc iestāšanās Eiropas Savienībā, kas ir demokrātisku valstu savienība. Maģistra darba mērķis ir sasniegts caur izvirzītajiem darba uzdevumiem,hipotēze nepierādās.Izvirzītie pašvaldību vēlēšanu grozījumi – nepilsoņu balsstiesības pašvaldību vēlēšanās sekmētu demokrātisko nepilsoņu politiskās vides attīstību. ; The theme of the Master Paper is - "Changes in the approach of the political parties to the involvement of non-citizens into elections of the local/municipal government after the entrance into European Union". The question of non-citizens has not lost its urgency and topicality in the Latvia's political everyday life even now because being the member state of the European Union this question obtains new shape not just that of local meaning but even international. This is seen also from different international recommendations that the author deals with in the further Master Paper. Realizing the aspects of European Union in the paper, the author of the paper chooses to look at two EU countries Denmark and Estonia Hypothesis of the paper: Approaches of parliamentary parties to the question of non-citizens have changed after the entrance into European Union which is union of democratic countries. The aim of the Master Paper is achieved through the proposed tasks, but hypothesis is unproved.

The aim of this article was to explore the interaction between terrorism and the media after September 11 using two case studies: 6 audio/video statements of Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden and the global crisis of publishing a dozen cartoons of the prophet Muhammad. The author seeked to presume that the different media's outlets (television ,,Al-Jazeera" and the press ,,Jyllands-Posten") influence the goals and itselfs the attacks of terrorists both directly and indirectly. The results of the research helped the author get to the following conclusions: Publicity has always been a major concern for terrorists because publicity is the ,,oxygen". Terrorism universal's goals that depend on news coverage are: publicity, respectability and legitimacy, attention, recognition. If a terrorist group operates solely in the domestic sphere, the domestic publicity is their most important goal. If terrorists operate in the international sphere, they always gain automatic access to the international triangle of political communication. The impact of media on the public is not a matter of argument, though the audience is not homogeneous. However today's media culture is one in which there is an acute awareness of image manipulation. The war on terrorism is not immune from this because the media function as a central mechanism of propaganda. The Middle East media are naturally grounded in the religious, historical, and social forces shaping its society. Al-Jazeera, the Arab world's first all-news network, has marked as a channel that provides ,,the view and the other point of view" but also as a forum of choice for Islamic radicals and the maintenance of bin Laden's assertions. The West media are traditionally grounded in the freedom of the press and the independence from the authority.[.].

The aim of this article was to explore the interaction between terrorism and the media after September 11 using two case studies: 6 audio/video statements of Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden and the global crisis of publishing a dozen cartoons of the prophet Muhammad. The author seeked to presume that the different media's outlets (television ,,Al-Jazeera" and the press ,,Jyllands-Posten") influence the goals and itselfs the attacks of terrorists both directly and indirectly. The results of the research helped the author get to the following conclusions: Publicity has always been a major concern for terrorists because publicity is the ,,oxygen". Terrorism universal's goals that depend on news coverage are: publicity, respectability and legitimacy, attention, recognition. If a terrorist group operates solely in the domestic sphere, the domestic publicity is their most important goal. If terrorists operate in the international sphere, they always gain automatic access to the international triangle of political communication. The impact of media on the public is not a matter of argument, though the audience is not homogeneous. However today's media culture is one in which there is an acute awareness of image manipulation. The war on terrorism is not immune from this because the media function as a central mechanism of propaganda. The Middle East media are naturally grounded in the religious, historical, and social forces shaping its society. Al-Jazeera, the Arab world's first all-news network, has marked as a channel that provides ,,the view and the other point of view" but also as a forum of choice for Islamic radicals and the maintenance of bin Laden's assertions. The West media are traditionally grounded in the freedom of the press and the independence from the authority.[.].

Over the past four decades Africa has diverged from other developing regions and is now the poorest region in the world. This paper offers an explanation of Africa's slow growth in terms of its distinctive economic and human geography: its high dependence upon natural resource exports, the many landlocked countries, and the high ethnic diversity of the typical state. It discusses how key economic policy choices, especially trade and fiscal policy, and assistance from the international community, need to tailored specifically to these distinctive circumstances. Part one of this paper sets out an explanation for why this happened and whether it is likely to recur, using the building blocks of economic geography. Africa is distinctive both in its physical geography and its human geography and these have shaped its opportunities. Part one has three sections. Section two considers the implications of Africa's distinctive physical geography. It accounts for some of Africa's slow growth and suggests how strategies will need to differ radically among Africa's countries. In section three author turn to its distinctive human geography and the political problems that this has created. To a considerable extent these problems recently have been surmounted: Africa's human geography may explain delayed take-off rather than predict persistent stagnation. Finally, in section four, author consider three interactions between physical geography and human geography that generate intractable problems that are likely to require both regional action and international assistance in various forms. Part two uses the analysis of part one to consider policy options. Section five discusses options for African governments. Section six focuses on the supporting actions that can be taken by governments outside Africa and by international agencies. Section seven offers a brief conclusion.