Suchergebnisse

In the article, the author explores the socio-political and church-religious reasons for the schism at the diocesan-regional level within the then Kharkiv Diocese of the Ukrainian Exarchate of the Russian Orthodox Church in the 1920s. During that period, religious life was characterized by excessive politicization which was conditioned by the atheistic policies of the communist authorities. Communist leaders deliberately stimulated intra-church schisms within the Ukrainian Exarchate of the Russian Orthodox Church. The author focuses on the autocephalous, renovationist and Lubenska movements within the Kharkiv diocese. Numerous facts of the intra-church struggle for temples and believers are presented in the paper as well as the direct intervention of the Soviet authorities in the affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine is proved. The intervention was systemic and led to a permanent crisis in the Orthodox Church environment in Kharkiv region during the period under study. The author of the article emphasizes that the permanent crisis in the Orthodox Church environment of the Kharkiv Diocese of the Ukrainian Exarchate of the Russian Orthodox Church led to irreversible negative transformations and sowed the seeds of enmity among clergy and believers. The logical and tragic outcome of the interference of the Soviet authorities in the affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine was a significant weakening of the Church's position in public life and sometimes a complete exclusion of religion from society. At that time, the specificity of the church and religious situation in Ukraine and Kharkiv region in particular was characterized by the lack of a clear prospect of solving the problem of providing autocephaly for the Ukrainian Orthodox Church ; У статті автор досліджує суспільно-політичні і церковно-релігійні причини виникнення розколу на єпархіально-регіональному рівні в межах тогочасної Харківській єпархії Українського Екзархату Російської Православної Церкви у 20-х роках ХХ ст. У зазначений період релігійне життя характеризувалось надмірною політизацією, яка була обумовлена атеїстичною політикою комуністичної влади. Комуністична влада свідомо стимулювала внутрішньоцерковні розколи у середині Українського Екзархату Російської Православної Церкви. Автор зосередив свою увагу на автокефальній, обновленській і лубенській течіях у середині Харківської єпархії. Наведено численні факти внутрішньоцерковної боротьби за храми та вірян, а також доведено безпосереднє втручання органів радянської влади у справи Російської Православної Церкви в Україні. Це втручання носило системний характер і призвело до перманентної кризи в церковно-православному середовищі на Харківщині у досліджуваний період. Автор статті наголошує, що перманентна криза в церковноправославному середовищі Харківській єпархії Українського Екзархату Російської Православної Церкви призвела до незворотних негативних трансформацій, посіяла ворожнечу серед кліру і вірян. Логічним і трагічним результатом втручання органів радянської влади у справи Російської Православної Церкви в Україні стало істотне послаблення позицій Церкви у суспільному житті, а подекуди і повне витіснення релігії з життя суспільства. Тогочасна специфіка церковно-релігійної ситуації в Збірник наукових праць «Історія та географія» / Харк. нац. пед. університет імені Г. С. Сковороди. Випуск 56. Харків, 2019. 67 цілому в Україні і Харківщини зокрема характеризувалась відсутністю чіткої перспективи розв'язання проблеми надання автокефалії для Української Православної Церкви.

The coronavirus pandemic has become an event after which the world will no longer be the same. The disease rapidly swept across countries and continents, irreversibly changed social and personal life, struck spheres of economy, politics, international relations, education and health care, invaded the field of everyday life, leisure, and communication. Within the framework of this article, an attempt is made to comprehend the most significant transformations and explicate the parameters of the new reality, for which the authors introduce the concept of "Vita Covida".Vita Covida (the life of a person and society in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic and its consequences) is considered, first of all, as an anthropic collapse — the destruction of the foundations of human existence, a violation of the rhythm of everyday existence in its most stable, essential modes — repetition and order, predictability and rest. Vita Covida caused a panhuman "attack of claustrophobia", placing residents of large cities in the closed space of their apartments, broke social ties, turning "everyone" into a "potential carrier of infection", changed the parameters of social space with new prohibitions and social distancing, transformed subjective time, giving it colors of "stringiness", "melancholy" and "aimlessness".The anthropic collapse is organically connected with the biopolitical crisis, also caused by the pandemic: social contradictions are exacerbated to the limit, the distrust between the authorities and the population is rapidly growing. Society and its state-power structures are faced with the dilemmas of "saving the economy" or "stopping the spread of the virus", "supporting people who have been left out of work" or "preserving financial reserves". Vita Covida makes it possible to consider the relationship between the authorities and the population from a new perspective. ; Пандемия коронавируса стала событием, после которого мир уже не будет прежним. Болезнь стремительно охватила страны и континенты, необратимо изменила общественную и личную жизнь, поразила сферы экономики, политики, международных отношений, образования и здравоохранения, вторглась в области быта, досуга, общения. В рамках настоящей статьи предпринимается попытка осмысления наиболее существенных трансформаций и экспликации параметров новой реальности, для обозначения которой авторами вводится концепт «Vita Covida».Vita Covida (жизнь человека и общества в условиях пандемии вируса Covid-19 и ее последствий) рассмотрена прежде всего как антропный коллапс — разрушение основ человеческого бытия, нарушение ритма повседневного существования в его наиболее устойчивых, сущностных модусах — повторяемости и порядка, предсказуемости и покоя. Vita Covida вызвала общечеловеческий «приступ клаустрофобии», поместив жителей крупных городов в замкнутое пространство квартир, нарушила социальные связи, превратив «каждого» в «потенциального разносчика инфекции», изменила параметры социального пространства новыми запретами и социальной дистанцией, преобразовала субъективное время, придав ему окраску «тягучести», «тоски» и «бесцельности».Антропный коллапс органически связан с биополитическим кризисом, также обусловленным пандемией: до предела обострены социальные противоречия, стремительно растет недоверие между властью и населением. Общество и его государственно-властные структуры столкнулись с дилеммами «спасти экономику» или «остановить распространение вируса», «поддержать людей, оставшихся без работы» или «сохранить финансовые резервы». Vita Covida делает возможным рассмотрение отношений власти и населения в новом ракурсе.

El presente ensayo analiza el panorama de la Educación para el desarrollo sustentable en Chile, para eso, examinamos diferentes propuestas de los organismos internacionales y, a su vez, cómo han sido adaptadas e implementadas en el sistema educacional chileno. El texto pone en tensión las bases epistemológicas que sustentan estas políticas "eco-educativas", invitando a deconstruir los cimientos del modelo de desarrollo sustentable y sus límites para el ejercicio de una ciudadanía activa en el contexto nacional. Para llevar a cabo esta reflexión el ensayo desarrolla, en un primer momento, los principales hitos del desarrollo sustentable en materia educativa, confrontando, en la discusión el concepto de ciudadanía que este programa propone, con el concepto desplegado en hitos relevantes del pensamiento político. Posteriormente, el análisis hace una propuesta sobre las herramientas que entrega la pedagogía crítica para develar la complejidad que implica abordar este modelo de desarrollo en la sala de clases. Para ello, nos basamos en los argumentos expuestos y en la pedagogía crítica de Paulo Freire. La reflexión final propone una perspectiva pedagógica que permita transformar el carácter instrumental que otorgan, actualmente, las actividades educativas a los futuros ciudadanos, con objeto de desarrollar una ciudadanía activa desde una perspectiva colectiva y local. Por último, el texto invita a cuestionar en qué medida la formación inicial de docentes del país contribuye a desarrollar las competencias pedagógicas necesarias para interrogar y enriquecer las recomendaciones ciudadanas propuestas en los programas educativos relacionados con el desarrollo sustentable. ; The present essay analyses the outlook of the education for sustainable development in Chile. For that aim, we examine different proposals from international organizations, and, in turn, how these proposals have been adapted and introduced into the Chilean educational system. The epistemological fundaments that support these "eco-educational" politics are put in tension on this text, inviting to deconstruct the foundation of the sustainable development model, and its limitations to the practice of an active citizenship in the local context. In order to accomplish this reflection, the article firstly expounds on the primary landmarks of sustainable development in the educational subject, facing the concept of citizenship that this programme proposes, with the concept of citizenship displayed in the main landmarks of political thinking. Secondly, the analysis delivers a proposal regarding the tools given by critical pedagogy, in order to expose the complexity involved when dealing with the sustainable development model in the classroom. For this purpose, we base upon Paulo Freire's critical pedagogy's approach. As a final reflection, a pedagogical perspective is proposed, which allows a transformation of the instrumental nature given to future citizens by current educational activities, with the aim of developing an active citizenship from a collective and local perspective. Finally, the text prompts the question about the extent in which the early training of future Chilean teachers contributes to develop the necessary pedagogical competences, in order to examine and enrich the civic recommendations proposed in the educational programmes regarding sustainable development.

Continuous changes in the international system make states adapt permanently and developnew capacities to achieve influence and power globally. This is the case of China, which has undertakena series of internal and external transformations that position it as one of the most relevant powers ofthis century. In this way, the classic tools of geopolitical thinking were adapted to the exercise of a newway of understanding the world: geoeconomics. This way of developing foreign policy is characterizedby the use of economic variables in the diplomatic game and deterrence in the community of nations.Then, it becomes relevant to understand how power is currently built, putting the role of the militaryand war into the background to give way to the economy and markets. This does not mean that thepower derived from military capacities disappears; it becomes an important, but subsidiary, deterrencetool secondary to all the tools and strategies derived from the use of the economy. ; Las transformaciones constantes dentro del sistema internacional obligan a los Estados aadaptarse de manera permanente y a desarrollar nuevas capacidades con el fin de lograr influencia ypoder a nivel global. Es el caso de China, el cual ha emprendido una serie de transformaciones internasy externas que lo proyectan como una de las potencias más relevantes del presente siglo. De estemodo, las herramientas clásicas del pensamiento geopolítico fueron adaptadas al ejercicio de unanueva forma de entender el mundo: la geoeconomía. Esta forma de desarrollar la política exteriorse caracteriza por el uso de las variables económicas en el juego diplomático y de la disuasión en lacomunidad de naciones. De tal manera se hace relevante comprender las formas en las que se construye el poder actualmente, el cual relega a un segundo lugar el papel de lo militar y la guerra, paradarle paso a la economía y a los mercados. Esto no significa que el poder derivado de las capacidadesmilitares desaparezca; se convierte en una herramienta secundaria de disuasión, importante, perosubsididaria, de todas las herramientas y estrategias derivadas del uso de lo económico. ; As constantes transformações do sistema internacional obrigam os Estados a se adaptaremde maneira permanente e a desenvolverem novas capacidades a fim de conseguir influência e poderno âmbito global. É o caso da China, que tem empreendido transformações internas e externasque a projetam como uma das potências mais relevantes deste século. Desse modo, as ferramentasclássicas do pensamento geopolítico foram adaptadas ao exercício de uma nova forma de entendero mundo: a geoeconomia. Essa forma de desenvolver a política exterior é caracterizada pelo uso dasvariáveis econômicas no jogo diplomático e da dissuasão na comunidade de nações. Dessa maneira,faz-se relevante compreender as formas nas quais o poder é construído atualmente, o que relega aum segundo plano o papel do militar e da guerra, para abrir espaço à economia e aos mercados. Issonão significa que o poder derivado das capacidades militares desapareça; converte-se numa ferramentasecundária de dissuasão importante, mas subsidiária, de todas as ferramentas e estratégiasderivadas do uso do econômico.

Bolivia's political transition in 2006 represented more than just a transfer of power. It also marked the arrival of a new political, economic and social paradigm. The newly elected leader (Evo Morales Ayma) and his political party, the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) brought with them an ambitious agenda for social change. Most of the initial efforts were aimed at responding to electoral promises and the demands from the myriad of social movements that supported Morales' ticket. As time progressed, the ideological components of the model were refined and transformed from an anti-neoliberal rhetoric to a comprehensive agenda of state reform. Part of the ideological components were rooted in the notion of "Vivir Bien" [Living Well], which in essence is a balanced approach for development considering human wellbeing in harmony with mother nature. The political challenge, however, has been the transformation of this holistic approach into a practical one and the policy implications that this entails ‒a particularly difficult issue in a country with weak institutional settings and limited state capacity. This article argues that although there have been many gains, particularly in reorienting the notion of the welfare state and in key economic and social areas, the model is still highly dependent on a neo-patrimonial state that relies heavily on a few commodities to support a growing social agenda. Moreover, in the past years the political emphasis and efforts have favored economic reforms over social ones, which might jeopardize the whole model in the not so near future. ; La transición política del 2006 en Bolivia significó mucho más que una simple transferencia de poder. Lo que representó fue la llegada de un nuevo paradigma político, económico y social. El nuevo líder electo (Evo Morales Ayma) y su partido político, el Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS), trajeron consigo una ambiciosa agenda de cambio social. La mayor parte de los esfuerzos iniciales estuvieron dirigidos a responder promesas electorales y demandas de una miríada de movimientos sociales que apoyaron la candidatura de Morales. Con el paso del tiempo, los componentes ideológicos del modelo fueron refinados y transformados de una retórica anti-neoliberal hacia una amplia agenda de reforma estatal. Parte de los componentes ideológicos se enraizaron en la noción del "Vivir Bien", que en esencia es una aproximación balanceada para el desarrollo que considera el bienestar humano en harmonía con la madre naturaleza. El desafío político, sin embargo, ha sido la transformación de esta aproximación holística en práctica, y los efectos que esto implica en las políticas públicas ‒tema particularmente difícil en un país con marco institucional débil y un estado con capacidades limitadas. Este artículo sostine que si bien se han dado ganancias significativas, particularmente reorientando la noción del estado de bienestar y en áreas económicas y sociales claves, el modelo todavía está subyugado a un estado neo-patrimonial dependiente de materias primas para sostener una creciente agenda social. Mas aún, en los últimos años, el énfasis político y los esfuerzos se han concentrado en favorecer reformas económicas a expensas de las sociales, lo que compromete la integridad del modelo a futuro.

In the present article, the problem of public authoruty's realization by means of bureaucracy was investigated. The task of searching for ways of debureaucratization of public authority (restrictions of negative manifestations, areas of work and functions of bureaucracy) might be accomplished with a historical and comparative methodology. The research helped to identify the presence of comparable elements of public authority and bureaucracy; to explain their comparable similarities and differences in a "vertical plane" – the phenomena of different time periods in indication the general tendencies of progress and causality were analyzed. The problem of public authority's realization by means of bureaucracy was specifi ed according the materials of the researches of governance in ancient societies, early states, governmental machinery of bourgeois democracies. A special attention was given to an alternative Soviet power model that in practice had led to establishing a command and control system with a ruling "class" of nomenclature in our country. The general characteristics of public authority and bureaucracy in a post-Soviet society were identifi ed. The research found that the transformation of public authority in the new phase of global social and economic development might mean its functional involvement in the international system of national resources' exhausting according to the interest of increasingly internationalizing elites. It was agreed that bureaucracy and institutes of direct and representative democracy, self-governance and control of civil society over the government are direct competitors. Nevertheless, post-industrial society provides new opportunities for debureaucratization. Therefore, the active and volitional actions of political groups as entire segments of society that are aimed at the struggle for the constitutional guarantees for rights to get information, a real access to education and a meaningful democracy, as a connected consequence represent a diffi cult, but necessary way to debureaucratization of public authority. ; В представленной статье исследуется проблема осуществления публичной власти посредством бюрократии. Задача поиска путей дебюрократизации публичной власти (ограничения негативных проявлений, сферы деятельности и функций бюрократии) решается с помощью историкокомпаративистской методологии. Исследование позволило выявить наличие сопоставимых свойств публичной власти и бюрократии, объяснить их сравнительные сходства и различия в «вертикальной плоскости» ‒ анализу подвергнуты данные феномены разных временных периодов для обнаружения общих тенденций развития и причинно-следственных связей. Проблема осуществления публичной власти посредством бюрократии конкретизирована на материалах исследований управления в древних обществах, ранних государствах, государственном механизме буржуазных демократий. Особое внимание уделено альтернативной советской модели власти, которая в своем практическом воплощении привела к формированию в нашей стране командно-административной системы с господствующим «классом» номенклатуры. Выявлены основные характеристики публичной власти и бюрократии в постсоветском обществе. Выяснено, что трансформация публичной власти на новом этапе глобального социально-экономического развития может означать ее функциональную вовлеченность в международную систему выкачивания национальных ресурсов в интересах все более интернационализирующихся элит. Сделан вывод, согласно которому бюрократия и институты прямой и представительной демократии, самоуправления, контроля гражданского общества над государством являются прямыми конкурентами. Тем не менее, постиндустриальное общество открывает новые возможности для дебюрократизации. Поэтому активные, волевые действия политических групп, целых слоев общества, направленные на борьбу за конституционные гарантии прав граждан на информацию, реальный доступ к образованию и, как взаимосвязанное следствие, осмысленную демократию ‒ это сложный, но необходимый путь дебюрократизации публичной власти

The issue of ensuring financial security and its components in any country is extremely urgent. This is due to the fact that the modern requirements for creating a sustainable development of the economy of the country require considerable global actions of the state, related to a wide range of reform issues, which are impossible without the financial state. Financial security needs to be more flexible and responsive to the transformation of internal and external threats. Insufficient financial security is accompanied by destabilization of public finances, which can lead to the withdrawal of capital abroad, the devaluation of the national currency, the balance of payments crisis, the growth of the budget deficit and the national debt. The economy of any country in the course of its development undergoes significant changes due to such factors as political, technical, technological, and social phenomena. In today's economic development, ensuring the financial security of the country is one of the important components of its financial policy. For countries that do not have solid public finance systems, this issue is particularly relevant. First of all, this concerns Ukraine. This is due to the fact that the modern requirements for creating a sustainable development of the economy of the country require considerable global actions of the state, related to a wide range of reform issues, which are impossible without ensuring the financial security of the state. The article deals with the problems of financial security of Ukraine and prospects of development of this area.The solution to these problems should be based on a reliable and effective system of protection of the national interests of the state. Financial security should be understood as protecting the national interests of the financial and credit sector from the effects of internal and external threats. ; Питання забезпечення фінансової безпеки та її складових у будь-якій країні є надзвичайно актуальними. Це зумовлено тим, що сучасні вимоги щодо створення сталого розвитку економіки країни потребують неабияких глобальних дій держави, що пов'язані з широким колом питань реформування, які неможливі без забезпечення фінансової держави. Фінансова безпека має бути більш гнучкою та швидко функціонувати у відповідь на трансформації внутрішніх і зовнішніх загроз. Адже неефективна фінансова безпека супроводжується дестабілізацією державних фінансів, що може призвести до виведення капіталів за кордон, девальвації національної валюти, кризи платіжного балансу, зростання бюджетного дефіциту та державного боргу. Економіка будь-якої країни в процесі свого розвитку зазнає значних змін, що пов'язані з такими факторами, як: політичні, технічні та технологічні, суспільні явища. У сучасних умовах економічного розвитку забезпечення фінансової безпеки країни є однією з важливих складових її фінансової політики. Для країн, що мають не досить стійкі системи державних фінансів, це питання є особливо актуальним. Передусім це стосується України. У статті розглянуто проблеми фінансової безпеки України. Вирішення цих проблем повинно базуватися на надійній та ефективній системі захисту національних інтересів держави. Під фінансовою безпекою слід розуміти захист національних інтересів фінансово-кредитної сфери від впливу внутрішніх і зовнішніх загроз.

Today, in many countries around the world, the role of religion in the public sphere is strengthening. This causes the methodological problems of the theory of secularization, which claimed the gradual and irreversible decline of religion. At the same time, the processes of religious revival in societies that have undergone secularization do not lead to the restoration of religion in the forms that preceded it. To denote this state of society, which occurs after secularization, Jürgen Habermas proposed to use the term "post-secular". A number of both foreign and domestic scientists became interested in this issue. But the purposeful study of postsecularity is still in its infancy and is mostly descriptive. In the scientific works devoted to its research, insufficient attention is focused on specific characteristics of postsecular societies. Therefore, there is a need to generalize these characteristics in order to better understand post-secular society. To achieve this goal, the article analyzes some conceptual approaches to the study of postsecularity. These approaches argue that the "return" of religion does not preclude the preservation of a powerful (or even dominant) secularization cluster in society. Post-secularization is a move forward and the creation of a new system characterized by religious freedom, pluralism, competition between different denominations, rather than a return to the traditions of the pre-modern era. In a post-secular society, as the authors of the works analyzed in the article prove, religion has all the opportunities from secular power for its development. At the same time, there is a reduction in the role of religious institutions and the individualization of religious practices, ie the "privatization" of religion, which is an element of secularization. But this "privatization" is significantly different from secularization, because it is not due to coercion, but to pluralism of choice. According to many researchers, a post-secular situation is possible under the condition of ideological pluralism and parity between religious and non-religious people, when each party has the opportunity to propagate its opinion, but does not impose it, when there is no place for privileged and discriminated, but awareness of mutual coexistence. That is, post-secularity is possible only in democratic and legal societies. The post-secular situation is also characterized by religious competition, intensification of missionary work, manifestations of fundamentalism, globalization of religious piety, transformation of religion into a commodity and the emergence (mostly in the West) of the phenomenon used to refer to the term "spirituality". The situation of post-secularism is a situation of uncertainty, when it is not known how the processes of interaction between the secular and the religious will take place in the future, and it is impossible to make any predictions about how stable this situation is. As the analysis carried out in the article shows, the post-secular approach has not become a full-fledged theory, but is perceived mostly as a program of what should be paid attention to, as a certain correction and continuation of the secularization approach. But with its help, scientists are trying to describe religious processes in modern societies.

The article examines the features of the Russian economy development in modern conditions as determined by the change in technological structures. The reason for this is the fact that one of the key factors influencing the transformation of the economy is the factors of scientific and technological progress adapting to the dominant technological order, which, in turn, has certain features: production technology, management, resource consumption, energy sources and others. This article uses the generally accepted four-phase model of the cycle, despite the existing viewpoints on it as a schematic and simplified approach. The sixth technological order (based on N. Kondratyev's long wave theory, S.Yu. Glazyev assumed it began in 2010) is characterized by the introduction of cyber-physical systems into all spheres of social life. The most pronounced deviations from the mainstream – driven by the change in technological structures – in the development of the Russian economy are noted. General indicators and groups of indicators are analyzed, namely: the share of innovative products in GDP; the share of the "digital economy" turnover in GDP; the share of people employed in knowledgeintensive/digital industries in the total number of people employed in the economy; number and dynamics of international patents in the digital sphere, including in the context of crosscountry comparisons, etc. The analysis shows that there is a systemic crisis in the national economy and proves that the persistence of backlogs is the main threat to the national and economic security of the country. At the same time, world rankings of states in the field of innovations and science-intensive technologies, as well as Russian scientific and educational systems' participation in such rankings can help in understanding the situation with the role of the national economy and with the lagging behind in global technological trends. Today, according to these ratings, only a small part of Russian universities meet the criteria of competitiveness. The so-called "brain drain" problem is added to the problem of lagging in innovative development: the Russian Federation is one of the world leaders (in a negative context, among countries with a comparable GDP level) in the field. However, the problem of leakage of highly qualified, primarily scientific and technical specialists, is typical for emerging economies, especially at the transformational stage. The scale of the "brain drain" cannot be measured accurately enough: for example, in all states that apply agreements on dual citizenship,accounting for external migration of scientific and technical personnel is objectively difficult.Another problem is low labor productivity. The problem is systemic and complex, as in many other cases of the observed lagging of the national economy behind world leaders since the Soviet period. However, universal solutions in the field of labor motivation, incentives to increase labor productivity have still not been found in the domestic practice. Western practices do not take root due to the inconsistency/underestimation of domestic cultural traditions and workers' mentality, and the adaptation of such techniques is very difficult. Overcoming the existing deviations is seen as a nationwide task, the solution of which requires the unification of efforts of the state, the business community, the scientific and educational world.

This thesis presents a communicative account of personhood that argues for the inseparability of the metaphysical and the practical concepts of a person. It connects these two concepts by coupling the question "what is a person" (concerning the necessary conditions of personhood) with the question "how does one become a person"(concerning its genetic conditions). It argues that participation in social interactions that are characterized by mutual recognition and giving-and-taking reasons implied by the practical concept of a person is in fact an ecological and developmental condition for an entity to possess the kind of characteristics and capacities such as reflexive self-consciousness addressed by the metaphysical concept. The chief theoretical contribution of the dissertation research lies, accordingly, in demonstrating that an adequate metaphysical concept of a person has to make reference to the kind of social processes that are necessary for the emergence and development of the distinguishing attributes of persons among other moving, perceiving, desiring and cognizing agents. Methodologically, it undertakes an original philosophical analysis that is enriched by an interdisciplinary investigation of several notions and insights from semiotics, comparative and developmental psychology, cognitive science and anthropology. The main argument of the thesis is that one becomes a person through internally recreating a social, communicative process; namely, that of dialogical transformation of habits. We find the paradigmatic case of this social process in mutual persuasion. The internalization of this process in the form of an inner dialogue cultivates a social self that is in ongoing communication with the embodied, organismic self of uncritically habituated attitudes, convictions and desires. This inner dialogue can be conceived as a temporally extended process of self-persuasion, which is characterized by an ongoing strive for attaining higher degrees of self-control; that is, for achieving a more coherent alignment between our habits and the kind of person we would like to be. It starts with self-interpretation and self-evaluation, and culminates in the formation of higher-order desires that facilitate habit-change and novel habit formation in accordance with certain social, moral, aesthetical or intellectual categories and norms one comes to endorse. For this reason, self-induced, deliberate habit-change is also a process of appropriation or self-appropriation, through which we strive to cultivate habits of feeling, thinking, acting that we can deem more truly ours. The thesis demonstrates that the capacity for engaging in this kind of self-persuasion consists chiefly in the capacities for metasemiosis, perspective-taking, and for cultivating habits of reflexivity. It explicates how all these capacities have a social origin and ultimately a social function by showing that they all presuppose certain higher-order communicative patterns that arose through an evolutionary and cultural history, and develop through the internal reconstruction of these patterns as cognitive-semiotic processes. The thesis concludes that becoming a kind of being who can engage in self-persuasion, thus a person, consists ultimately in internalizing the patterns of communicative social interactions in the form of an ongoing auto-communication.

Compulsory schooling has been promoted globally through the United Nation's Development Goals and is widely understood as a "global good". Assuming that schooling minimizes poverty and supports development and social mobility, the politics of "schooling-for-all" is rarely examined critically. However, in Hamar District in southwest Ethiopia the attempt to implement compulsory schooling turned into a violent conflict in 2014/15. This conflict over education, in particular girl's schooling, throws doubt on the universal implementation of 'Western'-style schooling. In this dissertation, I look beyond the ideology of schooling and analyze what it means in practice and how it leads to conflicts in a rural area. In this case, schooling literally constitutes an arena in which various political actors fight over their claims to power. The conflict shows how schooling is entangled with an ongoing process of state making. The Ethiopian state, which can be called a developmentalist state, tries to enlarge its power on the frontier through schooling and by seeking to achieve (inter)national development goals. Agro-pastoralist societies, which live by mobile animal husbandry and slash-and-burn cultivation, try to secure their existence and co-determination. Students who are related both to their agro-pastoralist kin and to the government, live at the interface of these competing claims to power. This intermediary position puts them in the middle of the conflict and creates dilemmas, which I conceptualize as crossroads and points of difficult decision-making between multiple life paths. During my fieldwork, in which I witnessed the outbreak of the violent conflict, I focused on the perspectives of young people. The lives of students are affected by schooling but their voices are rarely heard. In a multi-sited ethnography, I follow first-generation children and young people as they move from agro-pastoralist homesteads to schools and hostels in towns. I study education in and outside schools, and understand young people as actors whose lives are interwoven with larger processes that shape them, and which they also co-create. The dissertation identifies dilemmas of schooling in five fields: (1) in regard to schooling and its effects on agro-pastoralist household economies, (2) in the ideology and practices of teaching and learning in rural schools, (3) in relation to the (dis)connections between urban and rural lifestyles, (4) in regard to marriage and initiation and their underlying gender relations, and (5) in the fight over multiple claims to power. Looking at these dilemmas, the phenomenon of high unemployment rates among school-educated youth, and the decreasing land that is available for agriculture and pastoralism, the dissertation shows the dilemma of giving recommendations for the future: schooling appears to be one possible path into the future for some children, but not a sustainable way for every child. The conflict raises the question of who has the right to decide about the education of children. Is it the state, the parents, or the girls and boys themselves? My discussion of the dilemmas arising from these decisions shows how young people negotiate competing ways of living which shape personal and global processes of transformation.

The article discusses the method of situation analysis of international relations, developed in the 1960s in the Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations by Academician Evgeniy Primakov. It has incorporated many elements of existing problem-solving methods such as "brain storm", "Delphi", and others. Its key innovation is understanding the international political situations under analysis as integral dynamic subsystems of international system. It proceeds in three stages: first, building a scenario of a situation development; second, getting a large number of expert assessments representing various fields of social sciences; third, producing a final document with critical summary of the assessments. Primakov encouraged organizers of situation analysis to have experts focused on the issues of practical importance, and then prepare the results of the situation analysis in a concise, understandable form to make them useful in the decisionmaking process. He viewed the method as an effective means of communicating expert knowledge to decision makers. The article reviews the method as it has been practiced in the Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations. It gives the intellectual roots of its development, which include "grounded theory" by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss; systems theory by Talcott Parsons and a variant of its application to international relations by Thierry de Montbrial. The more direct roots of the method are various problem-solving techniques practiced in world's leading international relations think-tanks such as RAND Corporation. The article also overviews the major principles of situation analysis: 1) participants must have high level of expertise; 2) situational analysis is multidisciplinary; 3) situational analysis allows focusing on key aspects of a problem when there is no clear, unambiguous understanding of it and when the views of experts vary widely; 4) to obtain significant analytical results, it is necessary to move above the situation under analysis in search of wider generalizations; 5) situational analysis is opposite to propaganda, it must be averted to conformism and partisanship; 6) situation analysis should be aimed at realizing national interests; 7) situation analysis is directed towards future. In addition to the general principles of situation analysis, the article gives two specific examples of its application. The first example is the phenomenon of the extreme-right political movements in the European Union. In this case the situation analysis gives a balanced assessment of what is happening in Russia's neighbourhood. The second is Russia's adoption of trade restrictive measures in response to the "sanctions" from Western countries because of the Ukrainian crisis. The situation analysis shows contradictory effects of the sanctions for the Russian economic development. These cases are small but important illustrations of global changes in both the internal life of sovereign states and the relations between them. The post-bipolar world obviously goes through a transformation, which many assess in terms of a multipolar or polycentric world order. The configuration of future polycentricity is not defined in advance and will depend on decisions of leading global players. Situation analysis can contribute to understanding and forecasting them.

O presente artigo analisou as contribuições da pesquisa qualitativa nos trabalhos defendidos pela primeira turma do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ensino em Saúde, Mestrado Profissional da Universidade Estadual de Mato Grosso do Sul, bem como o desenvolvimento dessas pesquisas. Os trabalhos que compõem esta análise foram escolhidos por método de amostragem aleatória simples por sorteio, em que foram numerados de um a dezessete e procedida a retirada de cinco números, um por vez. Para auxiliar no processo analítico foi escolhida a análise documental. Os resultados, de modo geral, demonstraram que a pesquisa qualitativa tem importante papel na interpretação de questões subjetivas oriundas dos dados obtidos através das pesquisas, bem como de seus significados que estão diretamente ligados ao modo como essas questões são interpretadas. A pesquisa qualitativa busca, de modo geral, compreender os diversos fatores relacionados aos atores sociais participantes das pesquisas, as quais são realizadas visando alcançar transformações para a melhoria das condições que envolvem estes atores, visando fortalecer seu papel enquanto protagonistas de um determinado processo. Assim, fica evidente que o emprego da pesquisa qualitativa como um dos pilares metodológicos e teóricos foi um aspecto que contribuiu para o desenvolvimento dos trabalhos, haja vista os conteúdos abordados, os sujeitos participantes e, também, os resultados apresentados, trazendo assim, características de processos de ensino-aprendizagem e também didáticos com focos específicos, o que possibilitou a criação de referenciais de conhecimento mais próximos da realidade dos sujeitos pesquisados. Palavras-chave: Educação em Saúde. Pesquisa Qualitativa. Análise QualitativaAbstractThe present article analyzed the contributions of the qualitative research in the works defended by the first group of the Graduate Program in Health Teaching, Professional Masters of the State University of Mato Grosso do Sul, as well as the development of these papers. The papers that compose this analysis were chosen by simple random sampling method by drawing, where they were numbered from one to 17 and proceeded to the withdrawal of five numbers, one at a time. To assist in the analytical process, the documentary analysis was chosen. The results, in general, have demonstrated that qualitative research plays an important role in the interpretation of subjective questions arising from the research data, as well as their meanings that are directly related to the way these questions are interpreted. Qualitative research seeks in general to understand the various factors related to the social actors participating in the research, which are carried out in order to achieve transformations to improve the conditions that involve these actors, in order to strengthen their role as protagonists of a given process. Thus, it is evident that the use of qualitative research as one of the methodological and theoretical pillars was an aspect that contributed to the work development, considering the content addressed, the subjects involved and also the presented results, thus bringing characteristics of the teaching-learning and also didactic proces with specific focuses, which made possible the creation of reference points of knowledge closer to the reality of the subjects surveyed.Keywords: Health Education. Qualitative Research. Qualitative Analysis.

This dissertation examines the consequences of urbanisation triggered by rapid economic and demographic growth in Oman since 1970 on spatial diversity. By tracing geographic, climatic, ecological, historic, socio-cultural, political and economic aspects the dissertation positions Oman at a crucial turning point where spatial resources are limited, not evenly accessible and not symmetrically mobilised by processes of urban growth, extension and concentration. The dissertation links spatial diversity to resilient land use and sustainable urban development in light of ongoing demographic growth and depleting resources. The hypothesis of this dissertation postulates that a differentiated spatial, temporal and structural understanding of spatial diversity in the form of land use maps, spatial diversity indices and urbanisation models can lead to a more resilient and sustainable form of urbanisation in Oman. The methods used are desk studies, field documentation, remote sensing with historic satellite images, geo-information systems mapping and parametric urban modelling. The dissertation reviews current urbanisation models in Oman in relation to urban metabolism, urban sustainability and spatial diversity. It then maps land use transformation processes across Oman at the national level, as well as focussing on four regions and 18 local samples. The dissertation postulates 'space species' that can be discerned through remote sensing and establishes a spatial diversity index for these local samples. The findings suggest that a balanced spatial diversity for both agricultural and urban land uses is the optimal land use configuration for a resilient and sustainable spatial development in Oman. These insights result in four urban design strategies in response to the specific regional conditions. The urban design strategies – spatially diverse and resource efficient – are translated into parametric models. These parametric urban models allow to develop urban design scenarios and visualise urban form in 3D models. The dissertation closes with a discussion of spatial diversity as a measure of sustainable and resilient development in Oman. ; Diese Dissertation untersucht die Konsequenzen der durch schnelles ökonomisches und demographisches Wachstum eingeleiteten und seit 1970 anhaltenden Urbanisierung in Bezug auf die räumliche Diversität in Oman. Bezugnehmend auf geographische, klimatische, ökologische, historische, soziokulturelle, politische und ökonomische Aspekte positioniert diese Dissertation Oman an einem kritischen Wendepunkt: Dessen räumliche Ressourcen sind stark beschränkt, ungleich verteilt, nicht zugänglich und asymmetrisch in Wachstums- und Konzentrationsprozesse eingebunden. Diese Arbeit verknüpft räumliche Diversität mit resilienter Landnutzung und nachhaltiger städtebaulicher Entwicklung unter Berücksichtigung des andauernden demographischen Entwicklungsdruckes einerseits und endlicher Raum-, Wasser-, Energie- und Materialressourcen andererseits. Die Hypothese dieser Arbeit postuliert, dass ein differenziertes räumliches, zeitliches und strukturelles Verständnis räumlicher Diversität anhand von Landnutzungskarten, räumlichen Diversitätsindizes und Urbanisationsmodellen zu einer resilienten und nachhaltigen Form der Urbanisierung führt. Literaturstudien, Dokumentation vor Ort, Fernerkundung aufgrund historischer Satellitenbilder, Kartierung mittels Geo-Informations-Systemen und parametrisches städtebauliches Entwerfen sind Methoden dieser Dissertation. Die Arbeit untersucht gegenwärtige Urbanisationsmodelle in Oman in Bezug auf städtischen Metabolismus, urbane Nachhaltigkeit und räumliche Diversität. Die Landnutzungsveränderung wird auf nationaler, sowie in fünf regionalen und 18 lokalen Untersuchungsgebieten mittels Kartierungen dokumentiert. Die Dissertation stellt 'Raum-Spezie' vor die sich durch Fernerkundung erkennen lassen und deren Verteilung mittels eines räumlichen Diversitätsindexes der lokalen Untersuchungsgebiete gemessen werden kann. Die Ergebnisse lassen den Schluss zu, dass eine ausgeglichene räumliche Diversität zwischen landwirtschaftlicher und urbaner Nutzung die besten Voraussetzungen für eine resiliente und nachhaltige räumliche Entwicklung gewährleistet. Diese Erkenntnisse fließen in vier städtebauliche Entwurfsstrategien, räumlich diverse und ressourcenschonende städtebauliche Entwurfsstrategien ein, die wiederum in parametrische städtebauliche Modelle übersetzt werden. Diese parametrischen städtebaulichen Modelle unterstützen die Entwicklung von städtebaulichen Szenarien und die Visualisierung der resultierenden urbanen Form anhand von dreidimensionalen Modellen. Die Dissertation schließt mit einer Diskussion über räumliche Diversität als Ansatz einer resilienten und nachhaltigen räumlichen Entwicklung in Oman.

El centenario de la Reforma Universitaria puso de manifiesto renovadas formas de aproximarse a ese singular episodio que impactó en el proceso de creación del conocimiento en distintos países del Cono Sur. Una vasta información exhumada iluminó situaciones que permitieron extender el análisis a diferentes planos: desde las ideas políticas a la cultura científica, pasando por la construcción de redes internacionales a través de una inédita proliferación de revistas que divulgaban el credo reformista, sin olvidar los aportes que dieron cuenta de las transformaciones institucionales que el "grito de Córdoba" produjo inmediatamente y también creando una tradición capaz de avanzar incrementalmente sobre sus postulados iniciales. Nuestra intención aquí es añadir a ese campo de exploración zonas que todavía permanecen poco conocidas. Hablamos concretamente del abordaje en particular de reformistas que no han sido aun suficientemente estudiados, como es el caso de José Gabriel y su relación con la Universidad Nacional de La Plata (UNLP), deteniéndonos en el protagonismo asumido ante el golpe militar de 1930 y la posterior intervención a las altas casas de estudio. En efecto, José Gabriel fue un reformista muy activo en el campo cultural platense, aun cuando su presencia dentro de la historiografía sea escasa y tangencial. Fuentes halladas en el archivo de la UNLP nos permiten dar cuenta de su gravitancia en la resistencia a la primera ruptura constitucional que sufrió la Argentina, como se analizará en este trabajo. ; The centenary of the University Reform revealed renewed ways of approaching this singular episode that impacted on the knowledge creation process of different countries belonging to Southern Cone. The exhumation of a wide information illuminated situations that allowed us to extend the analysis to different levels: from political ideas to scientific culture, through the construction of international networks by means of an unprecedented proliferation of magazines that spread the reformist creed, without forgetting the contributions given by the institutional transformations caused by "grito de Córdoba" in two records: one immediately and the other, whereby the creation of a tradition which was capable of increase its initial postulates. In this sense, our intention here is to add to this field of exploration some aspects that remain little known. We speak concretely of the of reformers intellectuals who have not been sufficiently studied yet as, for example, the case of José Gabriel and his relationship with the National University of La Plata, focusing in the leadership assumed by him when confronted with the military coup of 1930 and the subsequent intervention of that University. In fact, José Gabriel was a very active reformer in the cultural field of La Plata, between the 1920s and 1930s, even though his presence within the historiography about the University Reform is little and tangential. Sources found in the UNLP archive allow us to give an account of his importance in the resistance to the first constitutional rupture suffered by Argentina State, which will be analysed in this paper. ; Archivo Histórico de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata