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This paper develops a unified model of policy diffusion to analyze the speed of adoption of statewide lockdown policies within a federal system during the COVID-19 pandemic. The modified unified model was built to improve our understanding of policy diffusion in contexts where existing models fall short. The authors highlight three main policy diffusion channels: regional, vertical, and internal. The paper shows the empirical test of the model across US states and finds that vertical effects, such as higher approval ratings for President Donald Trump, as well as a comparatively high proportion of COVID-19 federal funding support, bear a strong positive association with the speed of statewide lockdown adoption policies. In addition, certain internal effects are also important - higher governor approval ratings are positively associated with the speed of statewide lockdown adoption policies, as are state and local spending, democratic state governments, and population awareness of the virus. However, other internal factors, such as the stringency of statewide lockdown policies and the relative proportion of COVID-19 deaths in a state, were minimally associated with the speed of lockdown policy adoption. Surprisingly, unlike past studies, horizontal regional effects did not play a significant role in the presented analysis - the speed of adoption of lockdown policies by neighboring states bears no association with the speed of policy adoption of statewide lockdowns. Overall, the results suggest a strong influence of political factors on the speed of statewide lockdown adoption policies in the US.

Democratic elections pose an immense challenge to any government during an emergency crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic. More so for a country like India, with close to 18% of the world's population comprising an equally daunting and eager voter base of around 911 million in the time of a raging virus, both in the urban and rural areas of the nation. The first democratic large-scale election during the pandemic was successfully held in the state of Bihar in North India with more than 90 million voters, which was an astonishing feat by itself. The model followed by South Korea with the highest voter turnout provided an insight to the Indian authorities on conducting the elections. The Indian Election Commission, an independent statutory body which is entrusted with the task of conducting free and fair elections, allowed for the virtual mode of campaigning, and specific guidelines for polling were recommended. The rule changes have profound implications in significantly reducing crowded campaigns, which was synonymous with Indian democracy. The traditional lens through which the administration of elections was perceived has undergone a paradigm shift during the pandemic. New insights might surface if the electoral administration is reviewed in this study on an argumentative basis against the background of the big steps taken by the Indian election machinery. The aspects on which the research debates include: (i) the pros and cons of the action taken by the regulators; (ii) positive and negative responses from the political parties; and (iii) health and safety of the voters. The study concludes by affirming with data on the success of the Bihar Election and the wise choice of the Indian government in seizing the opportunity by taking the cues from South Korea.

COVID-19 broke out in the period that Uganda was due to have presidential and parliamentary elections, posing a very precarious human security challenge. The ruling party (National Resistance Movement; NRM) faced the challenge of passing power to the Speaker of parliament if elections were not to be held. To mitigate the public health challenges and maintain power, the government acquiesced to an election process without public campaigns. Instead, campaigns were to be held over the radio, TV, and social media in what came to be known as 'scientific elections.' However, in a country hamstrung by massive political and bureaucratic corruption and an entrenched regime that uses violence against opponents, little attention was paid to the fairness of the process, especially in terms of access to media resources by the opposition. Conversely, as elections are about crowds and showmanship, the Ugandan Electoral Commission struggled with the ever-evolving electoral campaign process, especially as large spontaneous crowds sprang up on the campaign trail of the political candidates. The opposition needs a large crowd for legitimacy and a show of popularity. To mitigate this, the ruling party used violence against opposition members as an excuse to enforce standard operating procedures (SOPs) for the prevention of COVID-19, yet its candidates were left to gather crowds. This radicalized some of the opposition that used media outlets to call for violence and ethnic cleansing. This qualitative study delves into the extent to which the 'scientific elections' process was designed to produce a fair outcome of the 2021 elections in Uganda. This study uses the rational choice theory to explore the calculations of different stakeholders. The study relies on secondary data, especially available in media outlets, but also primary data through reports and social media and speeches of key figures in the political landscape in Uganda. The study finds that the Independent Electoral Commission was caught between two highly sophisticated opponents and did not have the capacity and agency to enforce the rules in the political game. In the end, the key facets of the 'scientific elections' process were found wanting and did not produce a fair outcome of the 2021 elections in Uganda.

COVID-19 affected the entire world, culminating in a devastating worldwide disaster. The crisis had a major impact on Indonesia, both in terms of health and economic concerns. As economic support in Indonesia, micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) are also impacted. This study was carried out in the West Java Province, including respondents among MSME actors. The aim of this study was to see how entrepreneurial resilience and self-efficacy affected company performance during the COVID-19 crisis. To assess the connection between variables, this research technique uses a quantitative methodology. The partial least squares path modeling (PLS-SEM) is used to validate the model's hypothesis, which is based on its association in a literature study done by numerous prior researchers. The findings of this study show that, as compared to entrepreneurial self-efficacy, entrepreneurial resilience has a substantial impact on MSME company performance during the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on the evaluation of the results of the research on the resilience of MSME owners, it must be supported by external variables such as government policies.

The healthcare systems of almost every country have been facing an unprecedented crisis since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020. In response, numerous countries have designed and launched their unique applications to inform their citizens about COVID-19 and to follow their health situation. While South Korea has been showing an effective fight against COVID-19, Turkey is one of the most affected ones by the virus. This paper aims to identify key differences and similarities between the contact tracing apps that are used by Turkey and South Korea during COVID-19. In this way, it addresses how two members of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), one developing (Turkey) and other developed (South Korea) countries, integrated their public policies and crisis management responses with the mobile phone applications and at what scale they are successful. Also, this paper investigates how these differences/similarities between their applications have affected their paths in the pandemic. Comparing their applications, it discusses policy-making processes, technological differences, and contact tracing strategies with policy recommendations for other countries.

In recent decades, more and more young actors at the international level have been claiming and aspiring to play a significant role in managing public policy issues with global reach. The recent pandemic highlighted the asymmetry of nation-state responses in managing this health threat. At a time that the return-of-the-state scenario sounded familiar, it was misleading as well. Although each national government was focusing on its own people, and each claimed to have been better prepared to fight the crisis than its neighbors, governance gaps were filled by networks of sub-national authorities, whose partnerships provided a wider geographical perspective of policy decisions. In this framework, this article assesses the role of the city diplomacy, focusing on the pandemic initiatives of the city of Athens that, due to its international affiliations, managed to fill the gaps of the measures taken for the most vulnerable groups by the central government during the pandemic of COVID-19. Desk-based research and the use of secondary sources provide the scope for our analysis.

The COVID-19 pandemic has posed significant policy challenges in developing countries, where operational resources and policy capacity are limited. Yet, some developing countries have fared better than others, and part of this success seems to be attributable to the use of prudent policy instruments within a policy mix that exhibits coherence. This article presents a COVID-19 case study of Pakistan and considers the following aspects of Pakistan's policy mix: (1) polio and rural support infrastructure deployed for COVID-19 detection and awareness-creation; (2) the establishment of a national command and operation center (NCOC) to centralize real-time decision-making; (3) the use of the largest income support program to generate a targeted pro-poor stimulus; and (4) optimally targeted (smart) lockdowns. The findings suggest that developing countries can adjust sound policy responses to pandemic conditions despite their resource constraints, by calibrating extant policy instruments and mobilizing new ones within a coherent policy mix.

This article deals with the effects of COVID-19 on the urban governance of Milan. The author argues that, despite the changeable situation still ongoing, looking at the measures assumed in 2020, the Municipality of Milan took middle-term strategies and radical decisions for the design and the use of the city from a perspective of sustainable prosperity together with the pandemic management. According to the "Milano 2020" Adaptation Strategy, several policies were adopted in order to decongest public areas through the enlargement of spaces and services. In particular, during that period, the administration planned new policies in order to empower urban flexibility, rhythms and times, diversified mobility, public and green spaces, infrastructures, cooperation, and inclusion. In conclusion, the author argues that the pandemic has redefined the urban prosperity of Milan in relation to the sustainable transition and the new social challenges determined by the global scenario.

This paper employs cases to discuss the impact of information, disinformation, and the evolution of scientific data as part of public health policy development in the COVID-19 pandemic. The two areas of policy development center on (1) risk and public health precautions (e.g., mask mandates, cleaning protocols, and social distancing) and (2) risk and economic/travel policy (e.g., regional economic shutdown, travel restrictions, border closures). Key to the analysis is the understanding of social risk production and public trust in institutions and individuals within those institutions that craft emergency, interim, and long-lasting public policy. The paper concludes with recommendations for enhancing public trust in government institutions and the management of risks during times of disasters, crises, and pandemics.

After the emergence of "new media," propaganda and so-called "alternative facts" are some of the main tools that have been used by governments, individuals, or interest groups to recalibrate the narration of certain information. By using the basic storytelling methods, the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) allows policymakers to use the media to spread the newer dynamics of narration. Since 2014, after the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power, the government has constantly been using narration through the state-funded media that have changed the overall media landscape in the country. Thus, using the NPF, this research aims to perform a media content analysis of India and discuss the changing media landscape of the nation. To prove the argument, the article provides various empirical examples and facts (from India) which are changing the narrative among the public and the ruling party's pursuit of its political aims by radical change in public policy.

The effectiveness of representative democracy in South Africa is questionable, given the lack of confidence in the Parliament and the recurring service delivery protests, which indicate that citizens' opinions are unheard. Due to this, the Members of Parliament (MPs) devise strategies such as democratic innovation to involve citizens in policymaking as the platform for deliberation. Given this context, the paper discusses public participation in policymaking and how declining confidence in the Parliament necessitates democratic innovations as a panacea for increasing citizens' participation in Parliament activities. The paper also identifies dilemmas that occur in public involvement. Data was generated by interviews (with 16 MPs), observation of plenary debates, minutes of the Parliament, Hansard, minutes of Select and Standing Committees, and Parliamentary speeches. Findings suggest that despite the complexity of implementing public participation in South Africa, the Parliament has made significant progress since 1994 in widening democratic innovation to facilitate public participation. However, disadvantaged people continue to be marginalized from policymaking. The paper suggests that there is a need for political education and public participation in policymaking to strengthen democratic institutions in South Africa.