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Discourse and rhetoric of service-user involvement are pervasive in all mental health services that see themselves as promoting a Recovery ethos. Yet, for the service-user movement internationally, 'Recovery' was articulated as an alternative discourse of overcoming and resisting an institutionalized and oppressive psychiatric model of care. Power is all pervasive within mental health services yet often overlooked in official discourse on user-involvement. Critical research is required to expose the unacknowledged structural and power constraints on participants. My research problematizes practices of user involvement in one mental health service area in Ireland. Part I of this article examines the background context of policies and practices of user-involvement from the service-user perspective and explains developments in relation to service-user involvement in the case of Ireland. Participants in my study articulate their motivation for engagement with mental health service reform in terms of the right to participate in social justice terms, of wanting to improve services and humanise care. Power dynamics emerge as one of the primary obstacles to equitable involvement. Part II of this article presents an explanatory framework of power, using a model developed in the field of development studies; Gaventa's (2006) 'power cube.' The three dimensions of the cube represent the forms, spaces and levels of power. The explanatory potential of this model to highlight how hidden and invisible power operates in mental health services is illustrated by selected comments from the same participants. The power cube is a useful tool to illuminate the dynamics occurring in service-user involvement spaces. Showing how different forms of power operate in the spaces and levels of mental health involvement can develop service-users' awareness of the hidden and invisible aspects of power. Through this awareness, they can strategize around their potential to influence decision-making in mental health services.

This article explores questions of temporality using letters written between 1930 and 1935 by Suzanne Karpelès, director of the Royal Library at Phomn Penh (1925-41) and of the Institute of Buddhist Studies (1930-41) and chief publications officer for the École Supérieure de Pāli (1925-41). The article is prompted by the "temporal turn" in scholarship that privileges time as an object of analysis (McLeod 20127). I draw on Wilcox's (1989, 13) view of abstract, linear time as a historical contrivance with a history of its own, and on scholarship that (re-)casts temporal relations between past, present and future as "messy" and "moving"(Harootunian 2007; McLeod 2017). I deploy Nóvoa and Yariv-Mashal's (2003) argument about the need to consider the "width and thickness" of time when discussing colonial regimes. I also explore the sources through temporal entanglements that have been variously cast through metaphors of geological strata (Nóvoa and Yariv-Mashal 2003, 423), temporal co-existence and collision (Harootunian 2007), zigzagging (Zerubavel 2000) and as practices of synchronisation (Jordheim 2013).The article begins by introducing Karpelès and by discussing scholarship on temporalities as it relates to the French Protectorate of Indochina. The middle section uses vignettes from Karpelès' letters to explore multiple temporalities and their entanglements and how these might play into the politics of power and of desire as they thread together in configurations of gender, education, imperialism and religion. The conclusion touches on some of the challenges facing scholars interested in multiple temporalities and temporal entanglements.

On the world's most utilised video-sharing social n etworking site, YouTube, Charlie McDonnell ( Charlieissocoollike ), Dan Howell ( Danisnotonfire ), and Jack and Finn Harries ( JacksGap ) are Britain's most popular video-bloggers (vlogge rs). With more than two million regular subscribers to each of their channels, alon g with millions of casual viewers, they represent a new form of authentic online celebrity. These young men, whose YouTube careers began as teenagers, do not espouse a tradit ional form of masculinity; they are not sporty, macho, or even expressly concerned with bei ng perceived as heterosexual. Instead, they present a softer masculinity, eschewing the ho mophobia, misogyny, and aggression attributed to boys of previous generations. These b ehaviours are theorised using Anderson's Inclusive Masculinity Theory. Drawing on analysis o f 115 video-blogs (vlogs), along with an in-depth interview with Charlie McDonnell, this art icle examines how these young men developed and exhibit their inclusive masculinities and attitudes, which we postulate are a reflection of dominant youth culture. Keywords: authenticity, celebrity, inclusive mascul inity, popularity, vlogging, YouTube

The availability of same-sex weddings poses a number of personal and political dilemmas for couples who decide that they wish to go through a ceremony of recognition or civil partnership. In this article I argue that British couples are acutely aware of the political ramifications of their decisions and I focus attention on the interplay between the personal and political in decisions that couples make on the types of ceremony they want. For example, some couples want very prominent, high profile weddings while others insist that same-sex couples do not need to display their relationships in public ceremonies because this merely emulates heterosexual practices. These issues are explored through qualitative interviews with same-sex couples which collected stories on 54 same-sex ceremonies held in the UK. © SAGE Publications, Inc. 2008.

British attitudes toward German-language song repertoire were transformed in the interwar period by a potent combination of politics and technology. The use of translations gained and lost ground; native musicians struggled to compete with international stars; and new listening strategies developed around the gramophone and radio. In the process, notions of cosmopolitan connoisseurship became established that still dominate reception and performance practices today. © 2013 The Regents of the University of California.

Widowhood is an under-recognized, albeit significant, aspect of life all over the world. The scant literature on contemporary narratives of widowhood among women as a consequence of conflicts indicates that this aspect of lived experience is relatively underexplored. Although loss is integral to life in the Nagorno-Karabakh region in the South Caucasus, it has been overlooked because of the unsettled politics in the region. Since the end of the full-scale war in 1994, the self-declared, internationally unrecognized republic has been locked in a protracted conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. This longstanding conflict has had severe consequences for society in this region. Sporadic clashes along the border of Nagorno-Karabakh are not a rare occurrence. Thus, for women married to soldiers, confronting death is not something rare in the everyday life of the region. The purpose of this article is to examine the everyday experiences, understanding and reworking of widowhood there. The article is intended to open up the hitherto neglected subject of widowhood as affected by violent fighting in this part of the world and to create awareness of the importance of the topic.

Most democracies fail to provide equal representation and tend to have an overrepresentation of men from the upper class and the majority racial or ethnic group. We investigate public support for increasing the number of women and indigenous Māori members of parliament (MPs) in the New Zealand Parliament, both in general and through specific mechanisms such as quotas and reserved seats. We offer three explanations: descriptive (group identity), substantive (issue alignment), and symbolic (socioeconomic and political equity concerns). Using data from the 2014 New Zealand Election Study, we found that shared identity (descriptive) matters for all measures of increased representation, but especially for Māori respondent support of increased Māori MPs. Support for increasing the proportion of Māori MPs is also strongly driven by substantive concerns, as measured by support for keeping the Treaty of Waitangi in law. Support for increasing the number of women MPs is driven most strongly by symbolic concerns (measured as increased government social spending and efforts to reduce income differences). Overall, respondents favor retaining the current number of reserved seats for Māori MP representation, whereas informal efforts (rather than quotas) are strongly preferred for increasing the number of women MPs.

This article presents a discursive analysis of 43 men's narratives about paying for sex, collected using a combination of online and traditional face-to-face interview methods. It argues that the societal pressures placed on men to "perform" sexually help to produce conditions that make paying for sex desirable. Paying for sex provided men with a "safe" space where they felt exempt from expectations to display sexual experience, skill, and stamina. Moreover, men valued paid sexual encounters with experienced sex workers as spaces where they could acquire sexual experience and skills to better approximate idealised versions of heteronormative male sexuality. The article explores the emotional aspects tied up in men's desires to pay for sex and attends to the question of power within the paid sexual encounter, shedding light on the complexities, nuances and multiplicities within client-sex worker relationships. In conclusion, this paper discusses the value of addressing the broader social structures, sites such as media, online spaces, and medical industries, where heteronormative discourses on male sexual "performance" continue to be reproduced and maintained.

The human papillomavirus (HPV) can cause a range of cancers as well as genital warts and recurrent respiratory papillomatosis in men and women. Most cases can be prevented by vaccination in adolescence. Many countries vaccinate girls and an increasing number, although still a minority, vaccinate both boys and girls. The case for vaccinating boys is based on arguments of public health, equity, ethics, and cost-effectiveness. The selective vaccination of females does not protect males sufficiently and provides no protection at all for men who have sex with men. In the United Kingdom (UK), the government's vaccination advisory committee (Joint Committee on Vaccination and Immunisation [JCVI]) began to consider whether boys should be vaccinated as well as girls in 2013 and made clear in draft statements that it considered this not to be cost-effective. A campaign group, HPV Action, was established to advocate gender-neutral vaccination. This group became a coalition of over 50 organisations and used evidence-based arguments, political advocacy and media campaigning to make its case. One of its members initiated legal action against the government on the grounds of sex discrimination. In July 2018, the government agreed that boys in the UK should be vaccinated. The lessons for other campaigns in the men's and public health fields include: be prepared for the long haul, focus on clear and specific goals, build alliances, align the objectives with existing policies, make a financial case for a change of policy, and use all legitimate means to exert pressure.

This commentary offers an analysis of the implications of Covid-19 on the future of elite women's football, with the intention of reflecting on and illuminating the threat and uncertainty facing the game. Topics covered include (1) organisational and economic repercussions; (2) consequences for player contracts, migration and investment; and (3) player wellbeing. These significant challenges require swift and decisive action in order to mitigate their potential effects. Recommendations are made for governing bodies, parent clubs and practitioners, in addition to possible future research directions for academics. We reflect upon what can be done during and post-pandemic to continue the momentum and growth of women's football in England, highlighting the need for football clubs to learn from previous crises by embracing innovation and entrepreneurship.

Most research studying gender and political participation fails to problematise the measure of gender identity. Using 2012/13 Dutch Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social Sciences panel survey data, we investigate how gender-socialised personality traits relate to various types of political engagement. Baseline models show that, when significant, self-assessed socialised agentic/masculine traits are positively, and communal/feminine traits are negatively, related to political engagement, though only to activist types of engagement. Multivariate analyses reveal the positive link between agentic/masculine traits and very agentic forms of activity, including engaging with political parties and politicians and going to public hearings. Furthermore, the categorial gender/sex gap in participation matters independently of agentic/masculine traits and communal/feminine traits but the direction and size of the gap differs depending on the type of engagement considered.

This article examines the middle-class work culture of Friends, reading it as a text imbued with both Restorative and Reflective Nostalgia. I argue that the "insulated precarity" of Friends' protagonists, and their seeming nonchalance about work, marks out the show as a prime example of a Clinton-era "boom" text and as a one that struggles with rising anxiety inherent in neoliberalism. I focus on the role of Chandler Bing, who quits his nondescript office job to follow his dreams, before realizing he does not know what they are, and ends up in advertising. I argue that while Friends' self-reflexive comic mode facilitates sympathetic treatment of Chandler as a "New Man," his perpetual crisis of masculinity (his infertility, his periodic reliance on his wife's income, and the constant questioning of his sexuality) is related to the lack of purpose in his career and, thus, the changing work culture that characterized the period.

Reproductive rights are an under-theorised aspect of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, most clearly typified in United Nations Security Council resolution (UNSCR) 1325 and successive resolutions. Yet reproductive rights are central to women's security, health and human rights. Although they feature in the 2015 Global Study on 1325, there is less reference to reproductive rights, and to abortion specifically, in the suite of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions themselves, nor in the National Action Plans (NAPs, policy documents created by individual countries to outline their implementation plans for 1325). Through content analysis of all resolutions and NAPs produced to date, this article asks where abortion is in the WPS agenda. It argues that the growing centrality of the WPS agenda to women's rights in transitioning societies means that a lack of focus on abortion will marginalize the topic and stifle the development of liberal legalization.

Moving beyond the usual strategic and national issues of war in international relations, feminist theorizing on aspects of war has stressed the pressing need to depict it as something experienced by individuals. This study addresses this need by considering the critical case of the protracted conflict over the Nagorny Karabakh region in the South Caucasus. Despite the 1994 ceasefire, no satisfactory settlement for all the parties involved in the conflict has yet been reached. In fact, since the four-day war in April 2016, the situation has become even more tense, with an increased risk of renewed hostilities. This article uses empirical research with women in Nagorny Karabakh to examine the impact of this protracted conflict through an analysis of emotions in their everyday lives. It argues that fear, grief and trauma not only affect individual women but also create a collective identity amongst them that is defined by compliance with the heightened militarization of society in this region. In this way, this study shows that emotions feed into the persistence of patriarchal relations. By exploring women's emotions, this article contributes to the growing literature in international relations that examines war as lived experience.

Attitudes about women's expertise can play a role in limiting their access to influential public spaces, including elected government positions. In the Arab Gulf, women remain underrepresented in electoral politics. This research seeks to answer two important questions. Does this underrepresentation stem from the belief that women will govern incompetently? Or are they viewed as less electable? A field experiment is used to investigate the attitudes of young adults in Qatar. It finds bias against the women candidate exists for both competence and electability among some subsamples of students, including female, liberal, and advanced students.