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International audience ; he site of Tepe Yahya in southeastern Iran is famous, among other important aspects, for the Proto-Elamite complex dated to around 3000 BC (Period IVC). The material culture of Period IVC is not exclusively limited to its Proto-Elamite component, but is also characterized by the presence of elements from other Middle-Asian cultural ceramic traditions. In addition to a synthesis of the Proto-Elamite period and the material assemblage at Tepe Yahya, The Proto-Elamite Settlement and Its Neighbors provides an updated review and comprehensive discussion of the Proto-Elamite sphere, its relations to Mesopotamia, and its eastern Middle Asian neighbors. This innovative book illustrates that the "multi-cultural" situation at Tepe Yahya Period IVC was present across many sites in Middle Asia and that, in addition to the Proto-Elamite sphere and the cities of Mesopotamia, Middle Asia around 3000 BC was incorporated within an interactive "multi-players" network of polities. Benjamin Mutin, Author, is a Research Fellow for the American School of Prehistoric Research, Harvard University. He is an archaeologist who specializes in Middle Asian proto-history and who has worked in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Tajikistan, and Oman. He holds a Ph.D. in Prehistory, Anthropology, and Ethnology from University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne. C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky, General Editor, and Project Director for Tepe Yahya, is the Stephen Phillips Professor of Archaeology, Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, Peabody Museum (Director 1977–1990).

International audience ; When archaeologists studying societies without texts began to organise their data in the 19th century, they created "boxes" called "cultures" ( Kultur in German) or "civilisations", defined by "type fossils" ( Leitfossil ) following an almost explicitly geological paradigm. These "cultures" were nevertheless considered also as biological entities, able to reproduce themselves, or even combine. Gustaf Kossinna took a decisive step by assimilating "archaeological cultures" with "peoples". Today, one can distinguish two extreme positions, illustrated by the debate on the "Celts": either cultures really exist as human groups that can be defined, which is the majority view in central and eastern Europe; or cultures are a pure fabrication on the part of the observer, and represent at best broad stylistic zones, which is a common view in the archaeology of English-speaking countries and their near neighbours. The latter is a perspective which was emphasised even more by so-called "post-processual" archaeology. Reality no doubt lies somewhere between these two extremes, but is also linked to what can be reconstructed of the underlying ancient societies and their degrees of political integration. Yet in recent years, palaeogenetics has joined the game, hoping to reconstruct population migrations, if not "peoples", with the risk of reproducing, by biological determinism, the models of thinking of 19th century craniometry. The debate goes on! ; Lorsque les archéologues des sociétés sans écriture ont commencé à ordonner leurs données au cours du XIX e siècle, ils ont constitué des « boîtes » portant le nom de « cultures » ( Kultur en allemand) ou de « civilisations », définies par des « fossiles directeurs » ( Leitfossil ) selon un paradigme presque explicitement géologique. Ces « cultures » étaient néanmoins considérées également comme des entités biologiques, susceptibles de se générer les unes les autres, voire de se combiner. Gustaf Kossinna franchira un pas décisif en assimilant « culture ...

International audience ; When archaeologists studying societies without texts began to organise their data in the 19th century, they created "boxes" called "cultures" ( Kultur in German) or "civilisations", defined by "type fossils" ( Leitfossil ) following an almost explicitly geological paradigm. These "cultures" were nevertheless considered also as biological entities, able to reproduce themselves, or even combine. Gustaf Kossinna took a decisive step by assimilating "archaeological cultures" with "peoples". Today, one can distinguish two extreme positions, illustrated by the debate on the "Celts": either cultures really exist as human groups that can be defined, which is the majority view in central and eastern Europe; or cultures are a pure fabrication on the part of the observer, and represent at best broad stylistic zones, which is a common view in the archaeology of English-speaking countries and their near neighbours. The latter is a perspective which was emphasised even more by so-called "post-processual" archaeology. Reality no doubt lies somewhere between these two extremes, but is also linked to what can be reconstructed of the underlying ancient societies and their degrees of political integration. Yet in recent years, palaeogenetics has joined the game, hoping to reconstruct population migrations, if not "peoples", with the risk of reproducing, by biological determinism, the models of thinking of 19th century craniometry. The debate goes on! ; Lorsque les archéologues des sociétés sans écriture ont commencé à ordonner leurs données au cours du XIX e siècle, ils ont constitué des « boîtes » portant le nom de « cultures » ( Kultur en allemand) ou de « civilisations », définies par des « fossiles directeurs » ( Leitfossil ) selon un paradigme presque explicitement géologique. Ces « cultures » étaient néanmoins considérées également comme des entités biologiques, susceptibles de se générer les unes les autres, voire de se combiner. Gustaf Kossinna franchira un pas décisif en assimilant « culture archéologique » et « peuple ». Aujourd'hui, on peut distinguer deux positions extrêmes : soit les cultures existent réellement en tant que groupes humains et peuvent être définies, position majoritaire en Europe centrale et orientale ; soit les cultures sont une pure fiction de l'observateur, et au mieux des zones stylistiques approximatives, position fréquente dans l'archéologie des pays anglo-saxons et de leurs marges, et qui fut accentuée encore par l'archéologie dite « post-processuelle ». La réalité est sans doute entre ces deux extrêmes. Mais ces dernières années, la paléogénétique est entrée dans le jeu, espérant reconstituer les migrations de populations, sinon de « peuples », avec le risque de reproduire, par déterminisme biologique, les modèles de raisonnement de la craniométrie du XIX e siècle. Le débat continue !

Rapport d'étude HANOÏ-La Citadelle sous l'occupation militaire française 1887-1954 Évolution du plan de la citadelle IICS KINH THÀNH VIỆN NGHIÊN CỨU Institute of Imperial Citadel Studies VIỆN NGHIÊN CỨU KINH THÀNH (IICS) là tổ chức nghiên cứu khoa học trực thuộc Viện Hàn lâm Khoa học xã hội Việt Nam, chuyên sâu nghiên cứu về kinh thành cổ Việt Nam, tư vấn thiết kế trưng bày bảo tàng và nghiên cứu bảo tồn di sản văn hóa Việt Nam. INSTITUTE OF IMPERIAL CITADEL STUDIES (IICS) is a scientific organization under the Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences, specialize in studying Vietnamese ancient citadels, consulting and designing museum exhibitions; researching and preserving Vietnamese culture.

Rapport d'étude HANOÏ-La Citadelle sous l'occupation militaire française 1887-1954 Évolution du plan de la citadelle IICS KINH THÀNH VIỆN NGHIÊN CỨU Institute of Imperial Citadel Studies VIỆN NGHIÊN CỨU KINH THÀNH (IICS) là tổ chức nghiên cứu khoa học trực thuộc Viện Hàn lâm Khoa học xã hội Việt Nam, chuyên sâu nghiên cứu về kinh thành cổ Việt Nam, tư vấn thiết kế trưng bày bảo tàng và nghiên cứu bảo tồn di sản văn hóa Việt Nam. INSTITUTE OF IMPERIAL CITADEL STUDIES (IICS) is a scientific organization under the Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences, specialize in studying Vietnamese ancient citadels, consulting and designing museum exhibitions; researching and preserving Vietnamese culture.

International audience ; In an attempt to interpret Classic Maya elite and commoner residential patterns beyond usual assumptions about filiation, family cycle, and household economic adaptation, we explore the specific ways people were "living together," in the sense of the coresidence concept, in Maya societies conceived of as ranked societies, or "house societies," as created by Claude Lévi-Strauss. Beyond kinship and economic organization, residential patterns can be understood as part of long-term strategies designed by inhabitants to integrate their social unit into the politico-religious city. The residential system of the Río Bec zone, where a major research project was carried out from 2002 to 2010, offers a series of well-defined architectural solutions, some of them common to most central lowlands cities, while others are innovative as forerunners of the northern lowlands large multiroom palaces. This paper analyzes Late and Terminal Classic period Río Bec domestic architecture in order to outline the material correlates of coresidence, growth, ranking, and alliance within and between Classic Maya social groupings. (source éditeur)

International audience ; In an attempt to interpret Classic Maya elite and commoner residential patterns beyond usual assumptions about filiation, family cycle, and household economic adaptation, we explore the specific ways people were "living together," in the sense of the coresidence concept, in Maya societies conceived of as ranked societies, or "house societies," as created by Claude Lévi-Strauss. Beyond kinship and economic organization, residential patterns can be understood as part of long-term strategies designed by inhabitants to integrate their social unit into the politico-religious city. The residential system of the Río Bec zone, where a major research project was carried out from 2002 to 2010, offers a series of well-defined architectural solutions, some of them common to most central lowlands cities, while others are innovative as forerunners of the northern lowlands large multiroom palaces. This paper analyzes Late and Terminal Classic period Río Bec domestic architecture in order to outline the material correlates of coresidence, growth, ranking, and alliance within and between Classic Maya social groupings. (source éditeur)

International audience ; The Iron Age in the Cantabrian Mountains witnesses the development of a group of archaeological units, forming the territories of the populi mentioned in classical sources. Alongside the specific characteristics of this mountainous zone, and its late conquest during Augustus's reign, urban life developed here. Study of the development stages within the model of fortified settlement allows the scales of social and political integration achieved by the populations to be analysed. In turn, this allows the question of the complexity of the political organization present in the Cantabrian territories to be framed in its European context. ; L'âge du Fer dans les monts Cantabriques est marqué par le développement d'un ensemble d'entités, territoires des populi des sources classiques. À la spécificité de ce territoire de montagne, ainsi qu'à sa conquête tardive sous le règne d'Auguste, s'ajoute le développement d'un phénomène urbain. L'étude de ce modèle de peuplement fortifié et de son développement permet d'analyser les échelles d'intégration sociale et politique de ces populations. Ces éléments posent la question de l'organisation politique complexe de ces territoires dans son contexte européen.

International audience ; The Iron Age in the Cantabrian Mountains witnesses the development of a group of archaeological units, forming the territories of the populi mentioned in classical sources. Alongside the specific characteristics of this mountainous zone, and its late conquest during Augustus's reign, urban life developed here. Study of the development stages within the model of fortified settlement allows the scales of social and political integration achieved by the populations to be analysed. In turn, this allows the question of the complexity of the political organization present in the Cantabrian territories to be framed in its European context. ; L'âge du Fer dans les monts Cantabriques est marqué par le développement d'un ensemble d'entités, territoires des populi des sources classiques. À la spécificité de ce territoire de montagne, ainsi qu'à sa conquête tardive sous le règne d'Auguste, s'ajoute le développement d'un phénomène urbain. L'étude de ce modèle de peuplement fortifié et de son développement permet d'analyser les échelles d'intégration sociale et politique de ces populations. Ces éléments posent la question de l'organisation politique complexe de ces territoires dans son contexte européen.

International audience ; The Iron Age in the Cantabrian Mountains witnesses the development of a group of archaeological units, forming the territories of the populi mentioned in classical sources. Alongside the specific characteristics of this mountainous zone, and its late conquest during Augustus's reign, urban life developed here. Study of the development stages within the model of fortified settlement allows the scales of social and political integration achieved by the populations to be analysed. In turn, this allows the question of the complexity of the political organization present in the Cantabrian territories to be framed in its European context. ; L'âge du Fer dans les monts Cantabriques est marqué par le développement d'un ensemble d'entités, territoires des populi des sources classiques. À la spécificité de ce territoire de montagne, ainsi qu'à sa conquête tardive sous le règne d'Auguste, s'ajoute le développement d'un phénomène urbain. L'étude de ce modèle de peuplement fortifié et de son développement permet d'analyser les échelles d'intégration sociale et politique de ces populations. Ces éléments posent la question de l'organisation politique complexe de ces territoires dans son contexte européen.

International audience ; The feast was a common and recurring practice in the Central Andes during Prehispanic times. Nevertheless, there is no consensus on the criteria used in the archaeological characterization of these events. In this paper, we reassess the evidence of Sipan's Offering, a Mochica site (third–fourth centuries AD) in the Lambayeque valley, testing a quantitative variable called the "available meat weight". Associated with the tomb of the Lord of Sipán, the deposit contains hundreds of prestige offerings and thousands of faunal remains. Analysis of the latter could help us assess the magnitude of the funeral meal by calculating the "available meat weight". This provides new perspectives on the funeral meal given to honor this particular high dignitary after his burial. Considering that feasts constitute one of the foundations of social and political relations in Prehispanic Andean societies, we make a case for defining reliable methodological criteria in future scholarly work on Andean feasts. ; Los festines fueron una práctica común y recurrente en los Andes Centrales durante la época prehispánica. Sin embargo, no existe un consenso sobre los criterios utilizados en la caracterización arqueológica de estos eventos. En este artículo revaluamos las evidencias del Repositorio de Ofrendas 1 de Sipán, un sitio Mochica (siglos tres y cuatro dC) ubicado en el valle de Lambayeque, a través del empleo de una variable cuantitativa llamada "peso de carne disponible". Asociado a la tumba del Señor de Sipán, este depósito contiene centenas de ofrendas de prestigio, pero también miles de restos de fauna. El análisis de estos últimos proporciona nuevas perspectivas sobre la comida funeraria dada en homenaje a este alto dignatario después de su entierro. El uso de la variable mencionada permite evaluar la magnitud de esta comida y muestra la importancia de definir criterios metodológicos fiables para seguir investigando los festines, eventos que constituyen una de las bases de las relaciones sociales y políticas de las sociedades prehispánicas.

International audience ; The feast was a common and recurring practice in the Central Andes during Prehispanic times. Nevertheless, there is no consensus on the criteria used in the archaeological characterization of these events. In this paper, we reassess the evidence of Sipan's Offering, a Mochica site (third–fourth centuries AD) in the Lambayeque valley, testing a quantitative variable called the "available meat weight". Associated with the tomb of the Lord of Sipán, the deposit contains hundreds of prestige offerings and thousands of faunal remains. Analysis of the latter could help us assess the magnitude of the funeral meal by calculating the "available meat weight". This provides new perspectives on the funeral meal given to honor this particular high dignitary after his burial. Considering that feasts constitute one of the foundations of social and political relations in Prehispanic Andean societies, we make a case for defining reliable methodological criteria in future scholarly work on Andean feasts. ; Los festines fueron una práctica común y recurrente en los Andes Centrales durante la época prehispánica. Sin embargo, no existe un consenso sobre los criterios utilizados en la caracterización arqueológica de estos eventos. En este artículo revaluamos las evidencias del Repositorio de Ofrendas 1 de Sipán, un sitio Mochica (siglos tres y cuatro dC) ubicado en el valle de Lambayeque, a través del empleo de una variable cuantitativa llamada "peso de carne disponible". Asociado a la tumba del Señor de Sipán, este depósito contiene centenas de ofrendas de prestigio, pero también miles de restos de fauna. El análisis de estos últimos proporciona nuevas perspectivas sobre la comida funeraria dada en homenaje a este alto dignatario después de su entierro. El uso de la variable mencionada permite evaluar la magnitud de esta comida y muestra la importancia de definir criterios metodológicos fiables para seguir investigando los festines, eventos que constituyen una de las bases de las relaciones sociales y ...

International audience ; Any consideration of interregional interactions in the Bronze Age-whether in the form of the movements of peoples or the circulations of goods-must initially acknow ledge the limited nature of such long­ term contacts. Concepts, such as world-systems or globalization, which were form ulated to explain modern connections linking together different regions throughout the world, have limited utility for much earlier times. Uncritical recourse to them m ay prove misleadingly anachronistic. The Bronze Age was popula ted primarily by agriculturalists, not merchants, and most peoples most of the time were firmly rooted in their own soil and not engaged in marching off to far distant lands. Nevertheless, complex systems of interregional exchange and patterned movements of peoples also occurred and had far-reaching social and political consequences for all the societies caught up in these webs of inferaction. This paper will present evidence for one example of the long-distance exchange of luxury goods in Southwest Asia in the last centuries of fhe IIIrd millennium BC and discuss in more general terms the fundam ental production and circulation of metals, which often are more difficult to trace in the archaeological record.

International audience ; Chronology is a crucial issue given the specific settlement patterns of the Río Bec region located on the northern fringe of the Maya central lowlands. Fine-resolution chronology of the local residential occupation in its many spatial and temporal forms is one of the main proxies available to reconstruct social organization and dynamics, in the absence of a nucleated center with the typical Maya political monuments usually investigated. Variability can be traced in residential morphologies and evolution that must be dated. The scope of the paper aims to describe the construction of the Río Bec chronology in its multiple dimensions, based on a diversity of methods from ceramic Type-Variety classification up to seriation of building sequences defining the evolution of the famous Río Bec architectural style. Epigraphic evidence exists, albeit limited and ambiguous. The general sequence of occupation for the targeted micro-region stretches from the Middle Preclassic to the end of the Terminal Classic period. (source éditeur)

International audience ; Chronology is a crucial issue given the specific settlement patterns of the Río Bec region located on the northern fringe of the Maya central lowlands. Fine-resolution chronology of the local residential occupation in its many spatial and temporal forms is one of the main proxies available to reconstruct social organization and dynamics, in the absence of a nucleated center with the typical Maya political monuments usually investigated. Variability can be traced in residential morphologies and evolution that must be dated. The scope of the paper aims to describe the construction of the Río Bec chronology in its multiple dimensions, based on a diversity of methods from ceramic Type-Variety classification up to seriation of building sequences defining the evolution of the famous Río Bec architectural style. Epigraphic evidence exists, albeit limited and ambiguous. The general sequence of occupation for the targeted micro-region stretches from the Middle Preclassic to the end of the Terminal Classic period. (source éditeur)