Recent trends towards openness and technical connectivity have offered the ability to drive massive social and economic change; however they demand a redefinition of relationships. We have observed a move from a polarized world where companies operate in economic markets while governments drive social progress, to an interconnected, networked world of shared resources and co-creation. One of the trends driving this change is open government data. This paper presents a framework of four value generating mechanisms from use of OGD. The framework makes it easier to compare and communicate different pathways to value generation, while highlighting the current tensions between the private/public and economic/social domains. Our proposition is that these tensions bring about possibilites for synergies and value enhancement.
Recent trends towards openness and technical connectivity have offered the ability to drive massive social and economic change; however they demand a redefinition of relationships. We have observed a move from a polarized world where companies operate in economic markets while governments drive social progress, to an interconnected, networked world of shared resources and co-creation. One of the trends driving this change is open government data. This paper presents a framework of four value generating mechanisms from use of OGD. The framework makes it easier to compare and communicate different pathways to value generation, while highlighting the current tensions between the private/public and economic/social domains. Our proposition is that these tensions bring about possibilites for synergies and value enhancement.
Utenlandske investeringer er en viktig del av økonomien i mange land. Det gjelder også Norge, hvor utenlandskontrollerte foretak sysselsetter 21 prosent av arbeidstakerne i privat næringsliv. Samtidig vet vi at strømmene av investeringer internasjonalt er i endring, med vekst i aktiviteten fra stater som tidligere har investert lite utenlands. Det gjelder spesielt Kina, men også India, Russland og noen andre ikke-tradisjonelle investorland. I denne artikkelen studerer vi hvordan Norges posisjon som destinasjon for investeringer endrer seg. Vi diskuterer utviklingen i lys av etablerte teorier innen samfunnsøkonomi og statsvitenskap.
Abstract in English:Norway as a Destination for Foreign Investment: Trends and ExplanationsForeign investment is an important component of the economy of many countries. This is the case for Norway too, where foreign-controlled enterprises employ 21 percent of the workers in the (private) business sectors. We know that foreign investment flows are changing, with increased activity from countries that have traditionally invested little abroad. This is true for China, especially, but also for India, Russia, and some other non-traditional investor countries. In this article, we study how Norway's position as a destination for investment is changing. We discuss the developments in relation to established theories within economics and political science.
Gjennom EØS-avtalen ble det norske forskningssystemet koblet til en overnasjonal politikk preget av lagvis endring og ekspansjon. EUs økende engasjement i forskningspolitikken har resultert i et bredt sammensatt sett av forsknings- og innovasjonspolitiske virkemidler og en økende andel av EUs budsjett. Dette politikkområdet er båret av overnasjonale prinsipper for forskningsfinansiering og intense transnasjonale nettverk i sektoren. EØS-avtalen skapte en forutsigbar ramme for samhandling mellom norske og europeiske forskningsmiljøer med EUs rammeprogram for forskning som gravitasjonspunkt. Denne artikkelen retter oppmerksomheten mot de effekter denne 25-årige koblingen har hatt på det nasjonale forskningspolitiske nivå og på forskningsmiljøenes faglige aktiviteter.
Abstract in English:Free Flow of Science? The EEA Agreement's Significance for Research in NorwayThe EEA agreement linked the Norwegian research system with the EU's research policy domain, a policy area marked by layered change and expansion. The EU's increasing research policy engagement has resulted in a broad panoply of research and innovation instruments and an increasing share of the EU's budget. Integration in this policy area is carried by supranational principles for research funding and set of intense transnational policy and research networks. The EEA agreement created a predictable frame for interaction between Norwegian and European research with the Framework programmes for research as the node. This article looks at the effects that this connection has had on the national policy and research performing levels for the past 25 years.
Det som ofte har manglet i forskningslitteraturen om miljø- og klimautfordringer i Arktis, er undersøkelser av hva som betinger innflytelsen av vitenskapelig kunnskap i reguleringer av relevans for Arktis. I denne artikkelen er målet å analysere forholdet mellom arktisk kunnskapsproduksjon (inkludert policy anbefalinger) og norsk forvaltning (herunder Miljødirektoratet og Klima- og miljødepartementet). I artikkelen ser vi nærmere på tre av arbeidsgruppene i Arktisk råd. 1) Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme (AMAP), 2) Conservation of Arctic Flora and Fauna (CAFF) og 3) Protection of the Arctic Marine Environment (PAME). Fokus er på kunnskapsstatus, grad av økonomisk og politisk kontrovers innenfor de gitte feltene, betydningen av offentlig og politisk oppmerksomhet og forvaltningsdesign.
Abstract in English:The Arctic Council Between Science, Managment and PolicyWhat has often been lacking in the scholarly literature on environmental and climatic changes in the Arctic are analyses addressing what determines the influence of scientific knowledge on regulations of relevance to the Arctic. The purpose of this article is to analyse the relationship between the production and systematisation of knowledge (including policy recommendations arising from this work) on Arctic issues and the Norwegian management system (overseen by, among other bodies, the Norwegian Environment Agency and Ministry of Climate and Environment). The article focuses on three of the Arctic Council's working groups. 1) Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme (AMAP); 2) Conservation of Arctic Flora and Fauna (CAFF); and 3) Protection of Arctic Marine Environment (PAME). The focus is on state of knowledge, degree of political and economic controversy in the issue area, the importance of the matter in public opinion and among policy makers, and management design.
This paper is a tentative approach towards a comparative analysis of the revolutionary process in Chile and Nicaragua. History and structural differences between the Chilean and the Nicaraguan social formations are scrutinized. A reflection on the Marxist-leninist notion of revolution and the concept of democracy is axial in both cases studies
General Introduction -- 1. Status of Religious Communities -- 2. Relations between the State and Islam -- 3. State Support for Islamic Religious Communities -- 4. Islamic Community -- 5. Muslims in Integration Law -- 6. Mosques and Prayer Houses -- 7. Burialand Cemeteries -- 8. Education and Schools -- 9. Further and Higher (Tertiary) Education -- 10. Islamic Chaplaincy in Public Institutions -- 11. Employment and Social Law -- 12. Islamic Slaughter and Food Regulation -- 13. Islamic Dress -- 14. Criminal Law -- 15. Concluding Remarks -- Bibliography -- Index.
"St. Croix - Historic photos takes us back in time to the 1860s-1917, a period when St. Croix was part of the danish West Indies. The three islands were sold in 1917. The text and the photos tell the story of the inhabitants' lives on the brink of agricultural, social and economic change. The photos give a hint of the labor tensions of 1878 and 1916, underscoring the need to replace the old plantation culture with a more modern agricultural production. Many subjects are covered, from the sharp realism in the sugar fields to the leisurely free time of the planter family."--Cover [p. 4]
During the 17th and 18th century the German nobility called a planned marriage a pro-ject of marriage, because marriages had a long phase of planning, in which more then two people were involved. Noble projects of marriage had at least the function to create ever-lasting friendship between two noble families. This custom was part of the economic and po-litical strategies of the families involved and had often effects on the development of whole territories. Noble projects of marriage consequently concerned the family law as well as the law of the nobility and the church.I shall discuss the strategies of marriage of a special social group, the so-called Cath-olic German Reichsritterschaft during the 17th and 18th centuries. This noble group was re-garded as a strong partner of the German Imperial Catholic Church, the Reichskirche. Last but not least its members owed their remarkable political careers to the Church, but their idea of marriage were never-the-less in opposition to the canonical marriage laws; in fact, in planning exactly these political careers, which they owed to the Church, their concept of marriage clashed with the impediments to marriage that too close kinship posed. My paper aims at ana-lysing the marriage law of the Church as a papal instrument of influence over this special group of nobles. ; During the 17th and 18th century the German nobility called a planned marriage a pro-ject of marriage, because marriages had a long phase of planning, in which more then two people were involved. Noble projects of marriage had at least the function to create ever-lasting friendship between two noble families. This custom was part of the economic and po-litical strategies of the families involved and had often effects on the development of whole territories. Noble projects of marriage consequently concerned the family law as well as the law of the nobility and the church.I shall discuss the strategies of marriage of a special social group, the so-called Cath-olic German Reichsritterschaft during the 17th ...
Det er ingen tvil om at hendelsesforløp som ble igangsatt 11. september 2001 har vært med på å prege global politikk i de to tiårene som har gått. Men ble terrorangrepene mot USA 11. september 2001 definerende for hvordan vi forstår internasjonal politikk og hvordan vi studerer det? Basert på en gjennomgang av studiet av internasjonal politikk over de siste 20 årene argumenterer vi i denne artikkelen at svaret her er mer tvetydig. Tvetydig fordi det utvilsomt har skjedd endringer og fordi det er lett å peke på utviklingstrekk i faget Internasjonal Politikk (IP) som har direkte eller indirekte utspring i hendelsene høsten 2001. Terrorismestudier fikk for eksempel et umiddelbart oppsving, og med den amerikanske invasjonen av Irak i 2003 kom en øket interesse for emner som imperial makt, opprørsbekjempelse og normativ internasjonal teori. Mer tvetydig fordi vi slett ikke er sikre på at de viktigste utviklingstrekkene i IP de siste tiårene kan forklares med 11. september. Vi er også usikre på hvor varige endringene i kjølvannet av 11. september kan sies å være. Vår tentative hypotese er at 11. september på kort og mellomlang sikt hadde betydelig effekt på vektleggingen av forskjellige emner innen IP. På lengre sikt var terrorangrepene og ettervirkningene av dem viktigst for fagutviklingen på de områdene der det umiddelbare sjokket bidro til å forsterke allerede eksisterende trender.
Abstract in English:The Study of International Politics After 11 September 2001To what extent did 9/11 impact the discipline of International Relations (IR)? In the current article, we argue that while the impact of 9/11 on global politics is undeniable, the verdict when it comes to the discipline in charge of studying these events, IR, is more ambiguous. For while IR and the study of global politics has changed over time, the discipline is, we argue, as much prone to "internal" changes as it is to external shocks. Thus, we suggest a model for understanding the sociology of science of IR which takes into account both internal and external sources of change. While IR would have looked quite different today without the attacks of 9/11, we argue that we would still have been able to recognize it.
Iran is now subjected to the harshest economic sanctions ever imposed on any country in the world. This report discusses if and how these sanctions work, first by analysing their intended purposes and how the many phases and layers of sanctions imposed by the USA, the EU and the UN Security Council have created an almost impenetrable, escalating sanctions regime against Iran. Secondly, the report illustrates how the sanctions are experienced, debated and received in Iran, and what direct and indirect consequences the sanctions have on Iran's nuclear program, the country's financial crisis, social conditions and the upcoming presidential election in June 2013. The conclusion is that the sanctions do work, but not according to their intentions. The sanctions are contributing to changing Iran: The external pressure creates further tensions and fractions on the domestic political scene; the market moves from the West to the East, and people are subjected to a humanitarian crisis. But the sanctions have not limited Iran's nuclear program; it has only been further developed during the last seven years. Therefore, there is still a considerable risk that the increasing isolation of Iran in a worst case scenario can lead to a military confrontation.
How are school meals organized in the Scandinavian countries? And in what ways can new pedagogical practice lead to better school meal programs for students and a better understanding of the importance, for health and sustainable development, of the food offered through schools? Learning Through Food and Meals in Primary School takes a look at school meal programs in Denmark, Sweden and Norway with the objective of providing educators and teacher-education students an understanding of school meals from public health and nutritional perspectives, as well as a sense of the potential for teaching through school meals.
The book is written in Danish, Swedish and Norwegian, and is structured in three parts, presenting new research from each of the three countries. Thematically, the chapters range from studies of different school meal initiatives to analyses of the social, democratic, and pedagogical significance of school meals.
Through the different contributions, the book presents both experiences of how teaching through food can be done in a practical sense and an argument for its importance in an overall pedagogical and didactic perspective.
The book will be relevant for anyone who is interested in food and meals served in primary schools, such as teachers, researchers, politicians and school administrators.
The authors include researchers, educators and primary school administrators. Learning Through Food and Meals in Primary School has been edited by Dorte Ruge (UCL University College, Denmark), Frøydis Nordgård Vik (University of Agder, Norway), and Johanna Björklund and Sara Frödén (Örebro University, Sweden). The anthology has been made possible with the support of Nordplus Horisontal, project LEARNFOOD. The illustrations on the cover of the book are by Elisabeth Werngren (Sweden) and Marie Madsen (Denmark). - Hvordan er skolemåltiderne organiseret i de skandinaviske lande? Og på hvilken måde kan ny pædagogisk praksis give eleverne et bedre skolemadstilbud og en bedre forståelse af skolemadens betydning for sundhed og bæredygtig udvikling? Læring gennem mad og måltider i grundskolen præsenterer viden om skolemad fra Danmark, Sverige og Norge. Formålet med antologien er at give pædagoger, lærere og studerende indenfor læreruddannelse, folkesundhed og ernæring viden om skolemad, og om hvad læring gennem måltider kan være. Bogen er skrevet på dansk, svensk og norsk. Den er inddelt i tre dele, som præsenterer ny forskning fra hvert enkelt land. Tematisk spænder indholdet fra studier af forskellige skolemadsordninger til forskning i skolemåltidernes sociale, demokratiske og pædagogiske betydning. Gennem de forskellige bidrag præsenterer bogen både erfaringer med, hvordan læring gennem skolemåltider kan foregå i praksis, og en begrundelse for, hvorfor dette er vigtigt i et helhedsorienteret pædagogisk og didaktisk perspektiv. Bogen er relevant for alle, som er optaget af mad og skolemåltider i grundskolen, herunder lærere, forskere, politikere, skoleledere og rektorer. Forfatterne omfatter både forskere og lærere, pædagoger og skoleledere i grundskolen. Læring gennem mad og måltider i grundskolen er redigeret af Dorte Ruge (UCL Erhvervsakademi og Professionshøjskole, Danmark), Frøydis Nordgård Vik (Universitetet i Agder, Norge) samt Johanna Björklund og Sara Frödén (Örebro Universitet, Sverige). Antologien er støttet af Nordplus Horisontal, projekt LEARNFOOD. Illustrationer på omslag er udarbejdet af Elisabeth Werngren (Sverige) og Marie Madsen (Danmark).
Covid-19-pandemien har tydeliggjort hvordan grensekryssende helse-trusler har samfunnsmessige konsekvenser. Epidemier ute av kontroll og andre ikke-kontrollerte grensekryssende helsetrusler kan sees som trusler mot fred og sikkerhet. Slike helsekriser kan ha store negative konsekvenser på helse, sosiale forhold og økonomisk utvikling, og har derfor potensiale for å bli både lokale, regionale og globale sikkerhetskriser. Stor ulikhet i tilgang til virkemidler for å kunne håndtere en helsekrise – eksempelvis medisinske mottiltak som vaksiner, legemidler og diagnostikk – kan skape eller forverre ustabilitet og være en sikkerhetsutfordring i seg selv. Med fokus på erfaringer fra covid-19-pandemien vektlegger vi i denne artikkelen global helsesikkerhet som et globalt fellesgode. En økende interesse for grensekryssende helsetrusler i FNs sikkerhetsråd gir muligheter og handlingsrom, men utfordrer også hvordan helsetrusler tolkes og tilnærminger til den internasjonale responsen.
Abstract in English:Outbreaks with Cross-border Potential and the UN Security CouncilThe Covid-19 pandemic has highlighted how outbreaks with cross-border potential have broader macroeconomic consequences. Uncontrolled epidemics and other uncontrolled outbreaks with cross-border potential can be seen as threats to peace and security. Such health crises can have severe consequences for health, social conditions and economic development, and have the potential to impact local, regional and global security. Inequality in access to medical countermeasures, such as vaccines, medicines and diagnostics, can impact or exacerbate instability and be a security threat in itself. Using lessons learned from the covid-19 pandemic, this article emphasizes global health security as a global public good. Increasing interest in outbreaks with cross-border potential in the UN Security Council might open windows of opportunity, but also challenges how global health threats are understood and the international responses to such outbreaks.
I denne artikkelen deler Bjørn Tore Godal sine erfaringer fra da han, som handelsminister, undertegnet EØS-avtalen i Porto i Portugal den 2. mai 1992 på Norges vegne. Han viser hvordan EØS avtalen kan forstås som en forlengelse av en norsk utenrikspolitisk tradisjon der forholdet til Europa alltid har vært komplisert og sammensatt. Mens internasjonalt samarbeid har hatt stor støtte, har det også vært en dyp skepsis mot unioner og stormakter. Som AUF-leder tidlig på 1970-tallet kjempet han også mot norsk medlemskap i EF. Som handelsminister mente han lenger enn en del andre politiske aktører at EØS kunne være et varig alternativ til EU-medlemskap. I dette bidraget viser Godal hvordan EØS-avtalen har fungert, og særlig hvordan han har erfart avtalen i sine ulike roller.
Abstract in English:EEA – in RetrospectIn this article, Bjørn Tore Godal shares his experiences from when he, as Minister of Commerce, signed the EEA Agreement in Oporto, Portugal on May 2, 1992, on behalf of Norway. He shows how the EEA Agreement can be understood as a natural prolongation of Norwegian foreign policy tradition where relations with Europe always have been complex and complicated. While international cooperation has been highly supported, there has also been a deep skepticism of unions and great powers. As a leader of AUF (the social-democratic youth league) in the early 1970s, he also fought against Norwegian membership in the EC. As a Minister of Commerce, he believed that the EEA could be a lasting alternative to EU membership. In this contribution, Godal shows how the EEA Agreement has worked and how he has experienced the functioning of this agreement in his various roles.
Det er en pågående debatt i akademia om hvorvidt og hvordan man kan benytte avskrekkingsteori i cyberdomenet. Avskrekking var originalt en teori utviklet for å unngå konvensjonell eller nukleær krig. I diskusjonen om cybersikkerhet har det blitt påpekt en rekke tekniske problemer med å overføre en teori fra den fysiske verden til cyberdomenet. Vi anerkjenner disse tekniske utfordringene ved avskrekking i cyberdomenet, men i denne artikkelen ønsker vi å belyse et annet aspekt ved avskrekking, nemlig samspillet mellom sosiale og tekniske faktorer ved avskrekking i cyberdomenet. I denne artikkelen vil vi diskutere hvordan avskrekking som strategi i cyberdomenet vil påvirkes av den spesifikke strategiske kulturen i et land. For å belyse argumentet vil vi benytte Kina som en casestudie. Motsetninger mellom kinesisk og «vestlig» strategisk kultur resulterer i konkrete forskjeller i hvordan Kina og vestlige land agerer i cyberdomenet. Ved å benytte fire komponenter av avskrekkingsteori (nektelse, gjengjeldelse, gjensidig avhengighet og normer) ønsker vi å vise hvordan en dyptgående innsikt i en stats sikkerhetspolitikk og strategiske kultur kan anvendes til å skreddersy en mer effektiv avskrekkingsstrategi og styrke evnen til å forhindre uønsket aktivitet.
Abstract in English
There is an ongoing debate in academia about if and how deterrence theory may be used in cyberspace. Deterrence was originally a theory developed for avoiding conventional and nuclear war. In the current discussion on cyber security, there has been pointed out a range of technical problems of transferring a theory about the physical world to cyberspace. We recognize these challenges of deterrence in cyberspace, but in this article we want to shed light on a different aspect of deterrence. That is the interplay between social and technical factors of deterrence in cyberspace. In this article we will discuss how deterrence as a strategy in cyberspace is influenced by the specific strategic culture of a country. We will use China as a case study to showcase our argument. Contrasts between Chinese and "Western" strategic culture results in concrete differences in how Chinese and Western countries act in cyberspace. By utilizing four components of deterrence theory (denial, punishment, entanglement and norms), we will show how an in-depth knowledge of a state's security policy and strategic culture may be used to tailor a more effective deterrence and enforce the capacity of hindering unwanted activity.
