Suchergebnisse

The author points out that energy reserves are adequate to meet demand till 2030. The principal uncertainty in global energy supply prospects is its price. We expect that international trade in energy, & fossil fuels in particular, will be on the rise. Technological advances & technology breakthroughs could radically alter the long-term picture of energy supply beyond 2006. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

One should not have any illusions: a good & democratically adopted constitution does not necessarily guarantee a good & fair government of a state. Constitutions do not dictate to citizens what they are supposed to do but how they must act in order to be politically comprehensible to one another. In that sense, constitutions are similar to grammar: it does not prescribe what but how we must write & talk in order to be understood by others. Since the Devil does not abide by constitutions & cannot be forced to respect them, there has been a theoretical attempt to reduce constitutions not to the positive laws spurned by the Devil but to the open rules relying on the citizens' customs & their political culture so that they -- & not the Devil -- may interpret constitutions themselves & also alter them when they do no longer guarantee fair political communication among citizens. 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

Using critical theory of media and technology as a theoretical framework, we describe the dialectical interrelation between (media) technology and democratic changes, where new media technology only paved the way to organization and exchange of information during 'Arab Spring', but was not its cause. 'Arab Spring' as the case in point proved a negative correlation between the level of communication technology (new media) and the intensity of protests, according to which a higher level of accessibility to new media led to a lower level of protests. Also, we observe an uneven impact of new media on democratic changes, i.e. internet social networks had a secondary role in creating media news, compared to satellite TV which at an early stage of 'Arab Spring' enabled the actors of online civil society to have an impact on state politics to a large extent. Arab new media cannot yet lead to democratic changes nor explain their causes, but merely alter patterns of mobilization and organization of social and political events. Adapted from the source document.

In today's world, the mass media are the key players in the processes of language innovation & change. New words stem from the recognition of the new contents of the reality or the newly-created awareness of its phenomena. Journalists are central actors in that process. They can be mediators -- when recognizing a language innovation as expressively suggestive &/or communicationally necessary -- or their authors -- spontaneous creators at first, & alter conscious promoters. Using the examples of the creation, spreading & semantic profiling of the words tajkunara (tycoon-dwelling), betonizacija (squeezing as many houses & parking lots as possible on a tract of land, without any parks, playgrounds, & communal spaces), apartmanizacija (rampant construction of insipid housing developments on the Adriatic coast), & its variant apartmanija, 1999-2004, the authors shows that the role of journalists & the mass media in general is not only to shape a critical social awareness & to participate in the debate on socially relevant topics, but also to (co)create new terms & thus vitally contribute to their adoption. 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

In today's world, the mass media are the key players in the processes of language innovation & change. New words stem from the recognition of the new contents of the reality or the newly-created awareness of its phenomena. Journalists are central actors in that process. They can be mediators -- when recognizing a language innovation as expressively suggestive &/or communicationally necessary -- or their authors -- spontaneous creators at first, & alter conscious promoters. Using the examples of the creation, spreading & semantic profiling of the words tajkunara (tycoon-dwelling), betonizacija (squeezing as many houses & parking lots as possible on a tract of land, without any parks, playgrounds, & communal spaces), apartmanizacija (rampant construction of insipid housing developments on the Adriatic coast), & its variant apartmanija, 1999-2004, the authors shows that the role of journalists & the mass media in general is not only to shape a critical social awareness & to participate in the debate on socially relevant topics, but also to (co)create new terms & thus vitally contribute to their adoption. 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article presents Milan Popovic's reflections on the two most recent & important books, General Theory of Modernity, written by French alter-Marxist theoretician, Jacques Bidet, & The States on Trial, written by Croatian political theoretician, Dragutin Lalovic. The two books have been published & discussed amid the most severe & multiple crisis of the so-called "neoliberal," ie., late & ultra-monopolistic capitalist economy 2008-2009, & this great social & historical fact has largely contributed to better understanding & reception of these two critical studies. Milan Popovic shares most of the main premises & findings of these two books with their authors. Some disagreements between him & them are of minor & technical importance. So, just to illustrate this kind of disagreements, while Jacques Bidet uses the term "alter-Marxism" to describe his own intellectual position, Milan Popovic prefers the term "post-Marxism" for the same purpose. Or, while Jacques Bidet uses the term "ultimate modernity" to specify our concrete historical time, Milan Popovic prefers the term "late modernity" for the same purpose. Or, finally, while Jacques Bidet uses the term "world state" to describe the emerging global polity, Milan Popovic is much more cautious, he reserves the term "state" exclusively for the modern form of polity, & leaves the final outcome & term of the emerging global polity for further development, observation, & nomination. Some disagreements between Milan Popovic & Dragutin Lalovic are of even lesser technical & conjectural importance. The three social & political theoreticians, however, strongly agree on the most important, substantive, & essential issues of our time. So, again, just to illustrate this kind of essential agreements, they strongly agree that our time desperately needs a new global polity & governance, which would deal with the rising ecological & other technological problems of late modernity. Despite some differences about the terms & emphases, they also agree that, in the meantime, at least in several coming decades, the late modern state remains one of the most important actors in the process. Especially two of three, namely Dragutin Lekovic & Milan Popovic, starting from the concrete political experience of Croatia & Montenegro during their wartime pandemonic 1990s, persistently insist on the complex, ambiguous, & contradictory process of simultaneous de-sovereignization & re-sovereignization of the state, as a part of the process in its late modern phase. Finally, the three theoreticians share a common vision on the substance & essence of the coming global polity. They agree that the polity should be a kind of "Universal Republic.". Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyses the increasingly acute problem of low voter turnout for the elections for the European Parliament. The author identifies the key determinants of electoral participation, & focuses on how election campaigns affect the electorates' mobilization. By analyzing the results of various polls & by applying Sinnott's model of voter participation to the Slovenian institutional context, the author outlines the key circumstances leading to the disturbingly low voter turnout. The author points out the weaknesses of the institutional preconditions -- in the form of certain awkward electoral institutions, primarily regarding the institutional mobilization marked by half-baked electoral strategies of political parties & the unremarkable & dull campaigns -- that are supposed to increase voter participation. The low level of institutional mobilization has evidently affected the electorate's perceptions of power & trust in political institutions. This is why the institutional incentives for taking a vote have not been sufficient. By way of conclusion the author offers some recommendations concerning how to alter & improve the electoral institutions & the practice of the ED political parties, states & institutions. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

In the course of its history, Europe has structured itself by means of two models. The first was based on the territorial expansion of regional forces that used violence to break down the resistance of their weaker neighbors & establish the balance of power. In this way, at least temporarily, the way was paved for more radical changes in their polities. This model was in use until the end of WWII. The second model has been built around European integration. The aim of this process has not been the expansion of regional powers & the territorial conquest of their neighbors; it is based on the initiative of the weak to join the organizations that can satisfy their interests & goals. The process of integration excludes coercive methods. However, there is certain asymmetry in the relationship between the center & the periphery (the strong & the weak). The countries that belong to the center define the membership standards for the 'periphery' & evaluate their implementation. The 'central' countries are in a better position than the peripheral ones since the process of integration bolsters their collective identity, while the weaker states -- by accepting the standards of stronger countries -- have to alter their original identity. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

Cilj istraživanja bio je ispitati stavove srednjoškolskih učenika, njihovih roditelja i profesora o nekim europskim vrijednostima. Prihvaćenost pojedinih europskih vrijednosti ispitana je s obzirom na spol, dob, vrstu srednje škole koju pohađaju učenici, školsku spremu roditelja, regionalnu i nacionalnu pripadnost ispitanika. Uzorak čini 2143 učenika srednjih škola, 1027 roditelja srednjoškolaca te 181 profesor. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata može se zaključiti da postoji statistički značajna razlika među učenicima s obzirom na regionalnu pripadnost u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti. Najviši stupanj prihvaćanja iskazuju učenici Primorsko-goranske županije, koji se značajno razlikuju u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti od svojih vršnjaka iz Istarske županije. Učenici starije dobi pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti za razliku od mlađih učenika. Isto tako, srednjoškolke pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti u odnosu na svoje muške kolege. Postoji statistički značajna razlika između roditelja muškog i ženskog spola u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrednota u korist muških ispitanika, koji pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrednota od ženskih ispitanika. Na kraju, dobiveni rezultati pokazuju da ne postoji statistički značajna razlika u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti s obzirom na spol, dob i nacionalnu pripadnost profesora srednjih škola. ; The aim of this study was to examine the attitudes of high school students, their parents and teachers towards some European values. The acceptance of certain European values was examined in relation to subjects' gender, age, type of high school, parents' education, regional and national affiliation. The sample comprised 2143 high school students, 1027 high school students' parents and 181 teachers. The results show the statistically significant difference in the degree of acceptance of European values between students of different regional affinity. Students from the Primorsko-goranska county show the highest level of acceptance, which is statistically different from the one obtained in their peer group from Istarska county. The degree of acceptance is higher in the group of older female students in comparison with younger male students. Furthermore, female high school students show higher degree of acceptance then their male peers. There is a statistically significant difference in the acceptance of European values between male and female parents: male parents show higher acceptance of those values in comparison with female parents. Finally, the results showed no statistically significant difference in the degree of acceptance of European values in regard to gender, age and national affiliation of high school teachers. ; Die Untersuchung hatte zum Ziel, die Einstellungen von Mittelschülern, deren Eltern und Lehrern zu einigen europäischen Werten zu überprüfen. Die Akzeptanz einzelner europäischer Werte wurde im Hinblick auf Geschlecht und Alter der Mittelschüler, Art der von ihnen besuchten Mitelschule, Schulausbildung der Eltern, regionale und ethnische Zugehörigkeit der Befragten untersucht. Befragt wurden 2143 Mittelschüler, 1027 Eltern von Mittelschülern und 181 Lehrer. Auf Grund der gewonnenen Ergebnisse kann gefolgert werden, dass der Grad der Akzeptanz europäischer Werte unter den Schülern eine statistisch bedeutende Abweichung im Hinblick auf deren regionale Zugehörigkeit aufweist. Die größte Akzeptanz äußerten die Schüler aus dem Kroatischen Küstenland (Hrvatsko primorje), deren positive Einstellungen sich bedeutend von den Einstellungen ihrer Altersgenossen aus Istrien unterscheiden. Die Schülerinnen höherer Altersstufen äußerten eine höhere Akzeptanz europäischer Werte als die jüngeren Schüler. Gleichermaßen zeigen die Mittelschülerinnen einen höheren Zustimmungsgrad als deren männliche Kollegen. Es gibt einen statistisch bedeutsamen Unterschied zwischen den Eltern männlichen und weiblichen Geschlechts im Hinblick auf deren Akzeptieren von europäischen Werten zugunsten der männlichen Befragten, die einen höheren Grad der Akzeptanz europäischer Werte aufweisen als die weiblichen Befragten. Darüber hinaus lassen die gewonnenen Ergebnisse den Schluss zu, dass es keinen statistisch bedeutenden Unterschied im Grad der Annehmbarkeit europäischer Werte gibt im Hinblick auf Geschlecht, Alter und ethnische Zugehörigkeit der Mittelschullehrer.

The author shows that the processes of globalization cannot diminish the role of the nation-state -- as the sole recognizable political community -- in the implementation & development of democracy, though they are undoubtedly going to alter its functioning & make it more complex. When exploring democracy & its expansion outside the borders of the nation-state, we should keep in mind that people do not act solely on a rational interest basis, but also on the basis of values; & that identities, not just interests, are the underlying determinants of their political activity. That is why the theory of cosmopolitan democracy must come to grips with the issue of the legitimation of the cosmopolitan political community as well as of the cosmopolitan democratic political system. This paper addresses these issues. The analysis has shown that these are complex & open questions without which a valid discussion about the transnational political organizations & processes of the cosmopolitan or regional integration & democratization is not possible. The question of the legitimation of the political community (unfortunately, rarely discussed) is in a way primordial in relation to the issue of the legitimation of the political system & political authorities. This issue has been neglected because it is thought that pluralism defines democracy; consequently, the imperative of a certain level of social & cultural homogeneity as a condition of its functioning has been overlooked. The concept of global citizenry requires the creation of a new political identity, while cosmopolitanism must prove that this identity can be brought about without a "democratic deficit" or a "bureaucratic-oligarchic surplus." This is not easy, if we keep in mind the fact that the law & legalism by themselves are not conducive to political commitment & loyalty to political decisions. 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

Tradicionalna hipoteza životnog ciklusa vjeruje da starenje stanovništva ne samo da smanjuje razinu društvene štednje, već negativno utječe i na gospodarski rast. Međutim, čimbenik ljudskih kapitala može promijeniti mehanizam utjecaja na promjene strukture stanovništva. Ova studija pokušava se usredotočiti na specifičan čimbenik poboljšanja zdravih ljudskih kapitala (HHC), endogenim tretmanom stope plodnosti i stope preživljavanja, s obzirom na očekivanu starosnu dob racionalnog pojedinca, kako bi se, de facto, istražio njegov utjecaj na stopu štednje i gospodarski rast uz primjenu panel podataka među-provincija Kine od 1996. do 2012. godine u cilju provjere inherente logičke veze između brzog poboljšanja HHC-a i modela "visokog rasta s visokim uštedama". Rezultati ovog istraživanja su sljedeći: poboljšanje HHC-a važan je čimbenik koji utječe na povećanje stope štednje i gospodarski rast Kine u odgovarajućem razdoblju. To znači da je poboljšanje HHC-a dovoljno da promijeni mehanizam makro-učinaka demografskih promjena, te stoga pruža ključna sredstva za dugoročnu regulaciju i kontrolu koja su izvan okvira natalitetne politike. Među njima značajnu pozornost zaslužuju promicanje javnog upravljanja zaštitom okoliša, poboljšanje sustava socijalne sigurnosti, jačanje individualnih očekivanja u svezi zdravlja i poticanje očekivanog obrasca starenja stanovništva uz postizanje povezanosti s ulaganjima u obrazovni ljudski kapital. ; The traditional life cycle hypothesis believes that the aging of population will not only drag down the level of social savings, but also adversely affect economic growth. However, the human capital factor may change the influence mechanism of population structure change. This study attempts to focus on a specific factor of improving healthy human capital (HHC), through endogenous treatment of fertility rate and survival rate, considering the aging expectation of rational man, to explore its effect de facto on savings rate and economic growth while using the inter-provincial panel data of China from 1996 to 2012 to verify the inherent logical relationship between the rapid improvement of HHC and the "high savings-high growth" model. The findings of this research are as follows: The improvement of HHC is an important factor to improve China's savings rate and economic growth in corresponding period. It means that the improvement of HHC is enough to alter the mechanism of macro-impact of demographic changes, and therefore constitutes a crucial long-term regulation and control means outside the adjustment of birth policy. Among them, promoting public environmental governance, improving the social security system, strengthening individual expectations for health and driving the expected behavior of aging while achieving linkages with investment in educational human capital are worthy of attention.

U hrvatskome školskom sustavu dogodilo se da je "najstariji" školski predmet, onaj s najduljom školskom tradicijom, postao najmlađi. Konfesionalni katolički vjeronauk, naime, vraćen je u hrvatsku školu školske godine 1991/92, punih 40-ak godina nakon nasilnog isključenja 1952. godine. Stoga ne čudi što i sam taj predmet, odnosno Katolička crkva u Hrvata, permanentno i danas, promišlja profil i suvremeni kurikulum vjeronauka u školi, što su još uvijek interna crkvena motrišta i danas divergentna glede toga predmeta – od tvrdnji da mu je mjesto u crkvenom dvorištu pa sve do ushita što je ponovno vraćen u hrvatski školski sustav, u kojemu treba biti temeljni odgojni predmet. Nasuprot tome, na profanom području, čak i onom pedagoškome, nerijetko se dovodi u pitanje potreba i opravdanost uvođenja tog predmeta u školski sustav, ili ga se podcjenjuje, marginalizirajući ga i prepuštajući potpuno crkvenim institucijama kako bi se izbjegla svaka odgovornost, ili ga pak uspoređujući s nastavom marksizma iz prošlih vremena. U ovom radu nastoje se usustaviti neke znanstvene pretpostavke za kvalitetnije razumijevanje i daljnji razvoj vjeronauka u školi te upozoriti na njegovu teološko-pedagošku utemeljenost; njegov profil u nacionalnim školskim sustavima zemalja Europske unije; prikazati nezaobilazni doprinos toga predmeta cjelovitom odgoju u nas, što je osobito razvidno iz pedagogijskog istraživanja provedenoga na nacionalnom planu glede toga predmeta (ovo je prvo parcijalno objavljivanje tih rezultata) te naznačiti aktualne i moguće razloge krize i(li) suvremenih izazova tom predmetu. ; In the Croatian educational system it has happened that the "oldest" school subject, the one with the longest educational tradition, has become the most recent. The confessional Catholic religious instruction was returned to Croatian school in the school year 1991/92, forty years after its forced removal in 1952. Therefore, it is not surprising that Croatian Catholic Church has permanently considered the profile and contemporary curriculum of "religious instruction in school". Internal church views are even today divergent regarding that subject – ranging from claims that its place is "in the church courtyard" to the elation because of its return to the Croatian school system in which it should represent a basic pedagogic subject. On the other side, in the profane area, even the educational one, the need and justification of including that subject into the school system is frequently questioned, or it is being underrated, marginalized and left completely to the Church institutions to avoid any possible responsibility, or compared to the subject of Marxism from the past times. This article tends to systematize some scientific premises for better understanding and further development of "religious instruction in school"; to show its theological-educational foundation; to present its profile in the national school systems in the European Union countries; to document the obvious contribution of this subject to the integral education in Croatia, which is especially evident from the national educational survey, (partially) presented here for the first time; and to point out the actual and possible reasons for crisis and/or contemporary challenges for this subject. ; Im kroatischen Schulsystem kam es dazu, dass das "älteste" Schulfach, jenes mit der längsten Schultradition, zum jüngsten Schulfach wurde. Der konfessionelle katholische Religionsunterricht wurde nämlich an den kroatischen Schulen erst im Schuljahr 1991/92 wieder eingeführt, sogar 40 Jahre nachdem er im Jahre 1952 gewaltsam aus dem Lehrplan gestrichen wurde. Deswegen ist es nicht verwunderlich, dass die Fachdidaktiker bzw. die Katholische Kirche unter den Kroaten permanent über das Profil und Curriculum des "schulischen Religionsunterrichts" nachdenken und dass interne kirchliche Standpunkte hinsichtlich dieses Schulfaches noch immer weit auseinnandergehen – von Behauptungen, dass der Religionsunterricht in den "Kirchenhof " gehört bis zur Begeisterung darüber, dass er wieder seinen Platz im kroatischen Schulsystem gefunden hatte, wo er das grundlegende Erziehungsfach darstellen sollte. Andererseits werden auf der weltlichen Seite, sogar unter den Pädagogen Stimmen laut, die oft den Sinn und die Notwendigkeit einer Wiedereinführung dieses Faches in das kroatische Schulsystem in Frage stellen, oder dessen Bedeutung unterschätzen, indem sie es marginalisieren und vollständig den kirchlichen Institutionen überlassen, um jede mögliche Verantwortung zu vermeiden, oder es mit dem Marxismusunterricht aus den früheren Zeiten vergleichen. In dieser Arbeit wird versucht, einige wissenschaftliche Voraussetzungen für ein besseres Verständnis und weitere Entwicklung des "schulischen Religionsunterrichts" zu systematisieren, sowie auf seine theologisch-pädagogische Begründung und dessen Profil in den nationalen Schulsystemen der Europäischen Union hinzuweisen. Dieses Fach leistet bei uns einen unumgänglichen Beitrag zu einer ganzheitlichen Erziehung, was insbesondere aus einer landesweit durchgeführten Untersuchung über dieses Schulfach ersichtlich wird, deren Ergebnisse hier zum ersten Mal (partiell) veröffentlicht werden. Zum Schluss werden aktuelle Ursachen sowie mögliche Gründe für die gegenwärtige Krise und/oder Herausforderungen genannt, mit denen sich dieses Fach konfrontieren muss.