The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the event of post-communism and the democratic nature of the political. Three main tendencies of post-communist condition are analyzed: the relationship between post-communism and historicism; the interaction between post-communism, liberalism and postmodernism; the relationship between unitarism and pluralism. The fundamental assumption of the analysis is the significance of post-foundational political thought for the understanding of post-communism. Post-communism is analyzed not as linear liberal modernization, but as democratic transformation. Post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter egos of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. Post-communism assimilates the potential alter egos of liberalism and postmodernism and therefore transforms the distinction of friend/enemy to the criterion of friend/friend, which ignores the nature of the political. Condition of post-communism requires not the eradication of differencies, but self-reflection of the differential nature of the political. The task of new democracy of post-communism is to articulate the possibility of democratic pluralistic politics under post-totalitarian conditions. However, post-communism is reluctant to accept the dimension of post-totalitarianism and tries to converge with universal post-liberalism. Dominating liberal pluralism assimilates democratic pluralism which becomes democratic procedural minimalism.
The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the event of post-communism and the democratic nature of the political. Three main tendencies of post-communist condition are analyzed: the relationship between post-communism and historicism; the interaction between post-communism, liberalism and postmodernism; the relationship between unitarism and pluralism. The fundamental assumption of the analysis is the significance of post-foundational political thought for the understanding of post-communism. Post-communism is analyzed not as linear liberal modernization, but as democratic transformation. Post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter egos of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. Post-communism assimilates the potential alter egos of liberalism and postmodernism and therefore transforms the distinction of friend/enemy to the criterion of friend/friend, which ignores the nature of the political. Condition of post-communism requires not the eradication of differencies, but self-reflection of the differential nature of the political. The task of new democracy of post-communism is to articulate the possibility of democratic pluralistic politics under post-totalitarian conditions. However, post-communism is reluctant to accept the dimension of post-totalitarianism and tries to converge with universal post-liberalism. Dominating liberal pluralism assimilates democratic pluralism which becomes democratic procedural minimalism.
The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the event of post-communism and the democratic nature of the political. Three main tendencies of post-communist condition are analyzed: the relationship between post-communism and historicism; the interaction between post-communism, liberalism and postmodernism; the relationship between unitarism and pluralism. The fundamental assumption of the analysis is the significance of post-foundational political thought for the understanding of post-communism. Post-communism is analyzed not as linear liberal modernization, but as democratic transformation. Post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter egos of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. Post-communism assimilates the potential alter egos of liberalism and postmodernism and therefore transforms the distinction of friend/enemy to the criterion of friend/friend, which ignores the nature of the political. Condition of post-communism requires not the eradication of differencies, but self-reflection of the differential nature of the political. The task of new democracy of post-communism is to articulate the possibility of democratic pluralistic politics under post-totalitarian conditions. However, post-communism is reluctant to accept the dimension of post-totalitarianism and tries to converge with universal post-liberalism. Dominating liberal pluralism assimilates democratic pluralism which becomes democratic procedural minimalism.
The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the event of post-communism and the democratic nature of the political. Three main tendencies of post-communist condition are analyzed: the relationship between post-communism and historicism; the interaction between post-communism, liberalism and postmodernism; the relationship between unitarism and pluralism. The fundamental assumption of the analysis is the significance of post-foundational political thought for the understanding of post-communism. Post-communism is analyzed not as linear liberal modernization, but as democratic transformation. Post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter egos of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. Post-communism assimilates the potential alter egos of liberalism and postmodernism and therefore transforms the distinction of friend/enemy to the criterion of friend/friend, which ignores the nature of the political. Condition of post-communism requires not the eradication of differencies, but self-reflection of the differential nature of the political. The task of new democracy of post-communism is to articulate the possibility of democratic pluralistic politics under post-totalitarian conditions. However, post-communism is reluctant to accept the dimension of post-totalitarianism and tries to converge with universal post-liberalism. Dominating liberal pluralism assimilates democratic pluralism which becomes democratic procedural minimalism.
The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.
The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.
The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.
The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.
The main task of this article is to analyze complex relations between post-communism and democracy. More specifically, it aims to understand the interaction of two different forms of society: holistic and pluralistic. The article argues that post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter ego of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. The reflection of triple relations is necessary for the autonomy of post-communism. The relationship between post-communism and communism is analyzed as the problem of post-totalitarianism, between post-communism and liberalism as the problem of democratic liberalization, and between post-communism and postmodernism as the problem of pluralisation of pluralism.
The main task of this article is to analyze complex relations between post-communism and democracy. More specifically, it aims to understand the interaction of two different forms of society: holistic and pluralistic. The article argues that post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter ego of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. The reflection of triple relations is necessary for the autonomy of post-communism. The relationship between post-communism and communism is analyzed as the problem of post-totalitarianism, between post-communism and liberalism as the problem of democratic liberalization, and between post-communism and postmodernism as the problem of pluralisation of pluralism.
The main task of this article is to analyze complex relations between post-communism and democracy. More specifically, it aims to understand the interaction of two different forms of society: holistic and pluralistic. The article argues that post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter ego of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. The reflection of triple relations is necessary for the autonomy of post-communism. The relationship between post-communism and communism is analyzed as the problem of post-totalitarianism, between post-communism and liberalism as the problem of democratic liberalization, and between post-communism and postmodernism as the problem of pluralisation of pluralism.
The main task of this article is to analyze complex relations between post-communism and democracy. More specifically, it aims to understand the interaction of two different forms of society: holistic and pluralistic. The article argues that post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter ego of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. The reflection of triple relations is necessary for the autonomy of post-communism. The relationship between post-communism and communism is analyzed as the problem of post-totalitarianism, between post-communism and liberalism as the problem of democratic liberalization, and between post-communism and postmodernism as the problem of pluralisation of pluralism.
The stability of a constitution is a great constitutional value. A constitution should not be altered if it is not legally necessary. This is guaranteed by a more complex procedure for making amendments to a constitution than to constitutional and ordinary laws. In the constitutions of the states substantial and procedural limitations on their alteration are established. Substantial limitations include the requirements for the content of constitutional amendments (e.g. prohibition to alter the form of state government), whereas procedural limitations set the system of legal elements which make the process of the alteration of a constitution complicated (e.g. qualified majority of votes, alteration only by referendum, rule of double voting, etc.).
The stability of a constitution is a great constitutional value. A constitution should not be altered if it is not legally necessary. This is guaranteed by a more complex procedure for making amendments to a constitution than to constitutional and ordinary laws. In the constitutions of the states substantial and procedural limitations on their alteration are established. Substantial limitations include the requirements for the content of constitutional amendments (e.g. prohibition to alter the form of state government), whereas procedural limitations set the system of legal elements which make the process of the alteration of a constitution complicated (e.g. qualified majority of votes, alteration only by referendum, rule of double voting, etc.).
Johann Jacob Quandt (1686–1772) ist eine der hervorragendsten Persönlichkeiten Preussens im 18. Jahrhundert. In der litauischen Literatur- und Kulturgeschichte ist er als aktiver Anreger des litauischen Schrifttums, vor allem religiösen, bekannt. Die ersten Vertreter der Familie Quandt findet man in Preussen schon zur Zeit der Reformation. Johann Jacob Quandt studierte an der Königsberger Universität zu der Zeit, als Kurfürstentum Preussen zu einem Königreich wurde. Das war das wichtigste politische Erreigniss in diesem Lande seit der Einführung der Reformation. Demzufolge erlebte die alte Albertina ihre Wiedergeburt. Nach Königsberg drangten sich die Ideen der Aufklärung, die akademische Jugend wurde mit den Problemen der puren deutschen Spache konfrontiert, die Pfarrer der litauischen Gemeinden begannen die erste philologische Polemik wegen der Normierung der litauischen Schriftsprache. Der König von Preussen Friedrich der I. förderte die Herausgabe der litauischen religiösen Bücher, die zur Glaubensfestigung der Bevölkerung dienten. 1701–1706 erschienen fünf litauische Bücher. Unter den Theologiestudenten, den Altersgenossen von J. J. Quandt, fanden sich die der litauischen Sprache kundigen künftige Übersetzer der litauischen religiösen und weltlichen Bücher. Die schöpferische Kräfte waren dabei, der Bedarf an religiösem Schrifftum, insbesondere an der litauischen Bibel, wuchs, die Situation zur Herausgabe der Bücher angesichts der Preussischen Regierung war äußerst. [der volle Text, siehe weiter]
