No abstract ; This article is an analysis of the main patterns of institutional continuity and change that characterize the German federal political system under the influence of 'Europeanization'. It shows the different degrees of Europeanization to which the German political institutions and public policies have already adapted. Introducing some guiding theoretical approaches that have been applied to raise the analytical validity of Europeanization, it attempts to explain the range and the degree to which the German state and its domestic polities, politics and public policies have been integrated into the EU governance system. After analyzing the core institutional features of the German federal system which generally resist European integration, it presents some evidence on the adjustments made to the (reunified) German intergovernmental system, designed to further stimulate European integration. Finally, it presents a brief summary of the lessons learnt from 'Europeanizing German federalism' in order to examine whether typical patterns explaining the Europeanization of the EU member states can be identified.
No abstract ; According to an old stance, very popular among second-wave feminists, 'you cannot use the Master's tools to dismantle the Master's house'. In other words, you cannot change structural gender inequalities by enforcing the rules that 'the Master' put in place; you will only be reifying patriarchy. This article aims to prove that patriarchy can be beat in its own game. Through extensive legislative changes occurring in the past four decades in developed nations, the status of women has improved dramatically. Specific examples in key areas illustrate that social awareness of problems such as domestic violence, abortion, and women's employment rights have gone hand in hand with legal regulation. The developing world is also on the path to formal equality, with educated women spearheading change and effecting social progress with their valuable human capital. The law has provided powerful tools, establishing new models of behavior for men and women in both the private and the public sphere. Once these spheres were distinct and separate; today they have meshed together, their boundaries effaced, changing women's lives regardless of ethnicity or culture.
[Δε διατίθεται περίληψη / no abstract available] ; The present paper explores the probable effectiveness of theGreek antimonopoly legislation in achieving its stated objective ofimproving the competitive forces in the Greek economy.It does so by providing a brief discussion of the relevanteconomic theory underlying antitrust policies, as well as an examinationof the legal rules, methods and machinery required forthe proper enforcement of such policies.After an outline of the key substantive points of the new Greeklegislation there follows a summary discussion of the developmentand workings of similar policies in the US, UK and EEC and abrief critique of such policies.The paper ends with an evaluation of the prospects of the Greeklegislation to be an effective tool for the promotion of competitionin Greece, by reference to both the preceding discussion and factorsspecific to the Greek economy, and concludes that the newpolicy is unlikely to herald the rise of more competition in Greece.Greek businessmen need not lose their sleep on account of thatpolicy.
Lieu de manifestation privilégié des relations de clientèle dans lacampagne grecque, le fief électoral constitue un mode particulier d'insertion de la paysannerie dans la vie politique nationale et exprime uncertain type de rapports entre le Pouvoir et les structures élémentaires(sociabilité villageoise). La persistance, la transformation ou ledépérissement de ces rapports témoignent aussi bien de l'évolutiondifférenciée que fait subir aux sociétés locales traditionnelles lapénétration inégale des rapports capitalistes, que du degré selon lequel le système de patronage stoppe, détourne, tempère, transformeou dissimule le caractère de classe des conflits sociaux. Le déroulement du jeu électoral dans le département de Janriina au cours descinq consultations électorales qui ont eu lieu entre 1956 et 1964, fait, dans cette perspective, l'objet d'une analyse quantitative qui tranche,par sa démarche, sur les études de la sociologie électorale tradition nelle: l'objectif primordial n'est pas l'étude de la distribution spatialede l'influence des partis politiques ou la mesure de l'impact de cerlaines variables sur le choix électoral, mais bien plus l'analyse desmécanismes sociaux qui aboutissent au vote et leur évaluation quantitative; l'électorat paysan n'est pas traité comme une catégorie parmi d'autres au niveau national, une spécificité lui est attribuée qui consiste non pas dans le «qui» mais dans le «comment» de son choix électoral; l'unité d'analyse est celle de la commune (reconnue commele niveau d'agrégation le plus pertinent pour les variables choisies) et non pas celle du canton ou du département qui déforment considérablement (annulent, renforcent ou inversent) les associations etcorrélations constatées dans des unités plus restreintes. L'articleprésente une partie des résultats de cette recherche; dans un premierchapitreest examiné le contexte de la région à l'aide d'une batterie devariables démographiques, géographiques et culturelles. Le second chapitre analyse les rapports qu'entretiennent ces mêmes variablesavec une variable construite («le comportement électoral»!, censée mesurer l'emprise des relations de clientèle pour chaque commune.Enfin, dans un troisième chapitre, un modèle d'analyse multivariéeest proposé qui aboutit à une typologie des espaces sociaux et électoraux de la région. La cartographie qui accompagne le texte révèledes contiguïtés et des ruptures spatiales significatives ; Sale constituencies, as a privileged manifestation of patronage relationships in Greek countryside, constitute a particular mode ofpeasants' insertion in the political life of the country and illustrate akind of relations between Power and basic structures (villagesociability). The maintenance, transformation or decline of these rela tions attest the differentiated evolutions that traditional societies undergo according to the uneven penetration of capitalist relations,and reveal to what extent the patronage system, stops, deflects, moderates, transforms or conceals the class aspects of social conflicts.The electoral process during the last five ballots in the department ofloannina, between 1956 and 1964, has been quantitatively analysedin this perspective. Such an approach strongly contrasts with traditional studies in electoral sociology: the prime objective is not the study of geographic distribution of political parties' influence or the measurement of the impact on voting decisions of some variables; it is rather the analysis, the votes resulting from social mechanismsand the quantitative evaluation of these mechanisms. The peasantelectorate is not considered as a category among others at the national level, it is endowed with a specificity which consists not in«who» is chosen but in «how» the choice is made. The unit selected for analysis is the village (considered as the most relevant level of aggregation for the selected variables), and not the districtor the department which considerably distort (cancel, reinforce or reverse) the correlations or associations found in smaller units. This paper presentspart of the results of this research: in chapter one,the regional contextis examined through a set of demographic, geographic and culturalvariables. In chapter two are studied the connections between these variables and one constructed variable («voting behaviour») supposed to measure the hold of patronage relationships in each village. Inthe last chapter, a model of multivariate analysis is proposed, whichleads to a typology of the social and electoral configurations in thearea. The maps provided with point out significant geographic continuities and discontinuities.
Ο σκοπός αυτού του άρθρου είναι η εξέταση της πολιτικής και της πολιτειακής αντίληψης του δημόσιου αγαθού, και οι στάσεις των πολιτών έναντι της δημόσιας σφαίρας στο νησί της Λέσβου. Συγκεκριμένα, εξετάζεται κατά πόσον αποτελούν μια περιοχή με ιδιαίτερη πολιτικά-πολιτισμικά χαρακτηριστικά. Βασιζόμενοι σε μία προηγούμενη πανελλαδική μελέτη (Marangudakis, Rontos, και Xenitidou 2013), εξετάζουμε τον ηθικό εαυτό ως συστατικό στοιχείο του πολιτικού: Ακολουθώντας τις έρευνες των Alexander και Smith, του Triandis, και του Ράμφου εξετάζουμε την ποιότητα των συγκεκριμένων ηθικών ιδιοτήτων και των αξιακών προτιμήσεων έναντι πτυχών της σύγχρονης και της προ-νεωτερικής νοοτροπίας, καθώς και τον αξιακό και τον εργαλειακό προσανατολισμό της εμπρόθετης δράσης τους. ; The purpose of this article is to examine the condition of the civil and civic perception of the common good, and the attitudes toward the public sphere in the Greek islands of the Northern Aegean. In particular, we wish to examine whether they constitute a region of particular political-cultural characteristics. Based upon the findings of a previous study (Marangudakis, Rontos, and Xenitidou 2013), we examine the moral self in a political framework:.Following Alexander and Smith. Triandis, and Ramfos we examine the quality of specific moral attributes and value preferences vis-a-vis aspects of modern and pre-modern mentality, as well as the valueand mean- orientation of their purposeful action.
