This article presents the results of the content analysis of online editions «Rossiyskaya Gazeta» and «Novaya Gazeta» through the prism of the impact of «Lugovoi's law». Besides that, an attempt to answer the following questions was made in it: has the entry into force of «Lugovoi's Law» influenced the materials published in these online editions, and whether it is possible to speak about different degree of this influence depending on political positioning of these editions. 2402 publications were analyzed to answer these questions. The two-month period was chosen for the study - one month before and one month after the law's entry into force. ; В данной статье представлены результаты анализа контента интернет-изданий «Российская газета» и «Новая газета» через призму влияния на него «Закона Лугового». Кроме того, в ней предпринята попытка ответить на следующие вопросы: повлияло ли вступление в силу «Закона Лугового» на материалы, публикуемые в этих интернетизданиях, и можно ли говорить о разной степени этого влияния в зависимости от политического позиционирования изданий. Для ответа на эти вопросы были проанализированы 2402 публикации за двухмесячный период - месяц до и месяц после вступления закона в силу.
В статье рассматривается газета «Пекинская молодежь», ее современные взгляды и функции в области общественного развития. Анализируется влияние социалистической идеологии на редакционную политику. Газета отслеживает актуальные проблемы и политические события в КНР. В центре внимания газеты «Пекинская молодежь» находится информирование населения о государственной политике и официальной позиции представителей власти, причем мнение народа в этой газете практически не публикуется. ; In the article have pressed the questions about the development of «The Beijing youth». Distribution of ideological sights of the newspaper, political influence on the modern youth audience. In this newspaper we take root propagation of the Chinese communist in the spirit of sociological ideology, and report to youth of modern scientific and technical processes.
Chinese town Kharbin that was an administrative centre of Chinese Eastern Railway in Manchuria was founded as a Russian town at the end of XlX-th century. After revolution in Russia most of Russian exiles settled in Kharbin forming the largest community of Russian emigration in the Far East. Their cultural activity reached the highest level in 20-30s of the last century. In that period a number of Russian newspapers were published there and among them the most popular was a newspaper "Zarya". It was founded in 1920 by a well-known journalist M.C.Lembich who worked in Moscow in the famous newspaper "Russkoye slovo" before the revolution and who migrated to China afterwards. The author analyses social trends, political and cultural life of Russian emigrants in Kharbin in the searly 30s taking the material from publications of 1933. Newspaper articles reflect with an utmost truth everyday realities of Russian people happened to stay in this city. ; Chinese town Kharbin that was an administrative centre of Chinese Eastern Railway in Manchuria was founded as a Russian town at the end of XlX-th century. After revolution in Russia most of Russian exiles settled in Kharbin forming the largest community of Russian emigration in the Far East. Their cultural activity reached the highest level in 20-30s of the last century. In that period a number of Russian newspapers were published there and among them the most popular was a newspaper "Zarya". It was founded in 1920 by a well-known journalist M.C.Lembich who worked in Moscow in the famous newspaper "Russkoye slovo" before the revolution and who migrated to China afterwards. The author analyses social trends, political and cultural life of Russian emigrants in Kharbin in the searly 30s taking the material from publications of 1933. Newspaper articles reflect with an utmost truth everyday realities of Russian people happened to stay in this city.
В процессе исследования реакции блогосферы на аварию Саяно-Шушенской ГЭС авторы статьи столкнулись с вопросом, чем с социологической точки зрения являются «живые журналы», размещаемые в сети? Личными дневниками или новой формой прессы? Какими социальными функциями они обладают? Чем обусловлен принятый в них брутальный стиль высказываний? Какая связь между «постами» XXI века и уличными листками эпохи Французской революции? Предметом изучения данной статьи стали современные формы «народной политической журналистики». На наш взгляд, для анализа этого явления можно применить концепт культурной инсценировки, объясняющей, почему блогеры пытаются сконструировать свою идентичность в воображаемом нерыночном социальном мире, примеряя на себя исторические роли народных трибунов, взывающих к массам в духе Марата и Эбера. Их аудитория, однако, не революционная толпа, но малые, текучие, соединенные слабыми связями сообщества временных единомышленников, по своей природе соответствующие состоянию российского социума: атомизированного, дезинтегрированного культурно, экономически ориентированного, живущего партикулярными интересами ; Authors have been faced with an important issue while researching blogosphere's reaction on Sayano-Shushenskaya HEP crash: what do blogs hosted on a network mean in terms of sociology? Are they personal diaries or rather a new form of electronic media? What are their social functions? How can we explain the brutal style of conversations established in them? What is the relationship between the "posts" of XXI century and the leaflets of French Revolution era? The subject of study in this article are the new forms of popular journalism, which have emerged in Russia in the recent decade. We also reflect on their historic analogies. In our point of view, a concept of cultural simulation could be applied for our current analysis. This concept can help investigate why bloggers try to construct their identities in an imagined non-economic social world by adapting historical roles of tribuni plebis who appeal to people in Marat's and Hébert's style. We should mention that current blogger's auditorium is not a revolutionary crowd. Blog readers and commentators can be described as small, liquid, weakly tied communities of temporary confederates. These communities in their nature correspond to a certain condition of Russian society with its disintegrated culture, economocentrism, particularism and atomization of individuals. Blogs could only exist on the Internet. A blogger cannot become a true tribune; it is impossible for him or her to bring people together and to inspire them by whole speech. Each blog post is only a small piece of mosaic that is constructed from many voices. Revolutionary journalists in the XVIII century addressed their readers through newspapers since they imagined them as a potential resource of revolutionary actions. On the other hand, bloggers appeal to expert audience by producing text conversations of large volumes with scientific terms and complicated grammatical forms. Those texts are difficult to read and understand by the people to whom reading practice is not routine or professional action. Accordingly, a blog is a substitute of action; writing and reading posts became the major form of political activity on the Internet. Russian blogosphere exists as a specific addendum to traditional press. I.e. if media happens to disappear, bloggers would have nothing to write about. Blogs' content usually corresponds to an extended marginalia to content of news list; often they are comments to other comments. Only when media delays to report or gives biased information, blogs could become a resource of new information. Of course, this doesn't mean automatically that information from a blog is always unbiased, verified and trustworthy. Blogs pretend to be mass-agitators rather than present a new knowledge relevant for social communication. Thus, bloggers aren't really journalists of the new epoch: they play roles of home arguers, who apply their exclamations to TV-sets and use blogs to reproduce the same practices. Internet networks created by politically oriented bloggers are isomorphic to government power structures in their cultural nature. We do observe a dominance of intolerance, aggressiveness, strict division into friends and foes, and the orientation on authorities in them.
Публицистика Л. Н. Толстого вызывает интерес у современных исследователей тем, что в своих статьях писатель откликался на самые важные общественные темы, которые сохраняют актуальность и по сей день. В данной статье рассмотрены некоторые работы Л. Н. Толстого, опубликованные в газете «Русские ведомости». ; Social and political essays of L. N. Tolstoy attract modern researchers, because the writer responds to the most important social issues which are actual nowadays. In this article we consider some works of L. N. Tolstoy published in "Russkie vedomosti".
Анализируются и комментируются типологические особенности народнической газеты «Вперед!» под редакторством П.Л. Лаврова как нелегального периодического издания. На основе изучения многочисленных ее номеров за два года, особенностей взглядов издателей на функционирование печати, основополагающих принципов формирования отделов и оригинальных корреспонденций, систематизации базовых тенденций материалов из западноевропейской общественно-политической жизни показана роль и выявлено влияние газеты в формировании общественного мнения в России. Результаты данного научного исследования имеют теоретическую значимость для историков русской печати, ученых, интересующихся социально-исторической ситуацией в России второй половины XIX века и проблемами современных СМИ. Материалы рассмотрения газеты могут быть полезными в различных областях для теоретиков и историков литературы, русской и зарубежной, эстетический, художественный и научный интерес представляет ряд публикаций в этой сфере. Практическую значимость имеют базовые положения рассуждений П.Л. Лаврова о специфике его газеты, где он четко сформулировал существенную разницу, которая была между бесцензурной эмигрантской печатью и печатью легальной, подчеркивая значительные преимущества последней. Это позволило ему вскрыть специфические типические черты периодической бесцензурной прессы. В его представлении она должна учитывать то, что является дополнением «дозволенный» и ни в коем случае не служит ее заменою. Этим он и объяснил ограниченный круг вопросов, находящихся в центре внимания его газеты. Таким образом, какая-то часть проблем неизбежно должна оставаться за бортом нелегальной заграничной печати. Ограничение тем выводится как типологическая черта заграничной прессы. ; Typological features of the Vpered! populist newspaper under P.L. Lavrov's editorship as illegal periodical are analyzed and commented. On the basis of studying its two-year numerous numbers, features of views of publishers on the press functioning, the fundamental principles of formation of departments and original correspondence, and the systematization of basic tendencies in materials from the Western European social and political life, the author shows the role and influence of the newspaper in formation of public opinion in Russia. Results of this scientific research have the theoretical importance for historians of the Russian press and scientists who are interested in a sociohistorical situation in Russia during the second half of the 19th century and in problems of modern mass media. Materials on the newspaper can be useful in various areas for theorists and historians of Russian and foreign literature, and a number of publications in this sphere is of esthetic, artistic and scientific interest. Of practical importance are basic provisions of P.L. Lavrov's reflections on specifics of his newspaper where he has accurately formulated an essential difference which was between the uncensored emigrant press and the legal press, underlining considerable advantages of the last. This has allowed him to disclose peculiar typical features of the periodic uncensored press. In his opinion it has to consider what is complementary to «legal» and does not serve as its substitute at all. This was how he has explained a limited circle of the questions which are in the center of attention of his newspaper. Thus, some problems have inevitably to be left in the basket of the illegal foreign press. Restriction of subjects is inferred as a typological line of the foreign press.
Анализируется информация газеты «Le Moniteur universel» о походе Великой армии Наполеона Бонапарта в Россию в 1812 г. Даются краткая характеристика газеты «Le Moniteur universel», выборочное изложение бюллетеней Великой армии, преимущественно тех, которые содержали информацию о погоде в России. Оценивается влияние бюллетеней на формирование мнения французского общества о русском походе Наполеона Бонапарта, делается предположение, как появился миф о «генерале Морозе». ; The present article analyzes the information from the newspaper "Le Moniteur universel" about the campaign of Napoleon Bonaparte's Grand Army to Russia in 1812. The author gives a brief description of the newspaper "Le Moniteur universel", makes a selective summary from bulletins of the Grand Army, mostly those that contain some information about the weather in Russia. It's estimated the influence of bulletins on the formation of public opinion in the French society about the Russian campaign of Napoleon Bonaparte, it gives a suggestion about the origin of the myth about "general Frost". At the present time interest in the history of Russia's European policy is increasing as never before, it has been studied extensively by both domestic and foreign scientists. In this regard, there is a neсessity to attract new sources. Expansion of information is possible due to francophone periodicals, in particular thanks to the newspaper "Le Moniteur universel". This is one of those sources, which gives a possibility to glance at Russia and its foreign policy through the eyes of Europeans. The advantage of this periodical is the fact that its materials have not been studied and analyzed by majority of Russian researchers. In the time of hostilities of 1812, newspaper "Le Moniteur universel" paid special attention to the bulletins of the Grand Army. In fact the military bulletins were issued from the beginning of the military campaign, personally written by Napoleon Bonaparte and reflected his views on the course of hostilities, the political situation in Russia, the public mood and the position of the soldiers and officers of the Grand Army. Reading the papers about the Russian campaign, we can imagine what Napoleon wanted to tell to his subjects from distant Russia. It appeared as military publications, the military newsletters were intended for the whole society, including for the Grand Army. Napoleon knew that his soldiers will read them, so it was important in the minds of men to magnify their own image and status. In fact, the content of the bulletins is a description of the weather conditions in distant Russia, there is not even a brief description of the Russian army, which manifested itself more than equal enemy, there are no reports about its success in the theater of hostilities, are not mentioned tactical errors, which Napoleon committed and which played not the last role in the course of military events. After reading the bulletins of the Grand army, it can be concluded that the great French army was defeated not by Russian generals, but by terrible and insidious "general Frost".
В отличие от «Томских», «Тобольских» и «Иркутских» губернских ведомостей, «Енисейские губернские ведомости» выглядят обделенными исследовательским вниманием. Обращение к архивным материалам и неофициальной части газеты за весь период ее выхода могут помочь восполнить этот пробел. В статье дается характеристика тематическому наполнению неофициальной части первой красноярской газеты, выделяются некоторые специфические особенности ее содержания, предлагается периодизация основных этапов развития. ; In the review of the Siberian press of the leader of the Siberian oblastnichestvo of N. M. Yadrintsev (1885) only some words were told about "Yenisei provincial sheets". The statement of the classic became a basis for studying of history of the newspaper by the subsequent authors. If critical articles from "Irkutsk provincial sheets" are source for studying of social movement in Siberia, objections of "Yenisei provincial sheets" concerning criticism from Irkutsk have not studying and have not commenting in research literature. Distinctive features of informal part "Yenisei provincial sheets" in the end of the 50 the beginning of the 60th years are articles about equipment of gold mining, verses on household subjects and collective letters in protection of known Krasnoyarsk citizens. "The Yenisei provincial sheets" wrote about the provision of indigenous people of the Yenisei province, low level of health care, backwardness of education, local government and status of exiled. Often subjects and contents of articles were ordinary, but they reflected an everyday life and interests of the province. The program of sheets was flexible and governors could exploit points of the program and depending on a changing public situation. History of informal part "Yenisei provincial sheets" can be divided into stages: 1858-1865 reflection by the newspaper of the main events of public life of the province; 1866-1890 loss by the newspaper of public value; 1891-1893 extension of the program of sheets, in connection with journey through Siberia the successor of a throne 1894-1899 again the edition according to the reduced program; 1900-1901 attempt to give to the newspaper universal character (including covering of the international events) for carrying out governmental influence and oppositions to the liberal oppositional newspaper "Yenisei"; 1902-1917 the newspaper edition according to the reduced program (except when events of Russian-Japanese war 1904-1905 were described); 1917-1918 acquisition by "Yenisei provincial sheets" political character as official newspaper of the provincial commissioner of Provisional Government (socialist press organ), and after October, 1917 as official newspaper of Soviets of workers and peasants deputies (bolshevist press organ).
Попытка изучения фракции прогрессивных националистов, возникшей на российской политической сцене в августе 1915 г. и просуществовавшей до революции, неизбежно наталкивается на серьезные препятствие в виде отсутствия информативных источников. Ими могут служить, с одной стороны, стенографические отчеты Государственной Думы, с другой стенограммы заседаний Прогрессивного блока. Источником, наиболее полно отражающим динамику изменения политических воззрений лидеров прогрессивных националистов А. Савенко и В. Шульгина, является газета Западного края «Киевлянин». Анализ материалов издания, проведенный в этой статье, помогает понять суть претензий прогрессивных националистов к царизму, предлагаемые решения экономических проблем и взгляды Савенко и Шульгина на различные стороны российской действительности периода Первой мировой войны. ; In spite of the evident progress in the study of Russian conservatism in the beginning of the XXth century, which was achieved during the last 20 years, ideology and political activity of the Russian nationalists and the role of the forward-looking nationalists in the activity of Progressive Block didn't become the object of detailed research. During a long period of time in historiography the Russian nationalists were considered to be a part of conservative forces, because researchers didn't want to puzzle out their political aspirations. The main reason of this is the shortage of historiographical sources. Besides several memoires of the participants of the events (Shulgin, Milukov, Gurko and others) the shorthand reports from the meetings of the Committee of Progressive Block and Duma played an important role. But the main source for the research becomes «Kievlyanin», «a literary and political newspaper of the West region». Officially this newspaper wasn't the print of any party or faction, but its main journalists were listed in Kiev club of Russian nationalists. The main journalists of «Kievlyanin» were Savenko and Shulgin, the leaders of forward-looking nationalists. Their articles help us to understand the political interests and main views of the whole party, areas of the struggle with the right political forces and slow convergence with the forward-looking nationalists with the kadets. These processes could be most vividly seen during the First World War. Besides the records of the State Duma «Kievlyanin» is the only informative source to analyze the faction of forward-looking nationalists.
Исследуется многолетнее и плодотворное сотрудничество Г.Н. Потанина с газетой «Сибирская жизнь», издававшейся в г. Томске в 1894-1919 гг. Раскрывается тематика опубликованных им статей. Освещается деятельность Г.Н. Потанина в редакционном комитете Сибирского товарищества печатного дела. Рассматривается материальная сторона сотрудничества с изданием. ; The article is devoted to G.N. Potanin's long-term and fruitful cooperation with the newspaper The Siberian Life major private daily edition in Siberia in the late 19th the early 20th century, published in Tomsk in 1894-1919. G.N. Potanin was the newspaper man of the edition since 1902 and till its suppression. Those years Grigory Nikolaevich also co-operated with other Siberian and capital periodicals. However his most significant articles which can be divided into 1) social and political 2) biographical, milestone and memorial 3) cultural and educational 4) scientific were published in The Siberian Life in particular. In The Siberian life publications by G.N. Potanin were signed both under a full name «G. Potanin» and pseudonyms such as «Gr.P-n», «G.P-n», «G.P.», «P.» etc. In 1903-1904 G.N. Potanin conducted the Sunday illustrated supplement to The Siberian Life. However because of disagreements with editor-publisher P.I. Makushin he had to stop cooperation with The Siberian Life for a while. But after an editorial post was taken by I.A. Malinovsky and M.N. Sobolev in November 1905 and the Siberian Association of Printing became the publisher, G.N. Potanin was reinstated in The Siberian Life. It is also documentary confirmed that he became one of the members of the editorial committee of the Siberian Association of Printing since 1917. At the same time there is a basis for a belief that he had been elected as a member of editorial committee even earlier in 1912, in particularly. One of directing marks of cooperation of Grigory Nikolaevich with The Siberian Life was the publication of his Memories in 19131917. It is known, that Potanin's financial situation was not stable. His primary income was the pension for his scientific work (25 rubles per month), therefore fees for articles printed in The Siberian Life provided him such necessary additional earnings. Generally speaking, the editorial staff and authors of The Siberian Life appreciated G.N. Potanin. The apogee of the recognition of his achievements in The Siberian Life was granting a monthly lifelong pension (300 rubles) to Grigory Nikolaevich in November, 1919 from the Siberian Association of Printing on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the newspaper. Only three employees of the edition, besides him, were honored to receive it. Thus, G.N. Potanin not only participated in the establishment of the social and political direction of the newspaper, but also represented himself as a «spiritual mentor» of the Siberians, using The Siberian Life for this purpose. The impact of the newspaper on the society was going far beyond Siberia. In a great measure, it was the result of the cooperation with such outstanding personalities such as Grigory Nikolaevich Potanin.
В статье характеризуется инновационная модель партийной прессы в аспекте совершенствования политической коммуникации в условиях развития системы общественно-политических СМИ. ; The paper characterizes the innovative model of the party press in terms of improving the political communication in the development of the socio-political media.
В данной статье рассматривается позиция газеты «Речь» во время июльского кризиса 1914 года. «Речь», основанная в 1906 г. партией конституционных демократов (кадетов), являлась накануне Первой мировой войны одним из важнейших либеральных органов в системе российской периодической печати. Традиционно газета уделяла большое внимание вопросам внешней политики, подробно информируя своих читателей о ситуации на международной арене. Отражая внешнеполитическую программу кадетской партии, «Речь» придерживалась дружественной Франции и Англии линии, рассматривая Германию и Австро-Венгрию в качестве главных соперников России в борьбе за влияние на Балканах и Ближнем Востоке. Однако, несмотря на свою проантантовскую позицию, в дни июльского кризиса газета выступила против вмешательства России в австро-сербский конфликт. Опасаясь поражения России и революционных потрясений в случае неудачной войны, она осуждала воинственную позицию националистов, октябристов и прогрессистов. Призывая сделать всё для того, чтобы избежать войны с австро-германским блоком, «Речь» явно выделялась на фоне большинства российских периодических изданий, настаивавших на активной поддержке Сербии. После объявления Германией войны России антимилитаристская позиция главной кадетской газеты привела к её временному закрытию. После заявлений лидеров кадетской партии о своей солидарности с правительством в условиях начавшейся войны с австро-германским блоком и личной просьбы председателя Думы М.В. Родзянко 4 августа (22 июля по cm. cm.) 1914 г издание газеты было возобновлено. В этот же день газета опубликовала царский манифест о войне, а в передовой статье призвала «отложить внутренние споры, когда внешний враг стоит у ворот». Отныне «Речь» последовательно выступала за ведение войны с Германией и Австрией до победного конца, поддерживая притязания царского правительства на черноморские проливы, Турецкую Армению и ряд других территорий. ; This article examines the position of the newspaper "Rech" during the July crisis of 1914. "Rech", founded in 1906 by the Constitutional Democratic Party (Kadets), was on the eve of the First World War one of the most important liberal organs of the Russian press. Traditionally the newspaper has paid great attention to questions of foreign policy, in detail informing its readers about the situation on the international arena. Reflecting the foreign policy program of the Kadet party, "Rech" supported the idea of the alliance with France and England and considered Germany and Austria-Hungary as the main rivals of Russia for influence on the Balkans and the Middle East. However, despite its pro-Entente position, in the days of the July crisis the newspaper opposed the intervention of Russia in the Austro-Serbian conflict. Fearing defeat of Russia and revolutionary upheavals in case of unsuccessful war, it condemned aggressive position of nationalists, Octobrists and Progressists. "Rech" urged to do everything to avoid war with the Austro-Germanic bloc. Thus, it clearly stood out against the background of the majority of Russian periodicals, which insisted on the active support of Serbia. After Germany declared war on Russia, this anti-militarist position of the main Kadet newspaper led to its temporary closing. Only after statements of the leaders of the Constitutional Democratic Party about its solidarity with the government in the conditions of the war, the newspaper was resumed.
Статья рассказывает о редком историческом и литературном документе – однодневной колчаковской газете «Каппелевцы». Газета представляет собой наглядный образец белогвардейской пропаганды. Ухудшение внутриполитического и военного положения правительства А. В. Колчака обусловило появление подобных публикаций. В статье проанализировано содержание газеты, рассказана краткая история воинской части, которой она посвящена, представлены сведения о наиболее видных авторах вошедших в нее материалов. ; The article examines the rare historical and literary document – one-day newspaper «Kappelevtsy» of the Kolchak's government. The newspaper is an vivid example of the white guard propaganda. Aggravation of the political and military situation of Kolchak's government had given rise to emergence of such publications. The author of the article analyzes the content of the newspaper, describes a short history of military unit, which newspaper devoted, submittes biographies of the most prominent authors of materials, which entered.
