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1. Judge Goldstone acts: the 'purge' of the DCC -- 2. The big reaction -- 3. The birth of the DCC -- 4. The bushmen and their role in the SANDF -- 5. People other than military working for the DCC -- 6. The rescue of 'Mustafa' -- 7. The Uganda-Tanzania war -- 8. Informants, talent spotters and couriers -- 9. The 'DCC man' and his training -- 10. Spies and defectors -- 11. The DCC's relations with western intelligence -- 12. Operation Berlin -- 13. The 'Stalin web' in Zimbabwe -- 14. Helping friends -- 15. The future of Operation Vula and its aftermath -- 16. Mutiny in Angola and the Douglas Report -- 17. Shame and responsibility -- 18. Helping the SAP -- the failure of Olivia Forsythe -- 19. The Mozambican file -- Conclusion. Annexures. Annexure 1. The end of the DCC -- The Steyn Portfolio -- Chronology of events -- The investigations and counter-investigations. A. What General Steyn told President FW de Klerk on 20 December 1992 -- B. What the NIS / OATI investigations revealed -- C. Assessment of allegations of illegal or unauthorised activities -- D. What the other reports said -- E. List of additional names. The finding of the commission of inquiry. A. The first document -- B. The second document -- C. The third document -- Postscript. Annexure 2. Jack Benson's ID and passport -- Annexure 3. Statement by President FW de Klerk on the Statement of Mr Justice Goldstone on 16 November 1992 -- Annexure 4. Stafgeskrif vir die Steyn Kommissie oor Beweerde Riskante Bedrywighese van SAW Kompoente -- Annexure 5. The Goldstone Report -- Annexure 6. Olivia Forsyth's hand-written letters to her mother -- Annexure 7. Email correspondence between the author and FW de Klerk Foundation -- Annexure 8. Olivia Forsyth's operational progress report -- Annexure 9. The garage find: copies of some top secret documents on the ANC personnel in Angola training camps, the TPDF Armed Forces, and the ANC movements in Mozambique.

This chapter explores the migration corridor between the Philippines and Hong Kong. A long-established destination for largely female migrants taking up domestic work, Hong Kong offers Filipino workers proximity to home and public space in which to socialise. Despite exploitative working conditions, opportunities to take on additional informal work can make migrants' Hong Kong sojourns worthwhile. Hong Kong's social space gives NGOs a platform for political organising and training. Combined with comparatively stronger earning power, the strength of migrant civil society in Hong Kong makes migrants here a key target for development initiatives. These initiatives include programmes to enhance remittance-led development and sustainable returns which seek to offer migrants' long-term economic security and social mobility back home. The Philippines–Hong Kong corridor is thus a key exemplar of migration-led development.

This article demonstrates how social control in the Filipino diaspora now works through social media surveillance, brokering exchanges of care between activists, on the one hand, and migrants, on the other. Taking care as the 'pursuit of connections' (Yates-Doerr, 2014), I outline the history of care-for-control exchanges between migrants and leftist activists. Setting out the cultural norms for reciprocity that shape Filipino expectations for care and political allegiance, I explore how they have travelled within the diaspora. I describe the emergence of 'ambient surveillance' – ubiquitous and middle-distance mutual observation that pervades everyday diasporic life – on social media. As care : control exchanges have shifted from face-to-face encounters to ambient surveillance via social networking platform, they continue to limit particular kinds of political participation among migrants and may be excluding reluctant, jaded or dissenting migrants from migration research.