Suchergebnisse

Research in developed countries is often considered as a means to pave the way towards sustainable development in different areas of the society including science and technology, the economy, governance and security. Researchers in developing countries rarely have the opportunity to use their indigenous languages to design, plan and conduct research. Nor do they communicate in their indigenous languages to share their insights and learnings from other parts of the world with colleagues or students. Utilising the languages that researchers, students and teachers, policymakers, the community, and others interested in research understand better can help to generate new knowledge embedded in local realities where sustainable development needs to take root. That is why this book is in Kinyarwanda. The authors hope that writing this book in Kinyarwanda will increase research capacity in the humanities and social sciences in Rwanda and in the region. And that it will increase interaction between all key stakeholders in the planning and conducting of research as well as in analysing, monitoring and evaluating the research process and its outputs.] - Mu bihugu byakataje mu majyambere, usanga ubushakashatsi ari itara rimurikira ibikorwa by'amajyambere kandi bukaba n'umuyoboro w'iterambere rirambye haba mu bukungu, ubumenyi n'ikoranabuhanga, imibereho myiza y'abaturage, imiyoborere y'igihugu, umutekano n'ibindi. Kuba abashakashatsi bo mu bihugu bikiri mu nzira y'amajyamberere badakoresha cyane indimi zabo kavukire mu gukora ubushakashatsi no mu guhererekanya n'abandi ubumenyi bwavumbuwe hirya no hino ku isi bishobora kuba biri ku isonga mu bibangamira iterambere rirambye, ryihuta kandi rigera kuri benshi. Gukoresha ururimi abenegihugu bahuriyeho mu nzego zose – abashakashatsi, abanyeshuri n'abarimu, abafata ibyemezo, abaturage n'abandi bakenera ubushakashatsi cyangwa ibyabuvuyemo – bishobora gutuma hahangwa ubumenyi bwegereye abagenerwabikorwa, bakabugira ubwabo, bakabusangira kandi bakabusigasira. Ngicyo icyatumwe twandika iki gitabo mu Kinyarwanda. Tugamije kuzamura ireme ry'ubushakashatsi mu bumenyi nyamuntu n'imibanire y'abantu. Tugamije kandi kwimakaza ubwumvane hagati y'abafatanyabikorwa bose haba mu gutegura umushinga w'ubushakashatsi, kuwushyira mu bikorwa, gusesengura, kugenzura ndetse no gusuzuma uko ubushakashatsi bwagenze n'umusaruro bwatanze.

Thanks to crowdfunding, deliberative mini-publics can be funded bottom-up to reach a wider support in the population and secure financial autonomy for their design. But who are the people willing to pay for deliberative democracy and why? This article answers this twofold question using an original survey with crowdfunders of the G1000 in Belgium. First, the financial support for deliberative democracy mainly comes from the more socially advantaged groups. But second, the crowdfunders largely diverge in their democratic preferences. Some are critical and favour any forms of alternative decision-making process, including technocratic forms. Others demonstrate a stronger attachment to electoral institutions and their political actors. Hence, the study of the crowdfunders of the G1000 shows that deliberative democracy attracts the support of citizens with different political orientations. This sheds light on the complex and intertwined links between a mini-public and its larger maxi-public.

While a great deal of attention is devoted to the Pacific region as the new chessboard of international politics, Pakistan remains a key actor in terms of both threat and potential. Two observations back this argument: first, Pakistan's fundamental roles as a state are challenged by its ongoing conflict with India and internal insurgencies. Second, due to a power-status gap, Pakistan experiences difficulties in holding specific self-conceived roles. In addition to hampering its socio-economic potential, these developments prevent Pakistan's quest for normalization in the system. As a consequence, we argue that engaging with Islamabad should be a priority for Washington so as to prevent the country from further aligning with Beijing, thus reinforcing China's regional leadership and status as peer-competitor to the United States. Indeed, as the potential for deviance in the international system arises from its normative dimension, the US, as the global leader, counts among its roles that of norm-setter and primary socializer for most states. Our research proposes to look at an old puzzle with new theoretical insights. By addressing the question of Washington's engagement towards non-conforming states, we aim to document a set of socialization processes as intervening variables linking American global role as leader and primary socializer to Pakistan's process of social integration (normalization/deviance). Drawing from sociology and social psychology, the paper seeks to explore the ability of the leader to act as a primary source of role location and status recognition towards non-conforming states so as to integrate them (back) into the US-led system.