Suchergebnisse

18 août 1907 ; 1907/08/18 (Numéro 10900). ; Appartient à l'ensemble documentaire : Pam1

The objective of this study is to analyze the determinants of agricultural production in Cameroon, a country with very high agricultural potential. The authors conduct this study using data from FAO (FAOSTAT, 2022), the World Bank (WDI, 2022), and Cameroon's Ministries of Rural Development (for budgetary data on public agricultural expenditures). The econometric results show that in Cameroon, the increase in agricultural output is largely sustained by the expansion of the rural population and that a series of factors contribute to the decline in agricultural production, including rural education, low institutional levels and the isolation of rural areas. According to the results of this study, if Cameroon wants to accelerate its agricultural growth, the redistribution of uncultivated arable land to farmers, the integration of agricultural training units into rural secondary education programs and the enforcement of laws protecting land ownership must be at the heart of economic policies.

Alors que le Pacte avec l'Afrique Compact with Africa, CWA) est entré dans sa troisième année, on constate que les volumes attendus de flux de capitaux transfrontaliers ne se sont pas concrétisés, pas plus que les ressources nationales n'ont pu être mobilisées. La faute n'en est pas aux pays participants, puisque leurs indices de gouvernance se sont améliorés. Il semble qu'actuellement, le Pacte soit principalement aux mains des fonctionnaires de la Banque mondiale et du Fonds monétaire international. Par ailleurs, ni le secteur des entreprises privées ni les investisseurs institutionnels ne semblent y adherer pleinement. Le CWA ne parvient pas à stimuler la croissance intégratrice. Les lacunes de l'approche adoptée au titre du CWA font apparaître la nécessité d'élaborer de nouveaux programmes de coopération pour le développement.

The national electricity sector is confronted with many challenges such as increasing energy
demand, high external dependency, and environmental protection. Thus, Morocco has opted
for a new strategy allowing the adoption of sustainable technologies on a large scale. The
objective is to diversify the electricity mix to improve the security of supply. In this sense, the
Moroccan state has launched numerous projects to support the growth of renewable energy in
the country. This article aims to show the changes in the national electricity sector since the
adoption of the national energy strategy.

The Gnassingbé clan has ruled the country since 1967. The demand for political alternance, initiated by institutional and electoral reforms, constituted the major contentious issue between the government and the challengers of the Gnassingbé regime throughout the survey period. An alliance of opposition parties and civil society groups organized peaceful demonstrations in opposition to the regime, which were often violently suppressed. Civil society organizations and representatives of the Christian church supported the demands of the opposition. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party. The local elections, crucial for democratization at the grass-roots, but postponed time and again since 1987, were again postponed in December 2018 sine die. The human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime's key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo's African peers, the AU and CEDEAO, followed a 'laissez-faire' approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum. Public investment in infrastructure (e.g. roads, harbour) and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Positive growth was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. The business climate improved considerably nevertheless.

Every three years, the AU-EU summit reunites African and EU leaders to outline the future direction of cooperation. The 6th summit had been to reaffirm and renew the partnership between the two blocks already in October 2020, but it was pushed back to the first quarter of 2021 or even later due to COVID-19 crisis. Besides, Brussels had to deal with its own post-Brexit situation and its repercussions on EU-Africa relations, excluding the UK. African states, for their part, wanted to renegotiate the EU-Africa partnership and to balance it with new promising Post-Brexit visions of the British premier Johnson about increased economic ties with the African Angloshere. China and other global players compete with the EU and its member states in the new scramble for African resources. Given that Africa is increasingly courted by other partners it could be inclined to successively limit its relations with the EU and see it as a mere provider of aid and security against Islamic terrorism. This trend was reinforced by the fact that the new EU-Africa strategy still hasn't been approved by EU member states. And a timely replacement of the Cotonou Agreement, which expires in November 2021, is open to question.

The early 2000s marked a decisive turning point in the development of Dakar due, on the one hand, to the impact of important investments by the Senegalese government in the construction of new urban infrastructure and, on the other, to the implementation by the city of a decidedly modern town-planning scheme. In a context in which "China-Africa" and the role of China in this transformation pervaded both the media and research, the aim of this article concerns the role of African entrepreneurs who work in China. The latter "translate" their experiences of China in their daily routine and their way of life, and their imports of manufactured goods facilitate the social transformations that are influencing the emergence of Dakar as a modern city and its appropriation by the Dakarois.

This paper examines the effect of conflict on agricultural value added, using the example of the conflict in the Anglophone and Northern regions of Cameroon. The authors examine this relationship using data from FAO (FAOSTAT, 2022) and the World Bank (WDI, 2022) for the period 2000 to 2022. The econometric results show that the conflict variable, whose impact is the purpose of this exercise, has a negative sign and is statistically significant at the 1% level. The coefficient indicates that the years of conflict lead to a negative variation in agricultural production of sixteen percentage points, corresponding to a total estimated loss of nearly 4615 billion CFA francs over the eight years of conflict (2014-2022), or an average of 576.9 billion CFA francs per year. If conflict is a fundamental cause of the decline in agricultural value-added in Cameroon, then policies aimed at defusing and preventing conflict and promoting peace are an essential means of agricultural recovery, improving food security, and reducing rural poverty in Cameroon.

The Gnassingbé clan has ruled the country since 1967. The demand for political alternance, constituted the major contentious issue between the government and the challengers of the Gnassingbé regime throughout the survey period. The first local elections since more than 30 years took finally place on 30 June 2019 and resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Shortly afterwards, in February 2020, the President won also the disputed presidential elections and thus consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in April 2020 and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime's key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo's African peers, the AU and ECOWAS, followed a 'laissez-faire' approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum (before Corona). Public investment in infrastructure and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Moreover, it was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. Nevertheless, the business climate improved considerably.

Cet article évalue l'effet des dépenses publiques d'éducation sur la performance scolaire au Cameroun. Il mobilise un modèle à correction d'erreur appliqué sur le taux moyen de transition des élèves du cycle primaire au cycle secondaire, couvrant la période 1990-2019. Si les résultats montrent globalement que les dépenses publiques d'éducation impactent positivement et significativement la performance du système scolaire de base, ils montrent également que ces dépenses ont un effet bivarié à court et à long terme. En effet, l'élasticité de la dépense publique d'investissement de l'éducation de base par élèves et enseignants est positive et significative à long terme. La puissance publique doit donc augmenter le niveau de la dépense publique d'investissement en éducation de base par tête et diminuer le taux d'encadrement des élèves par enseignant au Cameroun afin de réduire les disparités au niveau du taux de transition du cycle primaire au cycle secondaire.

Africa and India share a long history of trade, investment and slavery. The Portuguese alone brought up to 80,000 slaves from Mozambique to India since the 16th century. Unlike slaves in other parts of the world, African slaves, soldiers, and traders had a strong military and cultural influence on India's culture and society. Some of the slaves even held privileged positions. Today India competes with other global players, especially China, for African resources and markets. Growing racism and Afrophobia towards African migrants, however, could hamper the ambitions of the New-Delhi government. India's social networks and political leaders are increasingly looking for scapegoats and "strangers" to blame for their failures due to religious, racist and linguistic prejudice. Racism and Afrophobia did not appear first under Modi's administration, but they have become more daunting and contagious. The famous Indian writer and political activist, Arundhati Roy, rated Indian racism towards black people as almost worse than white peoples' racism. For example, Africans, who were often summarily disqualified as "Nigerians", were generally accused of being drug dealers and even suspected of "cannibalism". Yet, Indian authorities at all political levels did not effectively counter this. On the contrary, they not infrequently encouraged these prejudices. Modi, for example, compared breakaway Indian regions to "Somalia".

Throughout history, nothing has killed more human beings than infectious diseases. Although, death rates from pandemics dropped globally by about 0.8 % per year, all the way through the 20th century, the number of new infectious diseases like Sars, HIV and Covid-19 increased by nearly fourfold over the past century. In Africa, there were reported a total of 4,522,489 confirmed COVID-19 cases and 119,816 death, as of 23 April 2021. The pandemic impacted seriously on the economic and social sectors in almost all African countries. It is threatening to push up to 58 m people into extreme poverty. However, apart from the African poor, the Covid pandemic also affects the growing African middle class, i.e. about 170 million out of Africa's 1.3 billion people currently classified as middle class. Nearly eight million of may be thrust into poverty because of the coronavirus and its economic aftermath. This setback will be felt for decades to come. Moreover, in recent African History also other infectouse diseases like the 1896-1906 Congo Basin Trypanosomiasis with a death-toll of over 500.000 as well as the 1900-1920 Uganda African trypanosomiasis epidemic with 200,000-300,000 death had tremendous negative impact on Africa's societies and economies. Actually, other pandemics, like Yellow Fever, Cholera, Meningitis and Measles - not to mention Malaria - contributed to long-lasting economic downturns and seriously affect the social wellbeing for decades.

Cette étude analyse la production du secteur informel non-agricole camerounais et détermine dans quelle mesure son efficience peut contribuer à améliorer les niveaux de vie au Cameroun. A cet effet, les techniques d'enveloppement des données (Data Envelopment Analysis, DEA) ont été utilisées pour mesurer le niveau d'efficience. Nous apprécions ensuite l'impact que pourrait avoir l'élimination de l'inefficience sur les niveaux de vie en comparant les niveaux de pauvreté et d'inégalité obtenus de la distribution de revenus observée sur le marché du travail avec ceux résultant de l'hypothèse d'efficience de toutes les unités informelles étudiées, le niveau d'investissement restant identique. Nous élucidons les déterminants de l'efficience dans un troisième axe. Il ressort de l'étude un faible niveau d'efficience avec un score moyen de 0,40. L'amélioration de l'efficience de ces unités pourrait réduire la pauvreté de 19%.

Du point de vue des grands blocs économiques tels que l'Europe, le Japon et les Etats-
Unis, l'Afrique ne joue plus aucun rôle significatif. Son déclin est visible non seulement à la
faible part qu'elle a dans le commerce extérieur, mais surtout au niveau extrêmement faible de l'investissement extérieur direct. Même en tant que marché, l'Afrique ne présente
pratiquement pas d'intérêt en raison de son faible revenu par habitant. L'Afrique fait partie des Etats du groupe ACP (Afrique-Caraïbes-Pacifique) qui, depuis 1975, sont liés par des liens de coopération à la Communauté européenne dans le cadre de la convention de Lomé. Dans cette contribution, je vais examiner deux aspects de la convention de Lomé : les relations commerciales et le système préférentiel de Lomé (y compris les résultats des accords de l'Uruguay Round) et les systèmes de subventions du Stabex et du Sysmin (pour les produits agricoles et miniers).

Happiness is a universal state of mind. However, its meaning takes on culture-specific forms, ranging from emotional states of mind to life satisfaction. The definition of 'happiness' is strongly influenced by the respective philosophical background and material living conditions and is shaped by linguistic differences. Even within countries, location and social structure are important in the conceptualization and measurement of wellbeing. Exceptions prove the rule. In Laura Bohannan's classic anthropological study of the Tiv in the Nigerian Middle Belt in the 1950s, the 'return to laughter' signified the laughter of despair, e.g. when people laughed at human misery given omnipresent witchcraft. Another exemption of the rule is related to COVID-19 lockdowns that were associated with a drop in satisfaction, regardless of country-specific characteristics or the type and duration of the lockdown. In Sub-Saharan Africa both the level of happiness and the level of income have shown increasing tendencies in recent decades. However, trends in inequality between indicators of income and happiness can diverge significantly. In general, happiness does not automatically increase with increasing income but lags behind. As shown by the economy of happiness, this paradox does not appear to occur in countries like South Africa, the most unequal country in the world. The country registered growing equality of happiness despite rising income inequality. Obviously, the absolute impact of income and happiness inequality at the country level is more important than the relative impact. Hence, happiness inequality, in general, can be a useful supplementary measure of inequality, particularly in Africa, which is considered a 'black spot' when it comes to happiness research.