Biographisches Handbuch für das preussische Abgeordnetenhaus: 1849 - 1867
In: Handbücher zur Geschichte des Parlamentarismus und der politischen Parteien 5
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In: Handbücher zur Geschichte des Parlamentarismus und der politischen Parteien 5
In: Magyar Történelmi Társulat
In: Studia historica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 196
In: Journal of political economy, Band 9, Heft 3, S. 351-383
ISSN: 1537-534X
In: Journal of political economy, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 191-217
ISSN: 1537-534X
In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uiug.30112107159292
"Correspondence between Mr. Arthur Le Sueur, of the St. Paul Bar and Mr. George Chase, editor of the New York Law Journal." ; Mode of access: Internet.
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In: IAEA TECDOC Series No. 1867 v.1867
In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, Band 24, Heft 1, S. 139-140
ISSN: 0090-5992
In: http://mdz-nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb10556429-1
hrsg. von F. W. Ghillany. ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- J.publ.e. 155 rm
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In: Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 1867
In: Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 1867
This paper examines the ideology of the Austrian passive revolution (the introduction and extension of capitalist social relations from above) in the mid-nineteenth century and reactions to it in Hungary and Croatia. Austrian ideologues of the time believed that capitalism would unify the Austrian empire primarily by bringing about a pan-Habsburg middle class, which would marginalise the potentially centrifugal effects of different nationalities. Indeed, this would have meant the end of the Monarchy as an empire, since coercion would have been rendered unnecessary in maintaining it. Eventual (partial) convergence in development was conceived as a result of both the capitalist system and the civilizing mission of the Austrian state and German population. The paper argues that the universalising discourse of the 1850s was not matched with a corresponding political organisation that could have resulted in 'moral and intellectual leadership' (Gramsci). The political changes in the 1860s better corresponded to the form of sociality referred to in the discourse of the Austrian civilising mission, however, the discourse itself relied more heavily on Germans as bearers of civilisation while the political system remained highly centralised. The paper demonstrates that the civilising discourse was rejected both in Hungary and Croatia, where the Austrian state was deemed too centralised and authoritarian as well as incapable of developing the periphery. hegemony, passive revolution, uneven development, civilising mission, periphery, Austria, Hungary, Croatia ; This paper examines the ideology of the Austrian passive revolution (the introduction and extension of capitalist social relations from above) in the mid-nineteenth century and reactions to it in Hungary and Croatia. Austrian ideologues of the time believed that capitalism would unify the Austrian empire primarily by bringing about a pan-Habsburg middle class, which would marginalise the potentially centrifugal effects of different nationalities. Indeed, this would have meant the end of the Monarchy as an empire, since coercion would have been rendered unnecessary in maintaining it. Eventual (partial) convergence in development was conceived as a result of both the capitalist system and the civilizing mission of the Austrian state and German population. The paper argues that the universalising discourse of the 1850s was not matched with a corresponding political organisation that could have resulted in 'moral and intellectual leadership' (Gramsci). The political changes in the 1860s better corresponded to the form of sociality referred to in the discourse of the Austrian civilising mission, however, the discourse itself relied more heavily on Germans as bearers of civilisation while the political system remained highly centralised. The paper demonstrates that the civilising discourse was rejected both in Hungary and Croatia, where the Austrian state was deemed too centralised and authoritarian as well as incapable of developing the periphery.
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In: Beiträge zur Geschichte des Parlamentarismus und der politischen Parteien 119
In: Beiträge zur Geschichte des Parlamentarismus und der politischen Parteien 119
In: utb 1849
In: Sprachwissenschaft
In: UTB 1849
In: utb-studi-e-book
Menschen sind in der Lage, wahrnehmbare Ereignisse zu interpretieren und die Interpretationsfähigkeit ihrer Mitmenschen zum Zwecke des Kommunizierens auszubeuten. Sie verfügen über semiotische Kompetenz. Konventionelle sprachliche Zeichen sind nicht Voraussetzung erfolgreicher kommunikativer Bemühungen, sondern deren ungeplante Konsequenz. Kellers unverändert aktuelle Theorie zeigt, wie durch die kommunikative Nutzung semiotischen Wissens sprachliche Zeichen entstehen, wie sie funktionieren und wie sie sich verändern.Über das Buch:"Rudi Kellers Buch ist sehr inhaltsreich und anregend. Für Seminare stellt es eine sehr gute Diskussionsgrundlage dar." – Linguistische Berichte 167 (1997)