Suchergebnisse

Die Studie konstruiert neue Reihen der Nominallöhne in Industrie und Handwerk sowie einen neuen Konsumgüterpreisindexes für den Zeitraum 1850-1889; der Koeffizient der beiden Reihen ergibt den Reallohn. Während ab den späten 1880er Jahren derartige Informationen durch staatliche Stellen gesammelt und publiziert wurden, gehören bereits die Jahrzehnte davor zum vorstatistischen Zeitalter. Immerhin liegen Angaben von städtischen Behörden, von Zweigen der territorialstaatlichen Behörden und von einzelnen Unternehmen vor.
Für die Konstruktion einer neuen Nominallohnreihe geht die gegenwärtige Studie zum Material von Kuczynski (1961/62) zurück, ergänzt dieses um Informationen aus Einzelstudien der letzten 50 Jahre und konstruiert auf dieser Basis mittels unbalancierter Panelregression mit fixen Effekten Lohnindizes für die Branchen Schwere Eisenwaren, Maschinenbau, Bergbau, Druckereigewerbe und das städtische Baugewerbe. Von den diesen Branchenindizes zugrundeliegenden total 38 einzelnen Lohnreihen stammen 27 von Kuczynski, der Rest aus neueren Studien. Löhne in der Textilbranche werden durch diejenigen in der Baumwollindustrie abgebildet. Die Studie nutzt hierfür die von Kirchhain (1977) publizierte Lohnreihe. Gewichtet nach Beschäftigtenzahlen werden alle diese branchenspezifischen Reihen (ohne die Löhne der Bergarbeiter) zu einem Fisher-Index des Nominallohns in Industrie und Handwerk aggregiert. Sowohl dieser Index als auch die Indizes auf Branchenebene werden in den Jahren 1888/89 mit den Reihen von Hoffmann (1965) verkettet; die resultierenden Werte bezeichnen Jahresverdienste in Mark. Die Branchen-Indizes weichen trotz der Erweiterung der Datenbasis und der anderen Methodik der Indexkonstruktion wenig von denjenigen von Kuczynski und Hoffmann ab, aber der aggregierte Index weist eine stärkere Wachstumsrate auf als derjenige von Kuczynski; der letztere Index ist offensichtlich fehlerhaft (Pfister 2018, 576).
Der Konsumgüterpreisindex basiert auf fünf Unterindizes für (1) Nahrungsmittel, (2) Getränke und Genussmittel, (3) Miete, (4) Möbel, Hausrat und Heizung sowie (5) Bekleidung. Die Unterindizes für Nahrungsmittel und Miete sind neu, die übrigen drei stammen aus Hoffmann (1965). Gewichte werden für 1848/49 und 1889 auf der Basis der Forschungsliteratur festgelegt, Werte dazwischen werden linear interpoliert. Sowohl der Unterindex der Nahrungsmittelpreise als auch der Gesamtindex werden als Fisher-Indizes konstruiert.
Sowohl der Mietindex als auch die Nahrungsmittelpreise steigen langfristig stärker an als die beiden entsprechenden Indizes von Hoffmann (Pfister 2018, 578 und 582). Hoffmann konstruiert den Mietpreisindex nur indirekt mittels der Multiplikation des geschätzten Gebäudekapitals mit einem angenommenen Zinssatz. Der Mietindex der gegenwärtigen Studie basiert auf Angaben aus drei Großstädten. Nur wenn angenommen wird, dass Großstädte für den gesamten Immobilienmarkt völlig unrepräsentativ sind, sollte Hoffmanns Reihe noch beachtet werden.
Im Fall der Nahrungsmittelpreise resultiert die vergleichsweise stärkere langfristige Zunahme aus dem im Vergleich zur bisherigen Forschung höheren Gewicht von Preisen aus den südlichen, meeresfernen Teilen des Landes im neuen Teilindex. Hier entfaltete der preisdämpfende Effekt der wachsenden Importe amerikanischen Getreides eine schwächere Wirkung als in den küstennahen Gebieten im Norden. Ein Hauptergebnis der Studie ist somit, dass die Einschätzung der Entwicklung des Lebensstandards der städtischen Arbeiterschaft von den 1850er bis 1880er Jahren stark davon abhängt, wie man den Effekt der ersten Welle der modernen Globalisierung auf das deutsche Preisgefüge bestimmt. Die stärkere Berücksichtigung von Nahrungsmittelpreisen in meeresfernen Gebieten in dieser Studie hat eine im Vergleich zu einem Teil der bisherigen Forschung pessimistischere Sicht auf die Entwicklung des Reallohns in dieser Zeit zur Folge.


Zu den Daten:


1. Einzelne Lohnreihen (Tabellensatz A.01)
Dieser Satz von Tabellen enthält Lohnreihen aus sechs Branchen auf der Ebene von Regionen, Städten, einzelnen Unternehmen und in einem Fall (Baumwollindustrie) einer ganzen Branche. Es wurden nur Reihen berücksichtigt, die für mindestens 15 Jahre Angaben enthalten. Im Einzelnen handelt es sich um folgende Reihen:

Schwere Eisenwaren
Bochum 1869-1889: Durchschnittliche Jahreseinkommen der Arbeiter des Bochumer Vereins (Stahlwerk) in Mark; Däbritz (1934, Anhang Tabelle 4).
Essen 1848-1889: Durchschnittliche Jahreseinkommen der Arbeiter der Kruppwerke in Mark; Kuczynksi (1961-62, Bd. I, 377, Bd. II, 227, Bd. III, 426).
Ruhr 1855-1889: Durchschnittliche Jahreseinkommen der Arbeiter an den Hochöfen im Ruhrrevier in Mark; Banken (2000, Tabelle A59).
Saar 1869-1889: Tagelohn der Arbeiter an den Hochöfen der Burbacher Hütte in Mark; Kuczynksi (1961-62, Bd. III, 426).
Schlesien 1869-1889: Durchschnittliche Jahreseinkommen der Arbeiter an den Hochöfen in Schlesien in Mark; Banken (2000, Tabelle A59).

Maschinenbau
Augsburg 1851-1889: Durchschnittliche Jahreseinkommen der Arbeiter der Maschinenfabrik Augsburg in Mark; Bd. II, 227; Kuczynski (1961-62, Bd. III, 426).
Chemnitz 1860-1887: Wochenlohn von Maschinenschlossern in Mark; Kuczynski (1961-62, Bd. II, 227; Bd. III, 426).
Esslingen 1848-1889: Durchschnittliche Jahreseinkommen der Arbeiter der Maschinenfabrik Esslingen in Mark; Schomerus (1977, 296 f.).
Hannover 1875-1889: Wochenlohn der Hannoverschen Maschinenbau AG in Mark; Kuczynksi (1961-62, Bd. II, 227; Bd. III, 426).
München 1867-1889: Durchschnittliche Jahreseinkommen der Arbeiter der Lokomotivfabrik München in Mark; Kuczynski (1961-62, Bd. II, 227; Bd. III, 426).
Nürnberg 1851-1889: Durchschnittliche Jahreseinkommen der Arbeiter der Eisengießerei und Maschinenfabrik Klett in Mark (später MAN); Gömmel (1978, 204 f.).
Stettin 1870-1887: Tagelohn der Arbeiter des Vulkanwerkes (Schiffswerft, Maschinenbau). Die Angaben für das Jahreseinkommen von 1882 bis 1887 wurde durch 300 dividiert um den Tageslohn zu ermitteln; Kuczynski (1961-62, Bd. II, 227; Bd. III, 426).

Bergbau
Aachen 1818-1884 (Steinkohle): Löhne der Bergbauarbeiter pro Schicht im Bergbaurevier Aachen in Mark. Der Wert von 1889 ist ein Ausreißer und wurde nicht in die Analyse einbezogen; Kuczynski (1961-62, Bd. I, 373-4; Bd. II, 223; Bd. III, 419).
Dortmund 1818-1889 (Steinkohle): Durchschnittliches Jahresnettoeinkommen der Bergleute im Bergbaugebiet Dortmund in Mark; bis 1833 Kuczynski (1961-62, Bd. I, 373-4), ab 1850 Holtfrerich (1973, 54-56).
Mansfeld 1818-1884 (Kupfer): Lohn der Bergleute pro Schicht in der Umgebung von Mansfeld (Harz) in Mark. Werte von 1874-1884 beziehen sich auf die Durchschnitte der Löhne im Oberrevier und Niederrevier; Kuczynski (1961-62, Bd. I, 373–4; Bd. II, 223; Bd. III, 419).
Niederrhein (links des Rheins; Eisen) 1818-1884: Bergarbeiterlöhne pro Schicht im linksrheinischen Eisenbergbau in Mark; Kuczynski (1961-62, Bd. I, 373–4; Bd. II, 223; Bd. III, 419).
Saar 1824-1889 (Steinkohle): Jahreslohn der Untertagearbeiter in preußischen Staatsbergwerken in Mark nach Müller (1904); übernommen aus Banken (2000, Bd. I, 139; Bd. II, 103–5, Anhang Tabelle A15).
Sachsen 1869-1885 (Steinkohle): Durchschnittlicher Jahresverdienst der Arbeiter, die im Bergbau und in der Kohleförderung in den Staatsbergwerken von Zauckerode tätig sind, in Mark; Böhmert (1885, 202).

Druckereigewerbe
Alle Reihen stammen aus Kuczynski (1961-62, Bd. I, 376; Bd. II, 225; Bd. III, 42). Bis 1872 beziehen sie sich auf Mark pro 1000 gesetzte Buchstaben, ab 1872 auf Wochenlöhne in Mark. Angaben liegen zu folgenden Städten und Zeiträumen vor: Berlin 1830-1889, Halle 1830-1872, Hamburg 1872-1886, Hannover 1872-1889, Kassel 1848-1872, Leipzig 1830-1889, München 1848-1889 und Stuttgart 1830-1889.

Textilgewerbe (Baumwollindustrie)
Jahresverdienst in der Baumwollindustrie in Mark; Kirchhain (1977, 158-160). Daten für 1815-59 beziehen sich auf die Verdienste der Spinner in zentralen Werkstätten und Fabriken. Die Werte für 1860-89 sind der gewichtete Mittelwert der durchschnittlichen Jahresverdienste von Spinnern und Webern in zentralen Werkstätten und Fabriken. Die Zahlen für die zweite Teilperiode werden durch die relativen Beschäftigungsanteile von Spinnern und Webern gewichtet; die Beschäftigungsanteile zwischen den Volkszählungsjahren werden durch lineare Interpolation bestimmt. Die resultierende Reihe wird mit den Löhnen in der gesamten Textilbranche 1888/89 kalibriert (Hoffmann 1965, Tabelle II/108, 468-471; vgl. GESIS ZA8257, Tabelle 02).

Städtisches Bauhandwerk
Soweit die Quelle nicht ausdrücklich vermerkt wird, stammen die Angaben aus Kuczynski (1961-62, Bd. I, 375; Bd. II, 224; Bd. III, 420-422).
Berlin 1868-1889: 1868–9: Tagelohn der Zimmerleute in Mark mal 6; 1870-89: Lohn der Maurer in Mark pro Woche.
Bochum 1871-1885: Lohn der Zimmerleute in Mark pro Woche.
Braunschweig 1840-1877: Lohn der gelernten Bauarbeiter in Gramm Silber pro Woche; Schildt (1986, 383).
Chemnitz 1841-1885: Lohn der Maurer in Mark pro Woche. Die Werte in den Jahren 1841-1850 beziehen sich auf die Tagelöhne der Gesellen und werden mit 6 multipliziert; bis 1850 Strauß (1962-64, Teil 1962(4), 159-161), 1860-1885 Kuczynski (1961-62, Bd. II, 224; Bd. III, 420-422).
Gelsenkirchen 1871-1885: Lohn der Maurer in Mark pro Woche.
Glauchau 1865-1885: Lohn der Maurer in Mark pro Woche.
Hamburg 1840-1889: Tagelohn der Zimmerleute in Mark.
Leipzig 1840-1860: Tagelohn der Zimmerleute während des Sommers in Gramm Silber. Die lineare Beziehung zwischen den Löhnen der Zimmerleute und den Löhnen der Maurer von 1795-1860 dient der Extrapolation der Werte in den Jahren 1853 und 1859; Pfister (2017, Online-Anhänge S1 und S4).
Nürnberg 1840-1889: Jahresverdienst der Bauarbeiter in Mark; Gömmel (1978: 204 f.).
Rheinland 1856-1870: Lohn der Maurer am Niederrhein in Dollar [sic] pro zwei Wochen.
Rostock 1840-1885: Lohn der Zimmerleute und Maurer in Mark pro Woche (Werte für Zimmerleute und Maurer sind identisch).


2. Indizes der Nominallöhne für einzelne Branchen bzw. in Industrie und Handwerk (Tabellensatz A.03)
Auf der Basis der beschriebenen Lohnreihen wurden Nominallohnindizes für die jeweiligen Branchen konstruiert. Da sich die einzelnen Reihen über verschiedene Zeiträume erstrecken und fehlende Werte aufweisen, wird als Verfahren eine unbalancierte Panelregression mit fixen Effekten für Jahre und Orte gewählt (Pfister 2018, 572 f.). Die fixen Effekte für Orte berücksichtigen dabei auch, dass sich Löhne selbst innerhalb derselben Branche bisweilen auf unterschiedliche Währungseinheiten (Mark, Gramm Silber) und Perioden beziehen (Tagelohn, Wochenlohn, Jahreslohn). Mit Ausnahme der Regression für den Maschinenbau leiden die Fehlervarianzen der OLS-Schätzung unter Heteroskedastizität. Feasible GLS mit der Gruppierung der Fehlervarianzen alternativ nach Orten und Jahren diente der Abklärung der Sensitivität der mit OLS erzielten Ergebnisse im Hinblick auf Heteroskedastizität der Fehlervarianzen (Pfister 2018, 573-575). Die Unterschiede zwischen den mit feasible GLS und OLS geschätzten Lohnindizes auf Branchenebene sind gering und beschränken sich vor allem auf die 1870er Jahre. Heteroskedastizität kommt vor allem dadurch zustande, dass sich die Krise der 1870er Jahre in den einzelnen Regionen unterschiedlich stark auf die Löhne auswirkte. Die Studie stützt sich im Weiteren auf die OLS-Schätzungen, aber Tabelle A.03.01 enthält zusätzlich die mit feasible GLS geschätzten Reihen, bei der die Fehlervarianzen nach Städten gruppiert werden (ohne Maschinenbau).
Alle Branchenindizes werden 1888/89 mit den entsprechenden Reihen in Hoffmann (1965, Tabelle II/104, 461; Tabelle II/108, 468-471; vgl. GESIS ZA8257, Tabellen 01 und 02) verkettet, so dass die Wertangaben in Mark pro Jahr erfolgen. Im Einzelnen wurden folgende neuen Branchenindizes konstruiert:
- Schwere Eisenwaren/eisenschaffende Industrie 1848-1889. Weil die Angaben vor 1868 im Wesentlichen auf die Löhne der Kruppwerke in Essen beschränkt sind, bezieht sich die GLS-Schätzung nur auf die Periode 1868-1889. Für frühere Jahre werden die auf Basis der OLS geschätzten Werte 1868 mit dieser Reihe verkettet.
- Maschinenbau 1848-1889.
- Bergbau 1818-1889.
- Druckereigewerbe 1830-1889. Wie erwähnt beziehen sich die Löhne bis 1872 auf Mark pro 1000 gesetzte Buchstaben, ab 1872 dann auf Mark pro Woche. Deshalb wurden für die zwei Subperioden getrennte Indizes geschätzt und die beiden Reihen dann 1872 miteinander verkettet.
- Baumhandwerk 1840-1889.
Für den Zeitraum 1848-1889 wurden die Branchenindizes für Schwere Eisenwaren, Maschinenbau, Druckereigewerbe, Bauhandwerk und Textilgewerbe zu einem Nominallohnindex für Industrie und Handwerk zusammengefasst (Tabelle A.03.02). Er wird als verketteter Fisher-Index konstruiert, bei dem die Gewichte jedes Jahr neu angepasst werden. Die Gewichte ergeben sich aus den Beschäftigtenzahlen der berücksichtigten Branchen (Hoffmann 1965, Tabelle II/15, 196-199). Die vor 1875 häufig fehlenden Werte werden durch lineare Interpolation ersetzt. Die resultierende Reihe wird 1888/89 mit dem Nominallohn in Industrie und Handwerk von Hoffmann (1965, Tabelle II/108, 468-471) verkettet, so dass die Werte in Mark pro Jahr vorliegen.


3. Konsumgüterpreise (Tabellensatz A.02)
Die Studie entwickelt neue Indizes für Mietausgaben und für Nahrungsmittelpreise und konstruiert einen Index der Konsumgüterpreise für den Zeitraum 1850-1889.

Index der Mietausgaben (1871=100)
Basis sind Angaben zu Stichjahren für folgende Städte:
- Berlin 1846, 1855, 1864, 1871, 1881, 1887-1889; Kuczynski (1961-62, Bd. I, 381; Bd. II, 231; Bd. III, 437).
- Hamburg 1840, 1850, 1860, 1870, 1875; Kuczynski (1961-62, Bd. II, 232).
- Nürnberg: 1849, 1857, 1874, 1883, 1889; Gömmel (1974, 216-220).
Für Nürnberg hat Gömmel bereits eine jährliche Reihe entwickelt; für Berlin und Hamburg werden die Werte zwischen Stichjahren mit dem exponentiellen Trend interpoliert. Ein Gesamtindex der Mietausgaben wird durch geometrische Mittel der drei Reihen gebildet (Pfister 2018, 577 f.).

Index der Nahrungsmittelpreise (1871=100)
Der Index basiert auf drei Unterindizes für das Königreich Preußen und die beiden Städte München und Nürnberg (1848-1889; Tabelle A.02.03).
- Preußen: Preise für sechs Grundnahrungsmittel auf 81 (bis 1866) beziehungsweise 101 Märkten; Daten aus Zeitschrift (1907, 84-86), bezogen aus GESIS ZA8302.
- München und Nürnberg: Angaben der städtischen Behörden zu den Preisen von elf Grundnahrungsmitteln; Daten aus Mittheilungen (1894, 380); Gömmel (1978, 216-220).
Die Bestimmung der Gewichte der Preise der einzelnen Produkte basiert auf vermuteten Ausgabestrukturen in den Jahren 1849 und 1889 (Pfister 2018, 580). Ausgehend von diesen Eckwerten werden die Ausgabenanteile für die dazwischen liegenden Jahre linear interpoliert. Auf dieser Grundlage werden die drei Indizes für Preußen, München und Nürnberg als Fisher-Indizes mit jährlich angepassten Gewichten konstruiert (Pfister 2018, 582). Der nationale Preisindex für Nahrungsmittel ergibt sich als gewichtetes geometrisches Mittel der drei Unterindizes, wobei derjenige für Preußen mit 0,6 und diejenigen für die beiden Städte mit je 0,2 gewichtet werden. Diese Gewichte orientieren sich am Anteil Preußens an der deutschen Bevölkerung (nach 1866).

Index der Konsumgüterpreise (1871=100)
Der Konsumgüterpreisindex basiert auf fünf Unterindizes für (1) Nahrungsmittel, (2) Getränke und Genussmittel, (3) Miete, (4) Möbel, Hausrat und Heizung sowie (5) Bekleidung. Diejenigen für Nahrungsmittel und Miete sind die oben beschriebenen neuen Reihen, die übrigen drei stammen aus Hoffmann (1965, Tabelle II/148, 598-601; Daten entnommen aus: GESIS histat Datenfile ZA8254, Tabelle 11).
Die Gewichte orientieren sich zunächst an den Ausgabenanteilen, die für Nürnberger Haushalte in den Stichjahren 1849, 1857, 1883 und 1899 berichtet werden (Gömmel 1978, 211). Sie werden aber nach der von Saalfeld (1984, 238) für ca. 1847 vermuteten und der von Fischer (2011, 328 f.) für die Zeit um 1900 auf der Basis von Budgetstudien für die Arbeiterschaft festgestellten Ausgabenstruktur verändert (Pfister 2018, 579 f.). Werte zwischen den Stichjahren werden durch lineare Interpolation gewonnen; das Ergebnis findet sich in Tabelle A.02.01.
Auf der Grundlage dieser Gewichte und der Unterindizes in Tabelle A.02.02 wird ein Fisher-Index der Konsumgüterpreise gebildet (Tabelle A.03.02).


Folgende Datenreihen sind in der vorliegenden Studie enthalten:

A.01 Einzelne Lohnreihen
A.01.01: Einzelne Lohnreihen (in Mark) - Schwere Eisenwaren, 1848-1889
A.01.02: Einzelne Lohnreihen (in Mark) - Maschinenbau, 1848-1889
A.01.03: Einzelne Lohnreihen (in Mark) - Bergbau, 1818-1889
A.01.04a: Einzelne Lohnreihen (in Mark) - Druckereigewerbe: pro 1000 Buchstaben, 1830-1872
A.01.04b: Einzelne Lohnreihen (in Mark) - Druckereigewerbe: Wochenlohn, 1872-1889
A.01.05: Einzelne Lohnreihen (in Mark) - Textilgewerbe (Baumwollverarbeitung), 1815-1889
A.01.06: Einzelne Lohnreihen - Bauhandwerk, 1840-1889

A.02 Preisindizes
A.02.01: Preisindizes - Gewichte, 1848-1889
A.02.02: Preisindizes - Konsumgüterkategorien (1871=100), 1848-1889
A.02.03: Preisindizes - Nahrungsmittelpreisindex (1871=100), 1848-1889

A.03 Aggregierte Indizes, Reallohn
A.03.01 Aggregierte Indizes: Nominallöhne nach Branchen (OLS-Schätzung, Schätzung auf ´feasible GLS´-Basis), 1818-1889
A.03.02 Aggregierte Indizes: Nominallöhne und Reallöhne in Industrie und Handwerk, Konsumgüterpreisindex, 1848-1889


Hinweis:
Studien, die mit dieser Studie in engem Zusammenhang stehen, sind:

ZA8636: Pfister, U., Nominallöhne und Konsumgüterpreise in 18 deutschen Städten, 1500-1850.
ZA8709: Pfister, U., Lohnungleichheit in Deutschland vom späten 15. Jh. bis 1889.

Gegenstand der Studie sind die Veränderungen der regionalen Struktur des deutschen Außenhandels und deren Ursachen in der Zeit von 1880 bis 1938. Dabei wird die regionale Entwicklung der Ein- und Ausfuhr nach Erdteilen, Regionen und Ländern für die wichtigsten deutschen Handelspartner dargestellt. Anschließen wird die regionale Entwicklung und der Verlauf der Warenströme aller wichtigen Ein- und Ausfuhrerzeugnisse untersucht. Der deutsche Außenhandel wird somit zum einen warenspezifisch und zum anderen bezogen auf die Länder betrachtet.
Für seine Analyse hat der Autor die Daten aller wichtigen Warengruppen detailliert ermittelt und deren Inhalt für den Untersuchungszeitraum einheitlich definiert und somit vergleichbar gemacht.

Zur Methodik

a) Definition und Aufgabenstellung:
Als Strukturwandlungen werden folgende Prozesse betrachtet:
- Grundlegende Verschiebungen in der Zusammensetzung der Außenhandelspartner, sowie
- bedeutsame und nachhaltige Richtungs- oder Volumenveränderungen wichtiger Waren und Warengruppen, die den Handel mit Ländern oder Regionen beeinflussen.
Der Begriff Region bezeichnet hierbei Großräume bzw. Kontinente. Einzelne Länder werden als politische Einheiten betrachtet.

b) Zeitliche Abgrenzung:
Untersuchungszeitraum ist 1880 bis 1938. Die statistischen Angaben für die Kriegsjahre 1914-1918 und 1939 sowie für die Nachkriegsjahre 1919-1924 sind nicht in die Analyse einbezogen worden, da die Werte entweder nicht erfasst wurden oder durch die Zeitumstände sowie der Inflation sehr unvollständig oder unzuverlässig sind.

c) Gebietsveränderungen:
Die Zahlen der deutschen Handelsstatistik beziehen sich von 1880 bis Februar 1906 auf das deutsche Zollgebiet, welches ab 1872 das Gebiet des Deutschen Zollvereins umfaßte, bestehend aus den 26 Bundesstaaten, dem Großherzogtum Luxemburg und den österreichischen Gemeinden Jungholz und Mittelberg. Nicht dazu gehörten die Freihafengebiete von Hamburg, Bremerhaven und Geestermünde, Helgoland, Teile der hamburgischen Gemeinde, Cuxhaven und einige badische Landgemeinden.
Ab 1. März 1906 umfaßte die deutsche Handelsstatistik den auswärtigen Warenverkehr des gesamten deutschen Wirtschaftsgebietes. Dieses bestand bis zum Versailler Vertrag aus dem deutschen Reichsgebiet einschließlich des Großherzogtums Luxemburg und den beiden österreichischen Gemeinden Jungholz und Mittelberg. Nicht dazu gehörten Helgoland und die badischen Zollausschlüsse.
Ab 1920 weist die amtliche Handelsstatistik die Werte des auswärtigen Handels für das Deutsche Reich in seinen neuen Grenzen aus. Das heißt, die Gebiete Elsaß-Lothringen, die Freie Stadt Danzig, Teile der preußischen Provinzen Ostpreußen, Westpreußen, Brandenburg, Pommern, Schlesien, Posen, Schleswig-Holstein, die Rheinprovinz, das Gebiet des Großherzogtums Luxemburg sowie für die Jahre 1919 bis 1935 das Saarland gehören nicht mehr zum deutschen Wirtschaftsgebiet.
Die Erweiterung des deutschen Reichsgebietes durch die in den Jahren 1938 und 1939 erfolgten Annektion Österreichs, des Sudetenlandes, der Gebiete Böhmen und Mähren sowie des Memellandes bleiben unberücksichtigt, weil daraus abzuleitende Einflüsse auf den auswärtigen Handel über den untersuchten Zeitraum der Studie hinausgehen.

Im Rahmen der Analyse werden die in den Veröffentlichungen des Statistischen Reichsamtes diesen verschieden großen Gebieten zugeordneten Ein- und Ausfuhrwerte miteinander verglichen. Bei dem Gegenüberstellen der Werte vor 1914 und der Werte nach dem ersten Weltkrieg muß berücksichtigt werden, das insbesondere der Verlust der großen Agrargebiete Ostdeutschlands den direkten Vergleich in seinem Aussagewert einschränkt. Andererseits machen gerade solche Veränderungen den Wandel der Außenhandelsstruktur deutlich. So wird offensichtlich, wie die Abtrennung großer landwirtschaflich genutzer Flächen die Einfuhrabhängigkeit Deutschlands z.B. auf dem Nahrungssektor erhöhte und andererseits die vorhandenen Ausfuhrchancen bei Agrarprodukten stark beschnitten wurden.

Der Autor hat die in der offiziellen Statistik des Deutschen Reichs für den auswärtigen Warenverkehr ausgewisenen Zahlen verwendet. Die Gebietsveränderungen des Deutschen Reichs im Verlauf des Untersuchungszeitraumes für die Analyse im wesentlichen unberücksichtigt bleiben. Die territorialen veränderungen bei deutschen Handelspartnern bleiben insoweit unberücksichtigt, als für diese Länder ebenfalls die offiziellen Zahlen verwendet wurden.

d) Systematik der Warengruppen, statistische Grundlagen:
Die in den Veröffentlichungen der Statistik des Deutschen Reiches publizierten Werte des deutschen Handels haben den Nachteil, daß sie hinsichtlich des Inhalts nicht definiert sind. Soweit es sich um Werteangaben nur für eine Ware (z.B. Roggen, Kupfer, etc.) handelt, stellt dies kein Problem dar. Sobald die Werte Warengruppen, wie z.B. Nahrungsmittel, Textilien, Eisenwaren, etc. beschreiben, ist die Verwendung für die Langzeitbetrachtung nicht ohne Weiteres möglich, da sich die Systematik der Erfassung einzelner Waren zu einer Warengruppe über die Zeit sechsmal verändert hat.
Die Gliederung der Warenpositionen nach Anzahl, Inhalt und Zusammenfassung sowie das Länderverzeichnis in der deutschen Außenhandelsstatistik hat sich in diesem Zeitraum von rund 60 Jahren ebenfalls verändert.
Damit die Werte des Außenhandels überhaupt über die Zeit analyisiert werden konnten, musste der Autor Warengruppen sowie die Gliederung der Außenhandelsstatistik für seine Analysezwecke überarbeiten und vergleichbar machen.

Weitere auf die Genauigkeit der Analyse Einfluß nehmende Gegebenheiten

Nach der Gründung des Deutschen Reiches 1871 wurden die Grundlagen der Statistik und damit auch der Handelsstatistik einer amtlichen Ordnung unterstellt. Es wurde die Statistik des Warenverkehrs erstmals durch ein Statistischen Warenverzeichnis geordnet, indem die einzelnen Warenpositionen der Ein- und Ausfuhr vervollständigt, systematisch aufgeführt und numeriert wurden. In den darauffolgenden Jahren erführ das Warenverzeichnis mehrfach eine Erweiterung, seine Warenpositionen wurden zu unterschiedlichen Gruppen und Untergruppen zusammengefaßt. Allein die Anzahl der Warenpositionen änderte sich wie folgt:
1872 bis 1879: 398 Warenpositionen (d.h. einzelne Waren)
1880 bis 1885: 608 Warenpositionen
1886 bis 1887: 913 Warenpositionen
1888 bis 1895: 933 Warenpositionen
1896 bis Feb. 1906: 925 Warenpositionen
März 1906 bis 1936: 946 Warenpositionen
1937 bis 1939: 964 Warenpositionen

Vor allem die erfassten Werte der offiziellen Statistik für die Zeit bis 1879 sind besonders unsicher: Für die Ein- und Ausfuhr wurde nur nach Warengattungen veröffentlicht; Angaben über den Handel mit anderen Ländern gibt es nicht; es bestand keine Deklarationspflicht, so daß vor allem die Ausfuhrzahlen unvollständig sind.
Mit der Einführung des 'Reichsgesetzes über Statistik des Warenverkehres des deutschen Zollgebietes mit dem Ausland' (also noch nicht für das Gebiet des Deutschen Reiches) 1880 wurde der auswärtige Handel nach Mengen und Werten der Warengattungen ausgewiesen und auch für den Verkehr mit den einzelnen Ländern, nach Herkunft und Bestimmung unterschieden. Es wurde eine allgemeine Deklarationspflicht für alle Waren eingeführt, die über die Grenzen des deutschen Zollgebietes ein-, aus- oder durchgeführt wurden. Allerdings lag in der Werteermittlung noch ein großer Unsicherheitsfaktor, da die Werte der ein- und ausgeführten Waren auf der jährlichen Schätzung von Durchschnittspreisen beruhten, die von einer Sachverständigenkommission auf der Basis von Jahresdurchschnittspreisen für die einzelnen Warengattungen durchgeführt wurden.

1889 erfolgte der Beitritt der Hansestädte Hamburg und Bremen zum Zollverein, so daß das deutsche Zollgebiet mit dem Gebiet des Deutschen Reiches weitestgehend indetisch ist.
Vor 1889 wurde die Aufteilung des deutschen Außenhandels auf die einzelnen Handelspartner durch die Absonderung der Hansestädte in der Statistik verzerrt dargestellt:
es wurde ein Großteil der Ausfuhren des deutschen Zollgebietes in die beiden Hansestädte nicht dort verbraucht, sondern von dort aus weiter verkauft. Dadurch ergab sich eine Unterschätzung der deutschen Ausfuhren.

Weitere Ungenauigkeiten der statistischen Erfassung des Warenverkehrs des deutschen Zollgebietes mit dem Ausland in den 1880er Jahren ergab sich aus dem Ablauf des Speditionsbetriebs. Sehr häufig wurden Länder als Herkunfts- bzw. Bestimmungsländer genannt, in denen die Waren lediglich umspeditiert wurden. Das betrifft vor allem englische, niederländische und belgische Häfen. Diese fehlerhafte Deklaration hat sich bei den englischen Häfen vor allem verzerrend auf die Ausfuhrzahlen, bei den niederländischen und belgischen Häfen vor allem verzerrend auf die Einfuhrzahlen ausgewirkt.

Eine weitere Fehlerquelle ergab sich für die Jahre 1880 bis 1899 aus der zum Teil unterschiedlichen bzw. fehlerhaften statistischen Angabe der Ein- und Ausfuhr bei einigen Ländern. Die daraus resultierenden Fehler bewegen sich nach Schätzungen des Verfassers in Einzelfällen zwischhen 0,3% und 0,9% der jeweiligen Gesamtein- bzw. –ausfuhr der betroffenen Länder. Die Ursache solcher Fehler liegt in Zuordnungs- und Additionsfehler der amtlichen Statistik in den Anfangsjahren der Einführung der offiziellen Länderstatistik. Diese Fehler wurden dann jeweils nur bei den Endzahlen der Ein- oder Ausfuhr berichtigt, ohne dabei die notwendigen Einzelangaben der betroffenen Länder zu berichtigen.
Im Verlauf des untersuchten Zeitraums veränderte sich mehrfach die Gliederung der Länder bzw. der Ländergruppen nach Zahl und Inhalt. Mit der Ausdehnung der Handelsvolumina wurde auch die Ländergliederung verfeinert bzw. die Anzahl der ausgewiesenen Länder mehrfach erweitert. Sie wuchs von anfänglich 40 in 1880 bis auf 108 ab 1936 an und änderte sich während dieses Zeitraums in der offiziellen Statistik sieben mal. Der Verfasser der Studie hat daher ein eigenes Schema für die Zuordnung der Länder zu Ländergruppen oder Regionen entwickeln müssen:

Für Europa:
Dänemark, Norwegen, Schweden, Finnland = Nordeuropa
Niederlande, Belgien/Luxemburg, Großbritannien, Frankreich, Schweiz = Westeuropa
Jugoslawien, Ungarn, Rumänien, Bulgarien, Albanien, Griechhenland, europ. und asiat. Türkei = Südosteuropa
Portugal, Spanien, Italien = Südeuropa
Polen, Tschechoslowakei, Rußland, Baltische Staaten = Osteuropa
Österreich-Ungarn

Für Amerika:
Kanada, Vereinigte Staaten von Amerika = Nordamerika
Mexiko, Costarica, Duba, Domin. Rebpublik, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Haiti, El Salvador = Zentralamerika
Agrentinien, Braisilien, Chile = Südamerika

Übrige südamerikanische Länder:
Bolivien, Columbien, Equador, Paraguay, Uruguay, Venezuela

Ägypten, übriges Afrika = Afrika
China, Japan, übriges Asien == Asien

Australien und Ozeanien


Weitere Veränderungen in der amtlichen Statistik

1906 wurde das Reichsgesetz über die Statistik des Warenverkehrs mit dem Ausland erlassen und mit ihm die deutsche Außenhandelsstatistik grundsätzlich reorganisiert. Diese lehnte sich eng an den gültigen Zolltarif an, wurde auf 946 Warenpositionen erweitert und wies diese nach Gattung, Menge, Wert sowie Herkunfts- und Bestimmungsländern aus. Es wurden vermehrt die Angaben der Exporteure in die Statistik aufgenommen, was den Umfang der geschätzten Werte in der Statistik verringerte. Der Gültigkeitsbereich der Statistik wurde vom deutschen Zollgebiet auf das deutsche Wirtschaftsgebiet umgestellt. Bis 1906 war hinsichtlich der ausgewiesenen Länder maßgebend, welche Länder Einkaufs- und welche Länder Verkaufsländer waren. Ab März 1906 wurden die Herkunfts- und Bestimmungsländer der ein- und ausgeführten Waren erfasst, d.h. die Herstellungs- und die Verbrauchsländer. Ab 1911 wurde gesetzlich verankert, dass die Exporteure für sämtliche Waren Wertangaben anzugeben haben. 1928 wurdenn mit Gesetz über die Statistik des Warenverkehrs auch die Importuere verpflichtet, Wertangaben aller Importe vorzunehmen. In 1936 schließlich erfolgte durch das Statistischhe Reichsamt eine geänderte form der Zusammmenfassung der Warenpositionen zu Warengruppen und –untergruppen.

Für die Darstellung der regionalen Verteilung der Warenströme sind zunächst alle in der jeweiligen Fassungen der Länderstatistik des Deutschen Reiches aufgeführten Länder den fünf Kontinenten zugeordnet worden und so die Anteile an der deutschen Gesamtein- und ausfuhr über den gesamten Untersuchungszeitraum ermittelt worden. Für die Analyse der regionalen Veränderungen der Warenströme der Ein- und Ausfuhr sind für jedes Land ebenfalls die Anteile an den Gesamtgrößen errechnet worden und die Länder – soweit sie nicht allein wichtige deutsch Handelspartner waren – zu Ländergruppen bzw. Regionen zusammengefaßt worden. (siehe Schema der Länderzuordnung)
Die für jedes Land und jede Region errechneten Anteile am jeweiligen Gesamthandel haben sowohl die Veränderungen der Länder und Regionen sichtbar gemacht, als auch deren Bedeutung im Rahmen des Gesamthandels erkennen lassen. Dieser Bedeutung entsprechend sind im Ergebnis einzelne Länder oder auch zu Regionen zusammengefaßte Ländergruppen als die wichtigsten - und die Regionalstruktur jeweils bestimmenden - Handelspartner identifiziert worden. Diese Länder oder Regionen werden zunächst in einem ersten Überblick als die 'wichtigsten Einfuhrländer' und die 'wichtigsten Ausfuhrländer' hinsichtlich der Entwicklung ihrer Anteile und ihres Stellenwerts im Rahmen des Gesamthandels betrachtet und erste Aussagen über Wandlungen der Regionalstruktur gemacht. (S. 13)

Für die Analyse der Warenströme kommen der Warengliederung und der Zuordnung der Warenpositionen der unterschiedlichen statistischen Verzeichnisse eine besondere Bedeutung zu. Als wichtige Waren wurden solche definiert, deren Anteil an der Ein- und Ausfuhr mindestens 3% betrug. Im Einzelfall wurden auch Waren mit einem geringeren Anteil berücksichtigt, wenn ihnen eine besondere Bedeutung für den deutschen Handel zukam, wie z.B. der Kautschuk. Insgesamt hat der Autor die Regionalanalyse für die folgenden 19 Positionen der Einfuhr und 11 Positionen der Ausfuhr druchgeführt:

Einfuhr:
Weizen, Roggen und Gerste, Obst und Südfrüchte, Kaffee, Fleisch und Fleischwaren, Milch – Butter – Käse, Eier, Fett, Textilrohstoffe, Wolle, Baumwolle, Häute und Felle, Holz, Ölfrüchte und Ölsaaten, Kautschuk und Gutta Percha, Mineralöle, Erze, Metalle, Kupfer.

Ausfuhr:
Zucker, Kohlen, Textilien, Leder und Lederwaren, Papier und Papierwaren, Chemische und pharmazeutische Produkte, Glas und Glaswaren, Eisenwaren, Maschinen, elektronische Erzeugnisse, Fahrzeuge.

Grundlage für die Ermittlung der Werte zu diesen Warenpositionen waren die statistischen Warenverzeichnisse der Statistik des Deutschen Reiches in weitgehender Anlehnung an das 'Brüssler Warenverzeichnis' von 1913. Dieses Warenverzeichnis wurde während des Untersuchungszeitraumes mehrfach geändert, was zur Konsequenz hatte, das die Einzelpositionen zu den für die Untersuchung gewählten und in den Statistiken späterer Jahre verwendeten Oberbegriffen zugeordnet werden mussten, um eine über den Untersuchungszeitraum einheitliche und vergleichbare Systematik zu erhalten.

Für eine Reihe von Waren wurden die Zahlenreihen der regionalen Verteilung nicht für die Oberbegriffe (z.B. Nahrungsmittel, Textilrohstoffe) errechnet, sondern für die unter diesen Oberbegriffen ausgewiesenen einzelnen Warengruppen bzw. Produkte (für Nahrungsmittel: Milch, Obst, Fleisch, etc., für Textilrohstoffe: Wolle, Baumwolle). Dadurch sollten pauschale oder falsche Schlussfolgerungen vermieden werden. Regionale Veränderungen z.B. von Nahrungsmitteln können erst dann festgestellt werden, wenn analysiert worden ist, welchen regionalen Wandlungen die einzelnen Produkte ausgesetzt waren, die alle aus unterschiedlichen Bezugsländern gekommen sind.


Ausgewählte Ergebnisse der Analyse

Der Autor stellt im Rahmen seiner Analysen fest, dass im Handel mit Nordeuropa ein Aufwärtstrend deutlich wird, der sich in der Zwischenkriegszeit fortsetzte und in den 1930er Jahren nochmals eine deutliche Steigerung erfährt. Dabei wuchsen die Importanteile stärker als die Ausfuhrquoten. Diese Entwicklung erklärt der Autor mit der positiven gesamtwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung, die getragen wurde von produktinnovativen Maßnahmen im Agrar- und Rohstoffbereich, mit steigendem Wohlstand, und dem Ausbau der Transprotinfrastrukturen Nordeuropas sowie der positiven Entwicklung des Welthandels. Deutschland war die geographische Nähe eines wichtigen Partners für die Lieferung von Agrarprodukten und Rohstoffen ebenso wichtig wie die zunehmende Aufnahmefähigkeit des skandinavischen Makrtes für deutsche Exporte. Skandinaviens Nachfrage richtete sich vor allem auf die deutschen Fertigwaren, deren Absatz durch den steigenden Wohlstand anstieg und die besonders den Aufbau der in Skandinavien entstehenden Spezialindustrien der tierischen Veredelungsproduktion, der Stahl-, Holz- und Papierindustrien und des Schiffbaues unterstützten.

Zwischen Deutschland und Großbritannien bestand, was den skandinavischen Markt anbetrifft, eine Konkurrenzsituation, die sich zu einer Rivalität entwickelte.
Während die Veränderungen im Handel mit Nordeuropa in der Vorkriegszeit noch als Folgen ökonomischer und technologischer Entwicklungen gedeutet werden können und das auch – eingeschränkt – für die Bewegungen bis zur Weltwirtschaftskrise gilt, müssen die Wandlungen der Regionalstruktur in den weiteren 1930er Jahren eindeutig als das Ergebnis zunächst noch wirtschaftspolitischer, später dann zusätzlich auch politischer und insbesondere wehrpolitischer Entscheidungen gesehen werden. Ausgeprägte Veränderungen vollzogen sich im Handel mit Großbritannien. Die Einfuhr britischer Produkte nach Deutschland gingen drastisch zurück. Ein Grund hierfür liegt in den strukturellen Schwächen der britischen Wirtschaft der damaligen Zeit. Eine Wandlung der regionalen Struktur der Importländer kann hieraus insoweit abgeleitet werden, als die Anteile Großbritanniens – auf den gesamten Untersuchungszeitraum bezogen – deutlich fielen während die Anteile anderer Länder anstiegen. Trotz der rückläufigen Entwicklung blieb Großbritannien auch weiterhin bedeutender Importeur für Deutschland.
Ähnliches gilt auch für die deutschen Exporte nach Großbritannien, die zwar noch stärker sanken als die Einfuhren, aber auch hier blieb die Position Großbritanniens als eines der wichtigsten Abnahmeländer deutscher Waren bis zum Ende der 1930er Jahre erhalten.

Die westeuropäischen Länder: Frankreich, Niederlande, Belgeien und Schweiz, waren während des gesamten Untersuchungszeitraumes die wichtigsten Partner Deutschlands für den Export. Bei den Importen hingegen konnten sie ihre anfänglich führende Position nicht halten. Bemerkenswert ist hierbei die Parallelität sowohl bei der rückläufigen Entwicklung ihrer Importanteile als auch bei dem konstanten Verlauf der Exportanteile. Was die Entwicklung der deutschen Importe anbetrifft, so hat sich der starke Anstieg der US-amerikanischen Importe, der südamerikanischen, asiatischen und nordeuropäischen Importe auf den Importanteil Frankreichs, den Niederlande, Belgiens und der Schweiz ausgewirkt.

Der Einbruch des Welthandels in und nach der Weltwirtschaftskrise hatte Auswirkungen auf die Regionalstruktur des deutschen Außenhandels durch die Maßnahmen der Reichsregierung ab 1933.
Diese Zeit wird durch Abschottung der Märkte der führenden Welthandelsnationen gekennzeichnet. Die gesunkene Kaufkraft der Rohstoffländer, die verstärkte Konzentration des britischen Handels auf das Empire, die bestehende Negativhaltung der USA hinsichtlich der Importe in die USA, die sich verbreitende protektionistische Haltung der Handelsländer und der zunehmende Devisenmangel kennzeichnen den dramatisch gesunkenen Welthandel. Deutschland konzentrierte seine Importe ab 1933 auf die Regionen Nordeuropa, Südosteuropa und Südamerika.

Im Rahmen der Studie konnte bestätigt werden, dass seit Beginn der industriellen Revolution primär die ökonomischen Faktoren die Strukturen des internationalen Handels entstehen ließen. Diese wurden in der Zeit vor dem 2. Weltkrieg von politischen Faktoren überlagert, wobei vom Autor darauf hingewiesen wird, dass die politischen Einflußnahmen auf den Außenhandel vor allem und mit direkt wirksam werdenden Strukturveränderungen von Deutschland ausgingen. Nur in der Sowjetunion wurde ähnlich diktatorisch verfahren.

Im Vergleich zu anderen Ländern weist der Außenhandel Deutschlands ein größeres Volumen auf. Die westlichen europäischen Handelspartner waren während der gesamten Untersuchungsperiode Deutschlands wichtigste Handelspartner. Die Verflechtungen mit Rußland bzw. mit der Sowjetunion waren ständig eng, erst in den 1930er Jahren schrumpften die Handelsbeziehungen bis zur Bedeutungslosigkeit.

Zu folgenden Themen sind Zeitreihentabellen zusammengetragen worden:

A. Überblick über die Warenstruktur des Außenhandels
B. Deutschlands Außenhandelsstatistik nach Ländern und Regionen
C. Internationale Handelsstatistik nach Waren und Warengruppen und nach Ländern und Regionen


Themen

Datentabellen im Recherche- und Downloadsystem HISTAT ((Historische Statistik), www.histat.gesis.org) (Thema: Außenhandel)

A. Überblick über die Warenstruktur des deutschen Außenhandels

A.1 Anzahl der in der Statistik des Deutschen Reiches aufgeführten Länder (1880-1939)
A.2 Die Anteile einzelner Waren am gesamten deutschen Import in laufenden Preisen, in Prozent (1880-1939)
A.3 Die Anteile einzelner Exportwaren am gesamten deutschen Export in laufenden Preisen (1880-1939)


B. Außenhandelsstatistik nach Ländern und Regionen

B.01.01 Deutschlands Einfuhr aus Europa (1880-1938)
B.01.02 Deutschlands Einfuhr aus Amerika (1880-1938)
B.01.03 Deutschlands Einfuhr Afrika und Asien (1880-1938)
B.02.01 Deutschlands Ausfuhr nach Europa (1880-1938)
B.02.02 Deutschlands Ausfuhr nach Amerika (1880-1938)
B.02.03 Deutschlands Ausfuhr Afrika und Asien (1880-1938)


C. Regionalstatistik nach Waren, Warengruppen und Ländern bzw. Regionen

C.01.01 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Weizen (1880-1938)
C.01.02 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Roggen und Gerste (1880-1938)
C.01.03 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Obst und Südfrüchten (1880-1938)
C.01.04 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Kaffee (1880-1938)
C.01.05 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Fleisch und Fleischwaren (1913-1938)
C.01.06 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Milch, Butter und Käse (1880-1938)
C.01.07 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Eiern (1880-1938)
C.01.08 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Fett (1880-1938)
C.01.09 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Textilrohstoffen (1880-1938)
C.01.10 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Wolle (1880-1938)
C.01.11 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Baumwolle (1880-1938)
C.01.12 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Häuten und Fellen (1880-1938)
C.01.13 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Holz (1880-1938)
C.01.14 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Ölfrüchten und Ölsaaten (1880-1938)
C.01.15 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Kautschuk und Guttapercha (1880-1938)
C.01.16 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Mineralölen (1880-1938)
C.01.17 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Erzen (1880-1938)
C.01.18 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Metallen (1880-1938)
C.01.19 Deutschlands Einfuhr von Kupfer (1880-1938)
C.02.01 Deutschlands Ausfuhr von Zucker (1880-1938)
C.02.02 Deutschlands Ausfuhr von Kohle (1880-1938)
C.02.03 Deutschlands Ausfuhr von Textilien (1880-1938)
C.02.04 Deutschlands Ausfuhr von Leder und Lederwaren (1880-1938)
C.02.05 Deutschlands Ausfuhr von Papier und Papierwaren (1910-1938)
C.02.06 Deutschlands Ausfuhr von chemischen und pharmazeutischen Erzeugnissen (1896-1938)
C.02.07 Deutschlands Ausfuhr von Glas und Glaswaren (1910-1938)
C.02.08 Deutschlands Ausfuhr von Eisenwaren (1880-1938)
C.02.09 Deutschlands Ausfuhr von Maschinen (1880-1938)
C.02.10 Deutschlands Ausfuhr von elektrotechnischen Erzeugnissen (1908-1938)
C.02.11 Deutschlands Ausfuhr von Fahrzeugen (1880-1938)

[Außenhandel, Warenströme, Warengruppen, Import, Export, Warenstruktur, Handelsbeziehungen, deutsche Handelsstatistik, Außenhandelsstatistik, Deutscher Zollverein, deutsches Zollgebiet, Deutsches Reich, deutsches Wirtschaftsgebiet, Weltwirtschaftskrise ]

2010/2011 ; Il presente lavoro intende sviluppare una riflessione a partire dall'individuazione di due aree tematiche: - la definizione del concetto di impoverimento; - una riflessione attorno ai concetti di soggettività a valori da cui far scaturire la ricerca empirica. A partire dalla scelta del titolo si è voluta mettere in evidenza la progressiva fragilizzazione degli attori sociali nel passaggio dalla modernità societaria (Magatti, 2006) alla seconda modernità (Giddens, 1994), passaggio caratterizzato da un'indefinitezza del sistema sociale nel quale sono inseriti gli stessi attori sociali, indefiniti anch'essi dal punto di vista identitario. Da questo sfondo scaturisce la struttura del presente lavoro, che si compone di due parti: nella prima ci si pone l'obiettivo di andare a definire i concetti di povertà ed impoverimento, operando una contestualizzazione degli stessi ai livelli europeo, italiano e del Friuli Venezia Giulia, regione questa in cui si è svolta l'analisi empirica del presente lavoro; nella seconda parte invece si è sviluppata una riflessione a partire da possibili definizioni teoriche dei concetti di soggettività e valori per poi passare alla costruzione metodologica dell'indagine e all'analisi empirica. Si è partiti dalla domanda di fondo: "quante povertà?". Da un approccio dicotomico su relativo/assoluto, oggettivo/soggettivo, essere/sentirsi poveri, si è passati attraverso i concetti di vulnerabilità (Levi Strauss 1969, Simmel 1989, Castel 1996), rischio povertà (Giudicini e Pieretti 1988, 1995, Francesconi 2003) per arrivare al concetto di povertà provvisorie o oscillanti (Siza 2009) che è diventato l'assunto di base per la riflessione attorno alle soglie di povertà relativa. Si sono poi presi in considerazione gli studi su quella che si è definita la "povertà del benessere"; Dal consumo vistoso (Veblen 1899) alla teoria della deprivazione relativa (Stouffer 1949), dai concetti di gruppi di appartenenza/riferimento e di funzioni manifeste/latenti (Merton, 1971) ai poveri "consumatori" (Nanni, 2006). Si è poi arrivati a considerare gli studi relativi al concetto di impoverimento, la sua polisemicità, multidimensionalità, processualità, relativizzazione e soggettivizzazione. Il lavoro è proseguito con un confronto tra concetti e misure, cioè con esperienze di applicazione di modelli teorici a sistemi di welfare. Dall'uguaglianza di capacità (Sen 1980) con il lavoro della commissione britannica EHRC all'uguaglianza di opportunità (Arneson 1989, Cohen 1989, Fleurbaey 2005, Roemer 2009) con il Libro Bianco britannico sino alle riflessioni su esclusione/inclusione/coesione sociale (Lenoir 1974, De Hann 1997, Barry 1998, Burchardt 2000, Rovati, 2003, Barca 2009) con le esperienze della Comunità europea in tema di politiche sociali. Si è partiti da questo lavoro sulla letteratura per poter andare a costruire una definizione del concetto di impoverimento. La prima definizione "oggettiva" presa in considerazione è quella di "rischio povertà" e da questa si è costruita la definizione assunta per la tesi e cioè l'impoverimento . Si passa quindi dalla spesa per consumi ai redditi e si assumono le oscillazione, analizzate dalla letteratura, della condizione di impoverimento che colpiscono quelle famiglie che si trovano nella vita a fluttuare attorno alla linea di povertà relativa con un movimento che, più che di scivolamento verso il basso, è appunto ondulatorio tra la condizione di quasi poveri e appena poveri. Definito il concetto di impoverimento, ci si è soffermati sulla contestualizzazione del tema povertà ed impoverimento attraverso il problema degli indicatori e delle fonti per l'analisi. Si è provveduto ad operare un'analisi secondaria relativa alla dimensione europea (Eu-Silc), italiana (Istat, Banca d'Italia, Isae) ed infine del Friuli Venezia Giulia. Per questa ultima analisi si sono considerate le stime nazionali (Istat), il tema dei redditi, dell'esclusione sociale, del rischio povertà, del disagio economico e dell'intensità del lavoro (Eu-Silc), gli utenti e gli interventi dei Servizi Sociale dei Comuni (Regione Friuli Venezia Giulia) e gli utenti e gli interventi dei Centri d'Ascolto Caritas (Osservatorio Caritas FVG). Infine si è provveduto ad analizza gli strumenti messi in campo dalle stesse Caritas del Friuli Venezia Giulia per sostenere le situazioni di impoverimento collegati alla crisi economico-finanziario con una valutazione specifica del progetto di Accompagnamento Economico della Caritas di Trieste. Nella seconda parte del lavoro si è voluto costruire una cornice di riferimento teorico a partire dai concetti di soggettività e valori per poi andare a definire l'oggetto di interessa conoscitivo, la costruzione metodologica dell'indagine ed infine l'analisi empirica. ; Obiettivo conoscitivo della ricerca intende essere quello di evidenziare similitudini e differenze nel vissuto quotidiano delle famiglie socialmente inserite, di quelle che sono state definite in una condizione di impoverimento ed infine di quelle che si trovano in situazione di povertà conclamata. In particolare si è cercato di rispondere alla seguente domanda: a parità di condizioni economiche, vi sono differenti percezioni dell'impoverimento, collegate alla sfera della soggettività e, quindi, a reti di relazioni, ad aspetti valoriali, alla partecipazione sociale e più in generale al well being? Lo scopo è stato quindi quello di realizzare uno studio empirico che non si concentrasse solamente sul disagio sociale ma anche sugli aspetti del vissuto quotidiano delle famiglie, allo scopo di poter effettuare utili confronti tra "famiglie della normalità", famiglie in situazione di difficoltà conclamata e, infine, famiglie che si trovano in situazioni a rischio povertà. Il confronto tra le varie tipologie di famiglie ha avuto lo scopo di cogliere in modo anticipato i segnali del disagio, del rischio sociale soggettivamente percepito anche tra le famiglie della "normalità". Per questi motivi, si è privilegiata l'analisi dei "processi dinamici", cioè l'individuazione di fattori di entrata/uscita nelle situazioni di disagio attraverso analisi che non si limitassero ad una semplice "fotografia" delle varie situazioni patologiche in atto, per poter cogliere alcuni segni di impoverimento, la cui percezione è generalmente diffusa ma che, la ricerca sociologica fatica tuttora a delineare. In quest'ottica si è avuta una particolare attenzione per quei gruppi sociali più vulnerabili. Con l'approccio utilizzato però si è voluto spingersi a sondare non solo gli aspetti economici del problema ma, come detto, soprattutto le dimensioni legate alle reti di relazioni e agli aspetti valoriali e culturali che si è ipotizzato possano incidere nell'attribuzione di significati dell'impoverimento vissuto. Si è voluta quindi predisporre un'analisi delle possibili variabili che incidono significativamente nelle traiettorie biografiche degli individui e che influenzano la capacità/incapacità di fronteggiamento degli stessi nel caso sopravvengono situazioni di vulnerabilità che coinvolgono persone e famiglie le quali, nel volgere di breve tempo, si vedono costrette a ridimensionare il loro tenore di vita, ad affrontare rischi che non pensavano di dover correre, a cercare soluzioni che non erano nemmeno psicologicamente preparate ad affrontare e a rivedere al ribasso i loro progetti futuri. Tutto ciò nel contesto storico legato alla profonda crisi economico-finanziaria che ha colpito diffusamente la società a partire dalla fine del 2008. È risultato interessante indagare questi aspetti delle biografie personali per far emergere, in una dimensione processuale, quella fluidità sociale che, seppur limitata agli strati sociali inferiori, possa individuare processi coesivi in un'ottica di prevenzione e/o accompagnamento sociale rispetto a situazioni conclamate di povertà. Il riferimento territoriale è quello del Friuli Venezia Giulia. Il confronto è stato realizzato tra famiglie prese in carico dai progetti di contrasto della crisi, messi in campo dalle quattro Caritas di Friuli Venezia Giulia e famiglie nella "normalità". Per operare questa distinzione si è fatto riferimento alle sogli di povertà definite dall'Istat nell'annuale studio sulla povertà in Italia con degli aggiustamenti legati all'inflazione del 2010. ; Per la costruzione di una prospettiva teorica si è partiti dal rapporto tra soggettività e ricerca sociale tracciando l'evoluzione che, con riferimento all'individuo come unità di analisi, ha portato a spostare l'asse dalla dimensione strutturale all'approfondimento sulla qualità della vita e quindi agli studi degli anni settanta con la costruzione di indicatori soggettivi sul benessere (self-reported satisfation). Si è dedicato uno spazio alla riflessione su contemporaneità e soggettività partendo dal minimalismo sociologico per poi soffermarsi sul quadro di riferimento adottato nella tesi e che fa riferimento alla nuova prospettiva del costruzionismo umanista (Cesareo e Vaccarini, 2006). Il prospettiva "costruzionista" prende spunto dal costruzionismo sociale (Corcuff 1995) e dal solco tracciato da Simmel, Schutz e dall'interazionismo simbolico con la necessità di non prescindere dall'azione degli individui e dai loro scambi simbolici ma anche da modelli teorici di studiosi che hanno cercato di raccordate approcci sistemici con sociologie dell'azione e dell'interazione sociale (Elias 1988, Giddens 1991, Bordieu 1995). Il logica "umanista" nasce dall'idea che l'essere umano partecipa alla costruzione della realtà sociale non come individuo ma come persona. Si passa quindi dall'astrattezza intesa come astrazione dal contesto relazionale di riferimento, considerato nella sua generalità, all'unicità data dalla storia e dai legami sociali che connettono le storie degli uomini. Infatti, per quanto si riconoscono contesti socio-culturali che trascendono l'essere umano, le sue condotte non sono mai prevedibili. Il costruzionismo umanista riconosce quindi alla persona una potenziale capacità di liberarsi dai condizionamenti dei contesti stessi. Dal un punto di vista di storicizzazione di tale pensiero, ci si riferisce al 1971, anno in cui esce Una teoria della giustizia di Rawls con la sua forte impronta liberista a cui si contrappose il pensiero dei cosiddetti communitarians (Mac Intyre 1988, Sandel 1994, Etzioni1998). Due concezioni differenti di uomo sono alla base di questi due approcci: da un lato un'idea atomista e astratta e dall'altro di un sé fortemente contestualizzato. Anche se negli anni le posizioni si "ammorbidirono", una sintesi equilibrata di questi due approcci fu portata avanti da Charles Taylor a partire dal suo Le radici dell'Io (1993), in cui traccia una prospettiva etico-politica, centrata sul tema dell'identità. Due sono i cardini di tale riflessione: l'autonomia di scelta e la responsabilità che si traducono sul piano dell'operativizzazione in soggettività e significatività esistenziale. La prima si compone di tre elementi: riflessività, autonomia di scelta e originalità; la seconda fa riferimento ad un'identità realizzata che trascende dalla routine quotidiana attraverso un quadro di riferimento valoriale con cui l'essere umano giudica se stesso e gli altri. Collegato a questo, si sono presi a riferimento i "classici" della sociologia e le riflessioni attorno al concetto di valore. Ed è proprio questo complesso quadro di riferimento valoriale a costituire il frame nella costruzione dell'indagine oggetto di questo lavoro. ; Rispetto alla ricerca empirico, le cui linee generali di indirizzo si sono già delineate sopra, ci si è posti i seguenti obiettivi conoscitivi: - analizzare le caratteristiche strutturali degli intervistati partendo da una ridefinizione delle soglie di povertà dell'Istat, tenendo conto delle variazioni collegate ad aspetti inflattivi ed individuando nella fascia gravitante attorno alla soglia di povertà relativa la "soglia di impoverimento"; - sondare alcuni aspetti collegati all'utilizzo del credito al consumo e i rischi connessi ad un suo utilizzo non aderente alla reale capacità economica di quanti ne fanno uso. Si è analizzata anche la percezione di rischio causato da eventi imprevisti e le possibili reti di contrasto attivabili. Inoltre si è costruito un indice, denominato di rischio insolvenza, che, mettendo in relazione i dati economici relativi a redditi e finanziamenti con una serie di indicatori di rischio, ha cercato di individuare delle soglie di pericolosità nella capacità delle famiglie di far fronte agli impegni economici collegati al mondo dei finanziamenti; - rispetto ai percorsi biografici non collegati ai bisogni collegati al disagio ma al normale svolgimento della vita quotidiana, si è analizzato il capitale relazionale delle persone intervistate, rispetto alla rete primaria, a quella secondaria e ai tempi di vita. L'obiettivo è stato quello di individuare, incrociando queste informazioni con le soglie di povertà, possibili affioramenti di dinamiche di disagio che possano lasciare prefigurare possibili sviluppi in direzione dell'impoverimento se non proprio della povertà e dell'esclusione sociale; - si è voluto analizzare il vissuto delle persone intervistate rispetto alla dimensione spirituale, legata ad una propria fede. L'obiettivo è stato quello di misurare l'influenza che un credo religioso possa avere negli stili di vita e di consumo. Per fare ciò si sono incrociati i dati relativi all'uso delle finanziarie e le motivazioni di tale utilizzo; - l'ultima parte del lavoro empirico si è invece soffermato sulla dimensione valoriale. Attraverso l'utilizzo di domande aperte, si sono volute sondare le opinione sul concetto di povertà e ricchezza e si sono ricondotte le risposte a dimensioni afferenti alle categorie dei valori materialistici e post materialistici (Maslow 1973, Inglehart 1983). Anche in questo caso si sono incrociati i dati con le fasce di povertà per comprendere similitudini e differenze all'interno delle differenti soglie. ; XXIV Ciclo

DER WELTKRIEG IN BILDERN UND DOKUMENTEN NEBST EINEM KRIEGSTAGEBUCH 1 Der Weltkrieg in Bildern und Dokumenten nebst einem Kriegstagebuch (-) Der Weltkrieg in Bildern und Dokumenten nebst einem Kriegstagebuch 1 (1 /1914) ( - ) Einband ( - ) Titelseite ([3]) Vorwort. ([5]) Inhalt. ([6]) Kriegstagebuch ([7]) Der erste Kriegsmonat. ([9]) [Zeitungsartikel]: Der Landsturm Feldnummer 1, Sonntag, 11. Oktober 1914 ( - ) Der zweite Kriegsmonat. (26) [Flugblatt]: Oesterreichisch-Ungarisches Generalkonuslat. Kundmachung. An die Wehrpflichtigen Oesterreich-Ungarns. Allgemeine Mobilisierung. ( - ) Der dritte Kriegsmonat. (40) [Flugblatt]: Bekanntmachung. Nach § 58 Abs. I des Militär-Strafgesetzbuchs wird wegen Kriegsverrat mit dem TODE bestraft, wer mit dem Vorsatz, einer feindlichen Macht Vorschub zu leisten oder den Deutschen oder verbündeten Truppen Nachteile zuzufügen, ( - ) Der vierte Kriegsmonat. (56) [Flugblatt]: Bekanntmachung über das Halten von Tauben ( - ) Telegrammwechsel. Thronrede. Reichskanzlerrede Manifest. Kaiser Franz Josephs. ([67]) Telegrammwechsel. (69) I. Seine Majestät an den Zaren. (69) II. Der Zar an Seine Majestät. (69) III. Seine Majestät an den Zaren. (70) IV. Seine Majestät an den Zaren. (71) V. Der Zar an Seine Majestät. (71) Telegramm des Reichskanzlers an den kaiserlichen Botschafter in Petersburg vom 31. Juli. Dringend. (72) Telegramm des Reichskanzlers an den kaiserlichen Botschafter in Paris vom 31. Juli 1914. Dringend. (72) Telegramm des Reichskanzlers an den kaiserlichen Botschafter in Petersburg vom 1. August 12.52 p. m. Dringend. (73) Telegramm des kaiserlichen Botschafters in Paris an den Reichskanzler vom 1. August 1 Uhr 5 Min. nm. (74) Thronrede am 4. August 1914 im Weißen Saale des Königlichen Schlosses zu Berlin. (75) Rede des Reichskanzlers Dr. v. Bethmann Hollweg in der Sitzung des Deutschen Reichstages vom 4. August 1914. (77) Manifest Kaiser Franz Josephs. (83) Der Krieg in Bildern und Dokumenten ([87]) Der Kaiser und der Krieg ([89]) [Abb.]: Kaiser Wilhelm II. ([89]) [Abb.]: Kaiser Wilhelm II. als oberster Kriegsherr. (90) [Abb.]: Kaiserin Auguste Viktoria. (91) [Abb.]: Kaiser Wilhelm mit seinen sechs Söhnen auf dem Wege zur Paroleausgabe im Zeughaus. ([92]) [Abb.]: Zur Kriegstrauung des Prinzen Oskar von Preußen. (93) [Abb.]: Der Kaiser und Generaloberst von Moltke an der Front. (94) [Abb.]: Der Kaiser und General Otto von Emmich. (95) [Abb.]: Rede des Kaisers an sein Volk. (96) Die Ansprache des Kaisers vom Balkon des königlichen Schlosses in Berlin, am 31. Juli, nachmittags 3 1/2 Uhr. (97) Zweite Ansprache des Kaisers nach den begeisterten patriotischen Kundgebungen des Volkes vor dem königlichen Schlosse am 31. Juli, abends 8 Uhr. (98) [Abb.]: Begeisterung des Volkes vor dem kronprinzlichen Palaste. (99) Aufruf der Kaiserin an die deutschen Frauen. (100) [Abb.]: Der Kaiser und die Kaiserin nach dem Gottesdienst im Dom. ([101]) [Abb.]: Das Kaiserpaar mit der Kronprinzessin und den Prinzessinnen Eitel Friedrich, Auguste Wilhelm und der Herzogin-Regentin Viktoria Luise von Braunschweig beim Feldgottesdienst der Gardetruppen im Lustgarten zu Potsdam. ([102]) Schluß der kaiserlichen Thronrede in der Reichstagssitzung vom 4. August 1914. (103) Kaiserlicher Aufruf an Heer und Marine. (104) Bei der Abreise des Kaisers nach der Front. ([105]) [Abb.]: Der deutsche Kronprinz auf seinem Lieblingspferd. (106) [Abb.]: Der deutsche Kronprinz an der Front, kurz vor einem Ausritt in die Gefechtslinie. ([107]) [Abb.]: Der Marstall des deutschen Kronprinzen im Felde. Morgenritt durch Longwy unter Führung des Oberstallmeisters. Auf der Felduniform sieht man die bekannten Adlerstreifen der gewöhnlichen Uniform. ([108]) [Abb.]: Nach der Einnahme von Longwy. Schloß in der Nähe von Longwy, in dem der Kronprinz sein Hauptquartier einrichtete. (109) [Abb.]: Prinz Joachim von Preußen in Felduniform, nach seiner Verwundung in die Front zurückkehrend. (110) Deutschland und der Krieg ([111]) [Abb.]: Der genaue geographische Mittelpunkt des Deutschen Reiches. Spremberg-Lausitz. ([111]) [Abb.]: Generaloberst Helmuth von Moltke, Chef des Generalstabes der Armee. (112) [Abb.]: Preußischer Kriegsminister General von Falkenhayn, Vertreter des erkrankten Chefs des Großen Generalstabs. (113) [Abb.]: Reichskanzler Dr. Th. von Bethmann Hollweg. (114) Die Ansprache des Reichskanzlers von seiner Dienstwohnung aus am 31. Juli 1914. (115) Zweite Rede des Reichskanzlers an die Volksmenge, die eben zuvor dem Kaiser vor dem Schlosse zugejubelt hatte. (116) Kundmachung des Kriegszustandes (117) [Abb.]: Bekanntgabe des Kriegszustandes. (118) [Flugblatt]: Erklärung des Kriegszustandes. (119) [Flugblatt]: Aufforderung des Kaisers zur Abhaltung eines allgemeinen Bettages. ([120]) [Abb.]: Die Menschenmenge vor dem Reichstagsgebäude während des Gottesdienstes am Bismarckdenkmal. Am 2. August 1914. (121) Mobilmachung. (122) [Abb.]: Bekanntgabe der Mobilmachung an den Anschlagsäulen. (123) [Flugblatt]: Warnung des Oberbefehlshabers in den Marken nach der Erklärung des Kriegszustandes. (124) [Flugblatt]: Die Mobilmachung in Deutschland. (125) [Zeitungsartikel]: Die Mobilmachung in den Zeitungen. ([126]) [Flugblatt]: Aufruf des Landsturms. (127) [Abb.]: Neu eingekleidete Reservisten ziehen wohlgemut in den Krieg. (128) [Abb.]: Abschied der Reservisten. (129) [Abb.]: Die Mobilmachung in Deutschland. Ausmarsch der Garde-Kürassiere aus Berlin. ([130]) [Abb.]: Der jüngste Freiwillige des deutschen Heeres. Hans von Menning, geboren am 10. September 1899, trat als Freiwilliger in Berlin ein. (131) [Urkunde]: Die Erneuerung des eisernen Kreuzes. (132) [Flugblatt]: Der Kaiser an das Deutsche Volk. ([133]) [Memorandumblatt]: Die Deutschen im Ausland. (134) [Abb.]: Die Deutschen im Ausland. Eine begeisterte Kundgebung der Deutschen in Philadelphia. ([135]) [Abb.]: Tausende Automobile wurden bei der Mobilmachung der Heerführung zum Kriegsgebrauch überwiesen. (136) [Flugblatt]: Einquartierung in Berlin. (137) [Abb.]: Die historische Reichstagssitzung am 4. August 1914. Rede des Reichskanzlers von Bethmann Hollweg (x). ([138 - 139]) [Abb.]: Die vielen Aufschriften auf den Eisenbahnwagen usw., humorvolle Äußerungen des Volksgeistes, vom Augenblick eingegeben, bilden ein sprechendes Zeugnis für die Volksstimmung. ([140]) Dank des Kaisers an die gesamten Eisenbahnbeamten für ihre Hingabe und Pflichterfüllung. (141) [Abb.]: Deutsche Infanterie-Maschinengewehrabteilung. ([142]) [Abb.]: Deutsche Artillerie in Feuerstellung. ([143]) [Abb.]: Alle nach dem Auslande gehenden Briefe werden vom Zensor geöffnet; (144) [Abb.]: Da so viele Männer dem Rufe zu den Fahnen folgen mußten, übernahmen Frauen die erledigten Stellen der Straßenbahnschaffner. (145) [Abb.]: Die Rote-Kreuz-Pfennig-Marken (146) [Flugblatt]: Aufruf für die Freiwillige Nationale Hilfsarbeit. (147) [Abb.]: Die Grenzsteine der vier Länder: Deutschland, Belgien, Holland und Neutral-Moresnet. (148) [Abb.]: Damit keine Störungen im regelmäßigen Geldverkehr vorkommen, hat die Regierung Darlehnskassenscheine von M. 1, M. 2 und M. 5 während des Krieges ausgegeben. (149) [Abb.]: Deutsches Notgeld. Gutschein über 1 M., wie er während des Krieges in der Stadt Riesenburg im Verkehr verwendet wurde. (150) [Abb.]: Notgeld der Stadt Rössel. (151) [Abb.]: Notgeld der Stadt Hohensalza. (152) [Abb.]: Die erste erbeutete französische Fahne, von den Bayern erobert und in München ausgestellt. (153) [Abb.]: Feldpostbriefkasten. (154) [Abb.]: Geldstücke als Lebensretter. ([155]) Kriegsanleihe 4 1/2 Milliarden gezeichnet. (156) [Flugblatt]: Erklärung der Hochschullehrer des Deutschen Reiches, wie sie von 2628 Professoren zusammen an 53 deutschen Hochschulen unterzeichnet wurde. (157) [Abb.]: Die ersten eroberten Geschütze und Maschinengewehre, von erbeuteten russischen Pferden gezogen, werden in Berlin feierlich eingebracht. ([158 - 159]) [Flugblatt]: Damit während des Krieges mit den Vorräten an Roggen- und Weizenmehl sparsam umgegangen würde, hat die Regierung bestimmte Maßnahmen für den Verkehr mit Brot und für seine Zubereitung getroffen. (160) Die Heerführer ([161]) [Abb.]: Wilhelm, Kronprinz des Deutschen Reichs und von Preußen, Führer der 5. Armee. ([161]) [Abb.]: Generaloberst Alexander von Kluck, Führer der 1. Armee. (162) [Abb.]: Generaloberst Karl von Bülow, Führer der 2. Armee. (163) [Abb.]: Generaloberst Max Freiherr von Hausen, Führer der 3. Armee. (164) [Abb.]: Generaloberst Karl von Einem, genannt von Rothmaler, Führer der 3. Armee nach der Erkrankung Hausens. (165) [Abb.]: Herzog Albrecht von Württemberg, Führer der 4. Armee. (166) [Abb.]: Kronprinz Rupprecht von Bayern, Führer der 6. Armee. (167) [Abb.]: Generaloberst Josias von Heeringen, Führer der 7. Armee. (168) [Abb.]: Generaloberst von Beneckendorff und von Hindenburg, Führer der 8. Armee. (169) [Abb.]: Generalfeldmarschall Colmar Freiherr von der Goltz, Generalgouverneur von Belgien. (170) [Abb.]: Erzherzog Friedrich von Österreich, Oberbefehlshaber der österreichisch-ungarischen Armee. (171) [Abb.]: Franz Freiherr Conrad von Hötzendorf, Chef des Generalstabs des k. u. k. Heeres. (172) [Abb.]: General Victor von Dankl, Kommandeur des 14. Korps. (173) [Abb.]: General Moritz Ritter von Auffenberg, Armeeinspektor. (174) Österreich-Ungarn und der Krieg. (179) [Abb.]: Erzherzog Karl Franz Joseph Thronfolger von Österreich-Ungarn. (179) [Abb.]: Kundgebung vor der österreichisch-ungarischen Botschaft in Berlin. (180) [Abb.]: Die Mobilmachung in Österreich. Die Abfahrt eines Infanterie-Regiments aus Wien unter Zulauf einer riesigen Menschenmenge. (181) [Abb.]: Die Mobilmachung in Österreich. Österreichische Infanterie auf einem Kasernenhof. (182) [Abb.]: Eid der österreichischen Kadetten beim Abmarsch in die Armee. (183) [Abb.]: Österreichische Infanterie an der Donau. ([184]) [Abb.]: Die montenegrinischen Grenzforts bei Virbezw. ([185]) [Abb.]: Semlin die österreichische Grenzstadt. Im Hintergrunde sieht man Belgrad, wo die Serben zuerst angegriffen wurden. ([186]) [Abb.]: Die österreichischen Donau-Monitore beim Angriff auf Serbien. (187) [Abb.]: Einer der ersten Schüsse bei der Beschießung Belgrads von Semlin aus traf den serbischen Königspalast (Konak). (188) [Abb.]: Das serbische Generalstabsgebäude in Belgrad nach der Beschießung durch die Österreicher. (189) [Abb.]: Österreichische Infanterie an der montenegrinischen Grenze. (190) [Abb.]: Der Gebirgskrieg der Österreicher. Mit großer Anstrengung werden Geschütze auf die Berge hinauf gebracht. (191) [Abb.]: Russische Geschütze, erobert von den österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen in der Schlacht bei Krasnik u. Komarow. (192) [Abb.]: Gefangene Serben werden von österreichischen Soldaten abgeführt. (193) [Abb.]: Die österreichischen und ungarischen Briefmarken im Kriegsjahr 1914. (194) [Abb.]: Der Zensor in Österreich. (195) [Abb.]: Schwere österreichische Geschütze in Brüssel. Die gewaltigen Motormörser werden durch Kraftwagen befördert. ([196]) Der Krieg in Belgien ([197]) [Abb.]: König Albert von Belgien. ([197]) [Abb.]: Königin Elisabeth von Belgien mit ihren Kindern. (198) [3 Abb.]: (1)Belgischer Unteroffizier des Elite-Korps "Les Guides". (2)Ein belgischer Karabinier. (3)Ein belgischer Lancier. (199) [Abb.]: Eine Abteilung belgischer Grenadiere mit ihren von Hunden gezogenen Maschinengewehren auf dem Durchmarsch durch Brüssel an die Front. (200) [Abb.]: Der erste Verwundete. (201) [Abb.]: Der Kriegsphotograph bietet den Soldaten im Felde (Umgegend Visé) eine Zigarette an. (202) [Abb.]: Bei der Bereitung des Mittagessens auf den aus den nächsten Häusern geholten Kochherden (zwischen Visé und Lüttich). (203) [Abb.]: Die von den Bewohnern verlassene Hauptstraße in Visé (Belgien). (204) [Abb.]: Belgische Infanterie, einquartiert in einer Kirche bei Löwen. (205) [Abb.]: Die große Brücke in Lüttich, "le Pont des Arches", die von den Belgiern zerstört wurde, um die deutschen Truppen am Vorrücken zu hindern. Im Hintergrunde die von unseren Pionieren schnell hergestellte Schiffbrücke. ([206]) [Abb.]: Die Schiffbrücke, die von den Deutschen in fünf Stunden statt der zersprengten großen Brücke "Pont des Arches" in Lüttich hergestellt wurde. Im Hintergrund die zerstörte Brücke. ([207]) [Abb.]: General Leman, der Verteidiger Lüttichs, jetzt als Gefangener in Magdeburg. (208) [Abb.]: Mittagessen in den Straßen von Lüttich. Eine Feldküche in voller Tätigkeit. Die Straßen Lüttichs sind wegen der gebirgigen Gegend oft mit steilen Treppen und Hügeln angelegt, wie es unsere Abbildung zeigt. (209) [Abb.]: Auf Wachtposten an der Maas bei Lüttich. (210) [Flugblatt]: Großes Plakat aus dem besetzten Lüttich. An die deutschen Soldaten. An die Bevölkerung von Lüttich und Umgegend! ([211]) Die 42-cm-Riesen-Haubitze. (212) [Abb.]: Das Panzerfort Loncin bei Lüttich, durch das Feuer einer 42 cm-Belagerungshaubitze vollständig zertrümmert und zerstört. (213) [Abb.]: Blick auf die von der 42-cm-Haubitze zerschossenen Forts bei Lüttich. (214) Ein Berechtigungsschein zum Passieren der deutschen Straßen bis Aachen; die Grenze darf nicht überschritten werden. (215) [Abb.]: Das zerstörte Löwen. Die Peterskirche (auf dem Bild links) hat schwer gelitten; das berühmte Rathaus (rechts) ist, Dank den Bemühungen unserer Leute, erhalten geblieben. (216) [Abb.]: Eine von der belgischen Armee zerstörte Brücke bei Tongern. Man versuchte dadurch den Aufmarsch der deutschen Truppen zu hemmen. ([217]) [Abb.]: Dinant nach der Beschießung. Rechts oben auf der Felsenwand die Zitadelle (218) [Abb.]: Die dritte Granate, die von den Deutschen auf Namur geworfen wurde. Sie traf das Hauptrohr der Wasserleitung. (219) [Abb.]: Auf historischem Boden. Eine belgische Kavallerie-Patrouille auf dem 1851er Schlachtfelde von Waterloo. Im Hintergrunde das Denkmal "Der Löwe von Waterloo". (220) [Abb.]: Das zerstörte Dendermonde. Ein Bild grauenhafter verwüstung, die der Krieg zur Folge hat. (221) [Abb.]: Ulanen vor einem Drahthindernis in der Umgegend von Dinant. (222) [Abb.]: Belgische Infanterie im Schützengraben bei Mecheln. (223) [Abb.]: Eine Taube mit einer Nachricht für das Hauptquartier wird abgelassen. Die französischen und belgischen Armeen verwendeten viele Tauben, um Armeenachrichten zu überbringen. (224) [Abb.]: Einzug der Deutschen in Brüssel. (225) Mit Lebensgefahr wurden nachstehende drei Photographien eines Straßenkampfes in der belgischen Stadt Aalst von dem Kriegsphotographen aufgenommen. (226) [Abb.]: Bild 1. (227) [Abb.]: Bidl 2. (228) [Abb.]: Bild 3. (229) [Abb.]: Briefmarken im eroberten Belgien. Deutsche Marken werden mit einem Überdruck versehen und so beim Postdienst in Belgien verwendet. (230) [Flugblatt]: Verordnung des General-Gouverneurs von Belgien (231) [Abb.]: Die mit Sand beladenen und durch die Belgier von Mecheln aus losgelassenen "wilden Züge". Von deutscher Seite aufgeworfene Barrikaden hemmten jedoch die rasende Fahrt dieser Züge und verhinderten dadurch die beabsichtigte Zerstörung des Eisenbahnmaterials und des Bahnkörpers. (232) [Flublatt]: Bekanntmachung des General-Gouverneurs von Belgien, General-Feldmarschalls Freiherrn von der Goltz. (233) [Abb.]: Auf Feldwache vor Antwerpen. (234) [Abb.]: Paß eines belgischen Eisenbahnbeamten, wodurch die Erlaubnis erteilt wird, über die Forts hinauszugehen. (Von der belgischen Regierung genehmigt, bevor die deutschen Truppen Antwerpen besetzten.) (235) [Abb.]: Im Schützengraben von Antwerpen. Maschinengewehr in Stellung. Im Hintergrunde deutlich sichtbar die aufgeworfenen Schützengräben des Feindes. (236) [Abb.]: Wirkung eines 42-cm-Geschosses auf Fort Wavre-Ste. Cathérine bei Antwerpen. Das in die Betonmauer des Forts geschlagene Loch ist so tief, daß ein dreistöckiges Haus bequem Platz hat. (237) [Abb.]: Zertrümmertes Haus in Vororten Antwerpens. Das nebenanstehende Haus ist durch Sandsäcke zur Verteidigung eingerichtet, hinter denen die belgischen Soldaten ihre Maschinengewehre aufstellten. (238) [Abb.]: Von der Beschießung Antwerpens. Ein schwerverwundeter belgischer Soldat wird zum Lazarett getragen. (239) [Zeitungsartikel]: Antwerpen in deutschem Besitz. (240) [Abb.]: Ehe die Beschießung von Antwerpen begann, wurden die Raubtiere im zoologischen Garten getötet, damit sie bei einer Beschädigung der Gebäude nicht entfliehen konnten. (241) [Flugblatt]: Proklamation an die Einwohner Antwerpens nach dem Einzuge der deutschen Truppen. (242) [Abb.]: Wirkung einer deutschen Granate auf ein Haus in Antwerpen. Der Schrank und das Bett werden nur noch von einigen Brettern getragen und vor dem Sturz bewahrt. (243) [Abb.]: Die kaiserlich deutsche Marine als Besatzung in Antwerpen. Unsere "Blauen" in Antwerpen. Einmarsch einer Abteilung Matrosen. (244) [Flugblatt]: Proklamation des Militär-Gouverneurs von Antwerpen. Mitte Oktober 1914. (245) [Abb.]: Die Rückseite eines Passes, ausgestellt unmittelbar nach der Besetzung Antwerpens, und von dem Kommandanten genehmigt. Das Merkwürdige ist, daß dieser Paß, der zu Reisen mit Wagen oder Eisenbahn berechtigt, von der kasierlichen Marine abgegeben und unterzeichnet wurde. In der ersten Zeit nach der Einnahme der Stadt bestand die Besatzung aus Marinetruppen. (246) [Abb.]: Über 400 000 belgische Flüchtlinge zogen nach dem Fall Antwerpens nach Holland. (247) [Flugbaltt]: Bekanntmachung, betreffend die Anmeldung verwundeter belgischer Soldaten. (248) [Abb.]: Belgisches Norgeld. (249) [Abb.]: Kinder, "Hab und Gut" auf einem Schiebekarren. Holländische Soldaten sind nach dem Fall Antwerpens den Flüchtlingen behilflich. (250) Frankreich und der Krieg ([251]) [Abb.]: Raymond Poincaré, Präsident der französischen Republik. ([251]) (Übersetzung des französischen Textes der allgemeinen Mobilmachung in Frankreich.) (252) [Flugblatt]: Die allgemeine Mobilmachung in Frankreich. (253) [Abb.]: Französische Parlamentssitzung in der die Kriegskredite angenommen wurden. ([254]) [Abb.]: Nach der Mobilmachung in Paris. Vor der Gare du Nord wird von einer ungeheuren Volksmenge die Nationalhymne gesungen. (255) [Abb.]: Marschall Joffre, der Oberbefehlshaber der französischen Armee. (256) [Abb.]: Der französische General Pau. General Pau verlor im Kriege 1870 einen Arm, wie auf dem Bild ersichtlich ist. (257) (Übersetzung des Aufrufes an die Pariser Bevölkerung vom 2. August 1914.) (258) [Flugblatt]: Aufruf an die Pariser Bevölkerung nach der Mobilmachung. (259) [Abb.]:Zur Mobilmachung in Frankreich. Die von der französischen Regierung requirierten Pferde werden über die Boulevards zum Bahnhof geleitet. (260) [Abb.]: Zur Mobilmachung in Frankreich. Abfahrt der französischen Reservisten nach ihren Garnisonen. (261) [Abb.]: Die neue französische Felduniform der Artillerie. (262) [Abb.]: Französische Militär-Radfahrer in Feldmarschmäßiger Ausrüstung. (263) [Abb.]: Pariser beobachten eine deutsche Taube. (264) [Abb.]: Wie Paris sich gegen die Deutschen wappnete. Die großen Schaufenster eines Ladens sind entfernt und die Öffnungen mit Steinen vermauert, aus Furcht vor der deutschen Beschießung. (265) [Abb.]: Die deutsche Armee passiert die Grenze. Im Hintergrund die Grenztafel. (266) [Abb.]: Ein Transport französischer Gefangener in Frankfurt a. M. (267) [Abb.]: Die erste, im Gefecht bei Lagarde eroberte französische Fahne. (268) [Abb.]: Blick vom Festungstor aus über die zerschossene Stadt Longwy. ([269]) [Abb.]: Französische Infanterie auf dem Wege nach der Front, marschiert durch das zerstörte Dorf Soisy. (270) Eine deutsche Warnung in französischer Sprache. Nach der Besetzung Amiens. (271) [Abb.]: Eine Granate zerspringt über Soissons. (272) [Abb.]: Ein Heldengrab. In Nordfrankreich sieht man viele einfache Kreuze von Holz, welche die Stellen bezeichnen, wo Helden zur letzten Ruhe gebettet wurden. (273) [Abb.]: Eine Ruhepause am Waldessaum in Nordfrankreich. (274) [Abb.]: Frankreichs afrikanische Hilfstruppen. (275) [Abb.]: Die Kaserne in Maubeuge von deutschen Truppen besetzt. Die Franzosen hatten die Kaserne zur Verteidigung hergerichtet, indem sie die Fensteröffnungen durch Sandsäcke verbarrikadierten. ([276]) [Zeitungsartikel]: Wie die "Sächsische Staatszeitung" die Kapitulation der Festung Maubeuge bekannt gab. (277) [Abb.]: Deutsche Offiziere bringen ihren gefallenen Kameraden einen letzten Gruß ([278]) England und der Krieg ([279]) [Abb.]: König Georg V. von England. ([279]) [Abb.]: Englische Garde-Grenadiere ziehen am Buckingham-Palast vorüber. (280) [Abb.]: König Georg von England inspiziert zu London eine Kompagnie Festungsartillerie vor ihrer Abreise nach dem französischen Kriegsschauplatze. ([281]) [2 Abb.]: (1)General Sir John French, Oberbefehlshaber der englischen Armee. (2)Carl Horatio Kitchener of Khartum, englischer Kriegsminister. (282) [Abb.]: Der Prinz von Wales (x), der älteste Sohn des englischen Königs, als Freiwilliger bei den Garde-Grenadieren. (283) [Abb.]: Mobilmachung in England. Englische Infanteristen in kriegsmäßiger Ausrüstung. (284) [Abb.]: Englische Infanterie auf dem Marsche durch London zur Einschiffung nach Frankreich. (285) [Abb.]: Englisches Truppenlandungsmanöver, vor einigen Jahren vorgenommen. (286) [Abb.]: Englische Truppenlandung an der belgisch-französischen Küste unter dem Schutze der Flotte. Im Vordergrund links liegen die großen Truppentransportschiffe, deren Ausladung von der Flotte gedeckt wird. ([287]) Übersetzung des nebenstehenden Aufrufes. (288) [Flugblatt]: England hat die allgemeine Dienstpflicht nicht. Das Heer wird angeworben; die Soldaten werden bezahlt. Auf obenstehendem Plakat sucht Lord Kitchener noch schnellstens 100 000 Mann. (289) [Abb.]: Soldatenwerber in London. Die englische Bürgerwehr durchzieht die Straßen Londons mit Musik, um Freiwillige für die Armee zu werben. Auf großen Plätzen wird Halt gemacht und eine Ansprache geahlten. ([290]) [Abb.]: Gruppe englischer Matrosen am Geschützturm (links) unter den Geschützen. (291) [Abb.]: Englische Artillerie in Feuerstellung in Nord-Frankreich. (292) [Abb.]: Englische Infanterie in verdeckter Stellung in der Nähe von Maubeuge. (293) Werbung ( - ) Einband ( - )

Correspondence of William Pitt Fesssenden, and his sons Francis Fessenden and James Deering Fessenden. The majority of letters are addressed to William Pitt Fessenden on financial and political matters, but a few are private; several letters are addressed to Francis Fessenden, including one from William Pitt Fessenden. A handful are addressed to James Fessenden. Four letters (J.C. Ropes to P.W. Chandler,1868; Joshua C. Stone to A.J.C. Sowdon, 1868; Charles Allen to A.J.C. Sowdon, 1868; and William Paine to J.A. Deblars, undated) are not addressed to any member of the Fessenden family, but mention William Pitt Fessenden or one of his sons. ; William Pitt Fesssenden was a U.S. senator from Maine (1854-1864, 1865-1869) and Secretary of the Treasury during the Civil War (1864-1865). His sons, General Francis and Brigadier General James Deering Fessenden were both lawyers active in Maine politics and served in the Civil War.

El topillo campesino (Microtus arvalis Pallas, 1778) es un pequeño roedor herbívoro, que tiene preferencia por la vegetación herbácea verde, pudiendo ocupar una gran variedad de hábitats con este tipo de vegetación, desde prados montanos hasta llanuras cerealistas (Gonzalez-Esteban and Villate, 2007; Amori et al., 2008; Jacob et al., 2013). El topillo campesino es una especie semifosorial que vive en galerías subterráneas, pero se alimenta principalmente en superficie. Es una especie con una gran capacidad reproductiva, ya que en condiciones favorables puede reproducirse durante todo el año y las hembras paren entre 2 y 11 crías, tras una gestación de entre 21 y 22 días, adquiriendo las hembras la madurez sexual durante el primer mes de vida y los machos en el segundo (Gonzalez-Esteban and Villate, 2007). En consecuencia, en menos de dos meses puede haber una nueva generación. La especie es territorial en condiciones de baja abundancia, pero esa territorialidad se relaja en condiciones de alta densidad creándose colonias de individuos emparentados, lo que facilita la generación de poblaciones con altísima densidad (Gonzalez-Esteban and Villate, 2007; Jacob et al., 2013). Este roedor presenta una amplia distribución, que abarca desde la mitad norte de Península Ibérica hasta oriente medio y el centro de Rusia, aunque está ausente de la mayor parte del sur de Europa, así como de Fenoscandia y el norte de Rusia. En gran parte de su área de distribución el topillo campesino presenta poblaciones con ciclos multianuales, siendo capaz de superar los 2000 topillos/ha en hábitats favorables durante años de máximo demográfico (Jacob et al., 2013). En las poblaciones con ciclos multianuales los máximos demográficos aparecen normalmente cada 3-5 años, aunque la periodicidad puede variar entre 2 y 10 años o incluso hay casos de máximos poblacionales todos los años en medios particularmente favorables (Mackin-Rogalska and Nabaglo, 1990; Delattre et al., 1999; Tkadlec and Stenseth, 2001). La amplia distribución, la dieta herbívora y las altas densidades que puede alcanzar en años de pico hacen que el topillo campesino pueda causar importantes daños en los cultivos que habita, por lo que está considerado el vertebrado más perjudicial para la agricultura de Europa (Jacob and Tkadlec, 2010). Las elevadas densidades que puede alcanzar, unido a sus hábitos de alimentación en superficie (Jacob et al., 2013), convierten al topillo campesino en una especie presa muy común en aquellas áreas donde está presente, tanto para depredadores aéreos (cernícalos, ratoneros, milanos, elanios o lechuzas, entre otros), en los que puede llegar a representar la mayor parte de su dieta (Paz et al., 2013), como para numerosos depredadores terrestres (comadrejas, turones, zorros o gatos entre otros) (Gonzalez-Esteban and Villate, 2007). En España la especie se se encontraba restringida a las zonas montañosas de la mitad norte de la Península Ibérica hasta la segunda mitad del siglo XX, siendo los conflictos con agricultores y ganaderos prácticamente inexistentes (Luque-Larena et al., 2013, Capítulo 1), aunque hay referencias a problemas locales causados por otras especies de topillos desde hace siglos (D.L.M., 1806; Lafuente y Poyanos, 1807; Diaz, 1879; Avellán, 1899). Pero al final de la década de los 70 la especie aumentó su área de distribución, pasando a colonizar la mayor parte de las llanuras agrícolas de Castilla y León, unos 50000 km2, en menos de 30 años (Luque-Larena et al., 2013, Capítulo 1). Desde su llegada a las llanuras agrícolas castellanoleonesas la especie pasó a ser considerada una plaga, pues las explosiones demográficas que empezó a producir en áreas agrícolas causaron importantes daños en agricultura a nivel regional (Jacob and Tkadlec, 2010; Luque-Larena et al., 2013, Capítulo 1). Para reducir los daños causados en agricultura por las plagas de topillo, desde el inicio de la década de 1980, se han empleado principalmente campañas de control químico (Luque-Larena et al., 2013, Capítulo 1), basadas en el uso de rodenticidas anticoagulantes, aunque también se han empleado otras medidas como retirar la vegetación en reservorios potenciales de topillos (p.ej. lindes, arroyos,¿), mecánicamente o mediante quemas, o labrar las parcelas en otoño. Desgraciadamente estas medidas de control han tenido un impacto negativo en el medio ambiente (envenenamiento de especies no diana y de depredadores, efectos potenciales de las quemas o limpiezas de lindes sobre otras especies,¿) (Vidal et al., 2009; ASAJA, 2012; Sánchez-Barbudo et al., 2012; Luque-Larena et al., 2013, Capítulo 1). A los problemas agrícolas y medioambientales causados por las plagas de topillo campesino y su control hay que sumar el papel que pueden tener en la transmisión de distintas enfermedades (Gonzalez-Esteban and Villate, 2007), en particular la tularemia (Vidal et al., 2009; García San Miguel et al., 2013). Como ejemplo durante la última gran plaga de topillo campesino en 2007 el uso generalizado de rodenticidas, incluyendo la distribución en superficie, en las grandes extensiones de terreno afectadas por la plaga, causo importantes daños ambientales e incluso pudo contribuir a la difusión de la tularemia, por lo que fue objeto de críticas desde el ámbito científico (Olea et al., 2009; Delibes-Mateos et al., 2011; Jubete, 2011; Ferreira and Delibes-Mateos, 2012). Esta situación estimuló el desarrollo de varios proyectos de investigación encaminados a aportar información para ayudar a resolver este conflicto, mejorando la gestión de plagas de topillos, en cuyo seno se ha desarrollado esta tesis doctoral. Contenido de la investigación: En la Península Ibérica el topillo campesino se encontraba restringido originalmente a las áreas montañosas de la mitad norte, pero a finales de los 1970s la especie empezó un proceso de expansión que le llevaría a colonizar totalmente Castilla y León en poco más de 20 años (Capítulo 1). Está rápida expansión no parece estar ligada a las tendencias climáticas observadas durante el periodo de estudio (1962-2002). Algunas tendencias podrían haber favorecido la expansión (incremento de temperatura invernal; Capítulo 2), mientras que otras no (reducción en precipitación invernal y estival, incremento de temperatura estival; Capítulo 2). Por otra parte los cambios en usos del suelo durante el mismo periodo fueron profundos y probablemente favorecieron la expansión del topillo, especialmente el incremento en la superficie de cultivos irrigados y alfalfas, y posiblemente también la reducción de ganado criado en extensivo y la homogeneización del medio agrario (Capítulo 2). Con su llegada a las llanuras agrícolas de Castilla y León la especie empezó a exhibir explosiones demográficas de gran amplitud, con una periodicidad aparente de 5 años (Capítulo 1). Estas explosiones demográficas han causado importantes daños en agricultura y problemas sanitarios, llevándose a cabo campañas para su control basadas en el uso de veneno. Debido a los daños que la especie produce en la agricultura, así como por los costes que las campañas de control generan, poder predecir cuándo y dónde se va a producir una plaga de topillo campesino permitiría una actuación temprana con los beneficios que esto conlleva. En la Península Ibérica las plagas de topillo ocurren en años con mayor crecimiento vegetativo del normal en verano (medido mediante el índice NDVI), y dado que el crecimiento vegetativo está muy relacionado con la climatología se evaluó si sería posible predecir plagas de topillo campesino mediante variables climáticas. El modelo más simple para la predicción de plagas de topillos (a nivel regional) está basado en la precipitación primaveral superior a la media (esta variable está también incluida en los modelos más complejos). La capacidad de predecir una plaga de topillo campesino es muy positiva, pero el conseguir esa predicción al final de la primavera podría limitar la efectividad de las medidas a tomar (Capítulo 3). Conseguir una predicción más temprana sería probablemente más útil, pero para ello se necesita más investigación. Un conocimiento más preciso de las fluctuaciones demográficas del topillo campesino también podría ayudar a la prevención temprana de las plagas producidas por la especie a nivel más local, así como a una aplicación de medidas de control con menos efectos negativos sobre el entorno. Para monitorizar poblaciones de roedores a gran escala lo eficiente es emplear índices indirectos de abundancia. Al inicio de esta tesis no existía ningún índice que se hubiera validado científicamente en España, por lo que se decidió realizar esta validación para ratificar su utilización para medir la abundancia de topillo campesino en medios agrarios castellanoleoneses. El resultado fue el índice PSpS (Presence of Signs per Square), que mediante la medida de presencia/ausencia de distintos indicios de actividad del topillo campesino (pastoreo y excrementos), permite medir de forma fiable la abundancia de topillo campesino a densidades medias-bajas (hasta los 70-100 topillos/ha, Capítulo 4a). Estas densidades se encuentran dentro del rango en el que se ha considerado en ciertos trabajos técnicos que se debería iniciar tratamiento (50 topillos/ha en invierno; Arenaz, 2006). Durante la elaboración de la tesis, el Ministerio de Agricultura, Alimentación y Medio Ambiente publicó un índice indirecto (índice MI), recomendado para evaluar la abundancia del topillo campesino. Realizamos un estudio específico para compararlo con el índice PSpS desarrollado en esta tesis, comprobando que ambos estaban muy relacionados entre sí, pero que las estimas de densidad producidas a bajas abundancias de topillo campesino eran mucho mayores (unas 14 veces más) con el índice MI que con PSpS (Capítulo 4.2). Esto indica que el índice MI, tal y como se ha planteado, no sería adecuado para monitorizar al topillo campesino en condiciones de baja densidad, pudiendo su uso llevar a realizar campañas de control de las poblaciones de topillo campesino innecesarias por sobreestimación de densidad. Las campañas de control químico, habitualmente utilizadas para controlar al topillo campesino, tienen un alto coste y pueden causar importantes daños al medio ambiente. Debido a los daños colaterales que pueden causar hay una tendencia global a disminuir la dependencia del control químico en la gestión de plagas de roedores, especialmente en Europa, donde el número de sustancias aprobadas para protección de cultivos tiende a reducirse (European Parliament and of the Council, 2006). Teniendo esto en cuenta, es recomendable estudiar la viabilidad de otras medidas de control del topillo campesino, como por ejemplo maneras de aumentarla densidad local de depredadores aéreos (Haim et al., 2007; Paz et al., 2013). En el último capítulo de esta tesis estudiamos la eficacia de incrementar las poblaciones de depredadores aéreos mediante la instalación de cajas nido para disminuir las abundancias de topillos, midiendo la abundancia de topillo campesino alrededor de dichas cajas nido usando índices indirectos basados en PSpS. Pudimos observar que la abundancia de topillo campesino cerca de cajas nido ocupadas era menor que lejos de las mismas (Capítulo 5), apoyando que suplementar cajas nido en áreas con escasez de lugares de nidificación puede actuar como control biológico de las poblaciones de topillo campesino a nivel local , siendo por lo tanto una pieza valiosa en cualquier estrategia de control integrado de plagas de topillo campesino en medios agrícolas que permitiría reducir el uso de rodenticidas. Conclusiones: 1. A finales de la década de los 70 el topillo campesino aumentó su área de distribución en la Península Ibérica, colonizando las planicies agrarias de Castilla y León (cerca de 50000 km2) en menos de 30 años. Desde su llegada a los paisajes agrarios, las nuevas poblaciones de la especie empezaron a producir explosiones demográficas periódicas, plagas a nivel regional, aproximadamente cada 5 años, ajustándose de forma estadísticamente significativa a un patrón cíclico. 2. Las plagas de topillo campesino en Castilla y León están asociadas de forma crónica con el uso de veneno (en especial rodenticidas anticoagulantes) para combatirlas y con la aparición de brotes de tularemia en humanos (esto último desde 1997 en adelante). 3. Los cambios observados en la evolución del clima entre 1962 y 2002 (antes y durante la expansión geográfica del topillo campesino) parecen insuficientes para explicar la expansión del área de distribución. En general, las variaciones climáticas estuvieron poco correlacionadas con la expansión, aunque no se descarta una influencia sinérgica con otros factores. 4. Los cambios en el uso del suelo a nivel agrario en Castilla y León entre 1962-2002 fueron profundos y algunos estuvieron fuertemente correlacionados con la expansión del topillo campesino, especialmente el incremento en la superficie ocupada por cultivos de regadío y cultivos forrajeros (cultivos verdes), en particular la alfalfa, un hábitat agrícola óptimo para la especie, así como con la reducción o estabulación de la cabaña ganadera en el área de distribución original. Esta asociación temporal entre expansión de poblaciones de topillo e incremento de cultivos verdes fue consistente a varias escales espaciales (regional, provincial y comarcal). 5. A nivel regional (Castilla y León) las plagas de topillo campesino coinciden con años que presentan una precipitación primaveral superior a la media y por tanto un mayor crecimiento vegetativo estival (evaluado mediante NDVI). La probabilidad de aparición de una plaga a escala regional aumenta en años con primaveras más lluviosas de lo habitual, veranos con temperaturas relativamente bajas y tras inviernos con temperaturas relativamente altas. En cambio, el otoño previo a un año de plaga estaba caracterizado por una producción vegetal relativamente baja. 6. Se ha evaluado la utilidad potencial de un índice indirecto sencillo, barato y fiable para mejorar la monitorización del topillo campesino en grandes extensiones de terreno. El índice PSpS (Presence of Signs per Square) presentado en esta tesis reúne esas condiciones, siendo muy adecuado para monitorizar la abundancia de topillos en densidades medias y bajas (hasta unos 70-100 topillos/ha). Este índice está bien correlacionado con el índice propuesto por el Ministerio de Medio Ambiente, Rural y Marino, pero demuestra ser más preciso ya que no sobreestima la abundancia en situaciones de baja densidad. 7. Utilizando un índice basado en PSpS como herramienta para estimar la abundancia de topillo campesino en áreas experimentales donde se han instalado cajas-nido para cernícalos vulgares y lechuzas comunes, hemos comprobado que la abundancia de topillos cerca de cajas nido ocupadas por estas rapaces (<180 m) era menor que lejos de ellas (¿ 180<540 m, ¿540 m) , lo que índica que colocar cajas nido para depredadores aéreos en áreas con pocos lugares naturales de nidificación puede ser una herramienta adecuada para el control biológico del topillo campesino a escala local. 8. Los profundos cambios en la agricultura que experimentó España durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX, mejoraron el rendimiento de las cosechas y redujeron al mismo tiempo la necesidad de mano de obra. Sin embargo también produjeron una serie de cambios ecológicos que facilitaron la colonización de las llanuras agrícolas de Castilla y León por parte del topillo campesino, creando la paradoja de que un sistema diseñado para maximizar el beneficio del agricultor al mismo tiempo favorece a una plaga que ocasionalmente puede perjudicarle de forma importante. El topillo campesino continuará siendo parte de los hábitats agrícolas de Castilla y León mientras las condiciones que le favorecen persistan, por lo tanto el impacto del topillo campesino debería ser tenido en cuenta en la planificación del manejo de los hábitats y paisajes agrícolas de Castilla y León.

El proyecto europeo de la posguerra es inédito en la historia universal. Descansa sobre dos partes principales: la construcción institucional y la idea de Europa. La construcción institucional supone un complejo entramado jurídico y político. Por ejemplo, el Parlamento Europeo, la Comisión Europea, el Tribunal de Justicia o la moneda común (Euro) reflejan esa construcción (1). Por otro lado, la idea de Europa descansa en la posibilidad de articular un conjunto de modus vivendi que no reflejen solo ámbitos de convivencia sino de florecimiento. En parte, la moderna idea de Europa descansa en los escritos de Sir Isaiah Berlín y, contemporáneamente, en el escepticismo post-iluminista de John Gray.¿Cuándo comienza el milagro europeo? ¿Por qué Europa en algún momento de la historia consolidó un proceso de desarrollo estable en el mediano y largo plazo? Un estudio realizado por distintos autores para el Banco Mundial analiza por qué algunas naciones han podido desarrollarse y otras no, introduciendo brevemente el alcance histórico del "milagro europeo". Los países se desarrollan por una complementación entre variables geográficas, institucionales y comerciales: "In an authoritative study on the long-run geographic determinants of development, social ecologist Jared Diamond (1997) argues that Eurasia had large geographical advantages over the Americas and Africa, and that these lie at the heart of current income disparities. He argues that since plant and animal species spread most effectively within ecological zones, the east-west orientation of the Eurasian landmass made it easier to diffuse early human technologies across the continent. As a result, Eurasia enjoyed a larger diversity of plant and animal species, and thus easier domestication of useful species, than did societies in America and Africa—continents that are oriented north-south. High-productivity agriculture led to large, dense, stratified societies, with subsequent advances in technology (weaponry, oceangoing ships) and political organization. Another important causal factor widely studied in economic history is international trade, and hence access to sea-based trade and proximity to export markets.Recent econometric and case studies have shown that even when controlling for historical endogeneity, institutions remain "deep" causal factors, while openness and geography operates at best through them (Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson 2001; Rodrik 2003b; Rodrik, Subramanian, and Trebbi 2002)."(2) La posición geográfica revela otra cuestión: en parte, el milagro europeo se explica porque la ubicación este-oeste del continente permitía a las personas comparar el desempeño de otros y copiar aquello que funcionaba y descartar las experiencias fallidas. Particularmente, la posibilidad de comparar se daba en la utilización de tecnología agrícola. Sin embargo, la geografía europea generaba los incentivos para la aparición de otra variable central: la competencia. "Each factor can potentially reveal valuable insights about the true causes of countries' development successes and failures. For instance, Western Europe benefited both from the geographical advantages of east-west continental orientation discussed by Diamond (1997), and from being predominantly a coastal region in the temperate ecozone (Gallup, Sachs, and Mellinger 1999). All of this made land scarce and valuable (Herbst 2000).Additionally, rugged mountainous relief effectively separated Western Europe into a system of "competing jurisdictions of decentralized power," constantly warring with one another, none being able to completely defeat and control the others (Landes 1998). These factors raised returns to innovation, discovery, and adoption of new warfare techniques, which later gave Europeans first-mover advantage over other parts of the world."(3)El punto desarrollado es introductorio pero central para comenzar a comprender el significado y alcance del milagro europeo. La idea de Europa contemporánea es consecuencia de un lento proceso de descubrimiento que hizo posible consolidar un capital humano, social e institucional inédito en la historia de la humanidad. El liberalismo es la filosofía política y ética donde descansa el proyecto europeo. Europa como idea y el liberalismo como filosofía política están histórica y analíticamente relacionados. ¿Cuando surgió el liberalismo? ¿En la ciudades italianas (Génova, Venecia o Florencia) en algún momento del siglo XV? ¿En el largo trayecto histórico que va desde la Carta Magna (1216) hasta el iluminismo escocés de Smith, Hume, Hutcheson o Ferguson (1700's), pasando por la "revolución gloriosa" (1688) y los pesos y contrapesos implementados a los Estuardo? ¿En los Países Bajos, donde la aparición del crédito y la moneda generó los primeros mercados de capitales institucionalizados? ¿En la antigua Grecia, donde la filosofía sistematiza el sentido de la individualidad? ¿En la escuela de Salamanca (1600's), donde los escolásticos tardíos reconcilian la fe religiosa y el ganar dinero como virtud? Finalmente, ¿Se consolida el liberalismo en la inédita experiencia contemporánea de las socialdemocracias escandinavas, donde la igualdad y la libertad han encontrado una manera virtuosa para interactuar?Es imposible determinarlo, no solo por razones de verificaron histórica sino porque el liberalismo es una concepción ética y política plural en tiempo, espacio y alcance. Es decir, asume un individualismo metodológico y construye modus vivendi donde la principal filosofía (aunque no la única) consiste en respetar las distintas formas de prosperar que construyen las personas, con la salvedad de no amenazar los distintos (y a veces opuestos) modus vivendi de terceros.El proyecto europeo ha contribuido a reconciliar la tradición de la libertad y la tradición de la igualdad. En parte, esta reconciliación entre igualdad y libertad ha comenzado a hospedarse en la nueva idea de Europa, que va desde el tratado de Roma de 1957 hasta la dinámica ampliación de la Unión, desde los 6 a los 12, de éstos a los 15 y de los 15 a los 27. La nueva Europa descansa en un proyecto inédito en la historia de la humanidad: el proyecto de la creciente convivencia no solo de distintos modus vivendi sino, en algunos casos, de modos opuestos de pensar y vivir una buena vida. El paradigma del proyecto europeo es particularmente liberal porque para consolidarse aspira a la creciente diversidad de sus partes. Es decir, su idea temporaria de todo es superior a la suma de sus partes en tanto descansa en la diversidad creciente de esas partes para consolidar una idea de todo plural, tolerante y pujante. Así, cuantos más modus vivendi se incorporan a este nuevo proyecto europeo, más consolidada se encuentra la idea de Europa. Mientras más diversos son esos modus vivendi, mas consolidado se encuentra aquello que John Gray ha denominado Liberal Project. (4) Esta idea del nuevo proyecto europeo que incipientemente se consolida en la Europa de los 27 refleja dos supuestos metodológicos fuertes. Hay una definición filosófica del proyecto que delimita su alcance y, al hacerlo, asume que el liberal Project carece de un telos universal pero, a la vez, define como valor a ser respetado (universalmente) el modus vivendi europeo de la existencia de derechos en el otro, tanto en su proyecto personal y grupal. Siguiendo a Gray, vemos que el proyecto europeo termina como aspiración política en las fronteras geográficas de la Unión, pero prosigue como idea mas allá de toda geografía, porque (con Berlin y Gray) ha aceptado tácitamente que no hay en él búsqueda de universalidad sino una búsqueda de consolidar buenas formas de vida particular. En palabras de Gray: "El Estado liberal se originó en la búsqueda de un modus vivendi. Los regímenes liberales contemporáneos son floraciones tardías de un proyecto de tolerancia que se inició en Europa en el siglo XVI. La tarea que heredamos consiste en reacondicionar la tolerancia liberal para que pueda guiarnos en la búsqueda de un modus vivendi en un mundo más plural. La tolerancia liberal ha contribuido inconmensurablemente al bienestar humano. No estando en parte alguna tan profundamente arraigada como para darla por descontada, es un logro cuyo valor no podría ser más alto. No podemos prescindir de ese ideal tardomoderno, pero tampoco puede ser nuestra guía en las circunstancias tardomodernas actuales porque el ideal de tolerancia que hemos heredado encarna dos filosofías incompatibles. Vista desde un ángulo, la tolerancia liberal es el ideal de un consenso racional sobre el mejor modo de vida posible. Desde el otro, es la creencia en que los seres humanos pueden florecer en muchas formas de vida. Si el liberalismo tiene un futuro, este reside en el abandono de la búsqueda de un consenso racional sobre el mejor modo de vida posible…" (5)Como sostiene el economista y filósofo político austriaco Friedrich Hayek, las instituciones más sólidas se construyen a través de un proceso de orden espontáneo. Es decir, a través de la interacción de personas que buscando un limitado fin en T1 alcanzan, sin quererlo, un objetivo mas amplio en T2, T3, Tn debido a la sistematización de determinados intercambios que, al haber sido crecientemente aceptados por su eficiencia, devienen normas informales y eventualmente formales (6).La construcción del proyecto europeo recupera para la filosofía política contemporánea esta concepción hayekeana: sin buscarlo, el acuerdo formal de Roma de 1957 comenzó un derrotero que culminaría (momentáneamente) con una idea de Europa, donde 27 países y naciones se complementan en una creciente armonía. Como marcamos, la principal idea sobre la que descansa el proyecto europeo es que distintas partes, con diversas expresiones inconmensurables, se suman y son más grandes que un hipotético todo. A su vez, este hipotético todo deviene inconmensurable, ya que la complementación armónica de partes (en algunos casos sumables y en otros no) da como resultado un todo articulado pero de difícil definición. Así, el orden espontáneo europeo es un ámbito de consenso creciente. Un ámbito del consenso se fortalece y enriquece cuando sus partes desarrollan sus potencialidades en un marco de respeto al desarrollo de las (distintas) potencialidades de los otros. Adquiere aquí una especial significación la existencia de un espacio público que no solo posee los mecanismos institucionales para respetar los derechos del otro sino también posee los valores, ideas y creencias morales como para respetar lo inconmensurable en ese otro. Aquí radica la importancia del "Value Pluralism" articulado por Sir Isaiah Berlin. Para Berlin "…pluralism (is) the recognition of an indefinite variety of cultures and systems of values, all equally ultimate, and incommensurable with one another, so that the belief in a universally valid path to human fulfillment is rendered incoherent…' …The object of this investigation is the almost endless plurality of total views of the world, and this precludes his espousing any exclusive vision of man and his condition…"(7). Es posible pensar que en el inarticulado programa de investigación de Sir Isaiah Berlin descansa un orden espontáneo para una idea de Europa. En un sentido analítico, Berlin toma el orden espontáneo de Hayek y lo introduce en el milagro europeo. Paso seguido, Gray asume el 'value-pluralism' de Berlin para definir los límites del Liberal Project. Al hacerlo, no solo sistematiza el liberal Project sino el papel que para su consolidación tiene el nuevo proyecto europeo. Es decir, los limites que supone la idea de Europa para el liberalismo no es para Gray una derrota analítica debido a la imposibilidad de aspirar a la universalidad. En cambio, es donde el liberalismo se asienta y convive con distintos modus vivendi dentro y fuera de su ámbito de influencia. Al hacerlo, demuestra su fortaleza y vitalidad. Cuando, siguiendo a Gray, el liberalismo redescubre sus límites no está necesariamente anunciando su decadencia. Por el contrario, anuncia y expresa los buenos valores (la buena vida) que tiene para ofrecer. El proyecto europeo expresa parte de ese modus vivendi.(1) Una Buena síntesis de las instituciones formales de la Unión Europea se encuentra enhttp://europa.eu/about-eu/institutions-bodies/index_en.htm(2) "Economic Growth in the 1990s: Learning from a Decade of Reform", versión online http://www1.worldbank.org/prem/lessons1990s/. Ver http://www1.worldbank.org/prem/lessons1990s/chaps/Cnote1_EconomicGrowth.pdf, Country Note 1, Página 58. A su vez, ver el trabajo de Kenneth Pomeranz, "The Great Divergence: Europe, China, and the Making of the Modern World Economy", donde el autor sostiene que Europa Occidental no solo supone una geografía sino una construcción social, política y económica: "It should be noted here that "western Europe," for most authors, is a social, economic, and political construct, not an actual geographic entity: Ireland, southern Italy, and most of Iberia, for instance, did not have much of the economic development usually held to be characteristically European or western European. I will generally use the term in a geographical sense, while pointing out that the areas often taken to stand for "Europe" in these comparisons (e.g., the southern Netherlands, or northern England), might be better compared, in both size and economic characteristics, with such units as China's Jiangsu province, rather than with entire subcontinents such as China or India". Princeton University Press. 2000. Pagina 3.(3)http://www1.worldbank.org/prem/lessons1990s/chaps/Cnote1_EconomicGrowth.pdf Obra citada, pagina 59.(4) Es necesario remarcar que, como mencionaremos mas adelante, Gray le da al concepto de Liberal Project una connotación analítica e histórica negativa. Gray desarrolla ampliamente esta concepción en un programa de investigación que puede tener su inicio a principios de los 80'. Por ejemplo, ver "Liberalisms: Essays in Political Philosophy" (1989) y en "Post Liberalism: Studies in Political Thought" (1993), ambos publicados por Routledge. La filosofía política de John Gray y su relación con el proyecto europeo y la idea de Europa será desarrollada en posteriores trabajos.(5) Gray, John (2001): "Las dos caras del liberalismo. Una nueva interpretación de la tolerancia liberal". Paidos. Buenos Aires-Argentina. Pagina 11(6) La idea de orden espontáneo recorre gran parte de la obra de Hayek. Sin embargo, no se encuentra sistematizada en un texto en particular. Es posible pensar que un trabajo como "The Sensory Order" revela una incipiente articulación en los primeros años de elaboración científica del autor (este trabajo se encuentra en el campo de la psicología). Mas adelante, el joven economista Hayek deja paso al maduro filósofo político. Una versión de esta madurez se encuentra en The Constitution of Liberty (1960), publicado por University of Chicago Press. En 1974 gana el Premio Nobel en Economía por sus estudios sobre los ciclos económicos y el papel de los precios como información necesaria para la asignación eficiente de recursos (ver http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/economics/laureates/1974/press.html). La obra de Hayek es profusa en cuanto a su alcance (economía, filosofía, teoría del conocimiento, filosofía política, historia, psicología) y llega hasta el final de su vida (1899-1992).(7) Berlin, Isaiah: "The Proper Study of Mankind. An Anthology of Essays". Introducción. Página XXX y XXXIV. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. New York. 1997 *Profesor Depto. Estudios Internacionales, FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay.Master en Filosofía Política, London School of Economics and Political Science.

International audience ; In the mid-19th century, Emperor Alexander II was carrying out large scale liberal reforms in Russia. In the course of these reforms, a problem was put forward about public preservation of historical monuments and archaeological sites as national cultural heritage. A step to this direction was undertaken in 1859 when the Imperial Archaeological Commission (IAC) was organized in Saint-Petersburg. Over the second half of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century, the Commission remained the single State body concerned with archaeology and protection of sites and monuments on the territory of Russian Empire. In its activities, this Institution combined scientific research, organizational, monitoring and controlling functions. In the present monograph mainly created by the collective of the Institute for the History of Material Culture, Russian Academy of Sciences, the history of the first archaeological institution in Russia is systematically presented and analysis of its activities proposed for the first time. The organization of IAC was preceded by a long process of formation of the interest of the Russian society to the archaeology. The immediate precursor of IAC was the "Office of Archaeological Researches" founded in 1841 by the Minister for Home Affairs Lev Perovsky (1796–1856). The activities of the Office were concerned with investigations of archaeological sites of Kerch and Bosporos, Chersonesos, kurgans in the surroundings of Vladimir and Suzdal and settlements of the Golden Horde on the Volga River. During this period, the main principles which afterwards lay in the foundation of IAC were established. After the death of Lev Perovsky, the investigations were entrusted to Count Sergey Stroganov (1794–1882). The result of this appointment was that the assistant of Lev Perovsky and his nephew Count Alexey Uvarov (1824–1884), who planned to stand himself at the head of Russian archaeology, left Saint-Petersburg and moved to Moscow where in 1864 he founded the Moscow Archaeological Society in opposition to the Imperial Archaeological Commission. The confrontation between two Institutions however became actually a stimulus for the progressive advancement of the science and protection of monuments of antiquity. In 1857, Sergey Stroganov proposed to organize the "Main Archaeological Commission". That project became the basis of IAC, the statute of which was approved on February 2, 1859, by Emperor Alexander II. That statute secured for the Commission the right to conduct "earthen excavations", monitoring of the discoveries of hoards and archaeological objects in Russia and supervision over building activity at archaeological sites. The principles underlying the foundation of IAC were partly oriented to France and its "Commission des Monuments Historiques" (1837). The experience of the activities of IAC was used in organizing archaeological institutions in some European countries (Austria, Italy). The activity of IAC may be subdivided through three periods connected with its chairmen: 1859–1882 when Sergey Stroganov was the chairmen of IAC, 1882–1886 when it was headed by the Director of the Imperial Hermitage Museum Alexander Vasil'chikov (1832–1890), and 1886–1918 when the Commission was directed by Count Alexey Bobrinskoy (1852–1927). Originally, the staff of the Commission consisted of eight persons. In the activity of the Commission, such famous historians and archaeologists took part as Ivan Zabelin (1859–1876), Vladimir Tiesenhausen (1825–1902) and Nikodim Kondakov (1876–1891). Initially, the Commission was housed in the palace of Stroganov in Nevsky Prospect in Saint-Petersburg. The activities of the Commission have established the system of regulation of archaeological researches in Russia, which with several alterations existed until the beginning of the 21st century. This system was based on the "Otkryty list" (laissez-passer) as individual authorizations for researchers to conduct excavations with the indispensable submission of a report to the archives of the Commission. This practice has initiated the creation of the unique corpus of sources for the archaeology, architectural monuments and sites of different nations and modern states of East-Central Europe and Asia. The main activity of the Commission in 1859–1886 included excavations of sites of the Scythian culture and Classical Greek antiquities on the Taman Peninsula, in the Crimea (Kerch, Bosporos) and on some other territories, now in Ukraine. Nevertheless, the widespread opinion that the Commission studied exclusively the Classical and Scythian antiquities is incorrect: already then the first investigations in Siberia, Central Asia were conducted as well as studies of sites of the Bronze and Stone ages in Northern Russia. The finds came predominantly to the collections of the Imperial Hermitage Museum in Saint-Petersburg and Historical Museum in Moscow. Another important responsibility of the Commission was the acquisition of monetary hoards and treasures of historical objects found on the territory of Russian Empire. The first investigator of hoards was a curator of the Hermitage collections Julian Iversen (1859–1900). Simultaneously, the Commission consulted the restoration and conservation activities of the Ministry of Home Affairs, primarily for the monuments of the defensive architecture and church buildings. For that purpose, the staff of the Commission included a representative of the Academy of Arts Feodor Solntsev (1859–1892). Protection of the monuments of archaeology also was an important task of the Commission. In 1866, Sergey Stroganov achieved the prohibition of treasure-hunting in Russia. The Commission, as the central state institution, actively collaborated with provincial Statistic Committees and Archive Commissions in the field of studies and protection of local monuments and sites. During the chairmanship of Alexander Vasil'chikov, the reforms of the Commission's activities were prepared. These reforms took place already under Count Alexey Bobrinskoy. In 1886–1887, an interdisciplinary program for studies of Slavic-Russian archaeology, the eastern Black-Sea region, Siberia etc. was developed. During that period, the Commission was moved to an office in the Winter Palace in Saint-Petersburg. On March 11, 1889, Emperor Alexander III approved by his decree the exclusive right of the Commission to conduct archaeological excavations and to license their execution on state and public lands. Simultaneously, the Commission, together with the Academy of Arts, was charged with supervision over restoration and protection of objects of art and architectural monuments. In 1890, the "Regulations for the Archaeological Commission and Academy of Arts on the order of consideration of petitions about restoration of historical monuments" were approved. Beginning with 1894, special sessions of IAC began to consider projects of restorations an conservations. The main specialists of IAC in the branch of restoration were Petr Pokryshkin (1870–1922), Konstantin Romanov (1882–1942) and Dmitry Mileev (1878–1914). The Commission got also Vladimir Suslov (1857–1921), Nikolay Sultanov (1850–1908), Ieronim Kitner (1839–1929) and Georgy Kotov (1859–1942) to take part in the architectural restorations. These activities resulted in establishment of standards of modern scientific restoration, using primarily the archaeological approach, which are efficacious even in the 21st century. Among the most successful restoration projects of IAC, noteworthy are the Church of the Transfiguration of the Saviour on the Nereditsa hill near Novgorod, Church of the Transfiguration of the Saviour at Berestovo in Kyiv, the Saint Boris and Gleb church at Kolozha in Grodno, the Saint George church in Yuryev-Polskoy, Cathedral of the Dormition of Mother of God in the Moscow Kremlin, Ipatyevsky Monastery in Kostroma, Ferapontov Monastery in Vologda region, Bakhchisarai Palace in Crimea, Smolensk and Pskov city walls etc. Among the most important problems of IAC in the restoration issues were its relations with the Russian Orthodox Church. As early as 1893, the Ober-Procurator of the Holy Synod Konstantin Pobedonostsev (1827–1907) confirmed that restoration of churches must be conducted with permission of the Commission, however in practice many churches were disfigured by illiterately made repairs. Part of the difficulties proceeded from contradictions in Russian law. Notwithstanding the fact that the Commission had succeeded in developing an algorithm of its relations with the clergy, during the World War I, under the conditions of the general crisis of the Russian State and society, the Synod attempted to withdraw religious monuments from the public control.The new objectives and expansion of the geography of researches of IAC demanded a new staff of the Commission. That approval was received in 1888 and 1902. The membership of the Commission included Alexander Spitsyn (1858–1931), Nikolay Veselovsky (1848–1918), Vasily Latyshev (1855–1921), Boris Farmakovsky (1870–1928) and others. Alexey Bobrinskoy actively used his right of appointment of corresponding members and honorary members of the Commission. Among the corresponding members appointed in 1886–1917 were Vladimir Stasov (1824–1906), Vasily Radlov (1837–1918), Dmitry Samokvasov (1843–1911), Innokenty Lopatin (1839–1909), Alexander Bertier-Delagard (1842–1920), Alexander Lappo-Danilevsky (1863–1919), Yulian Kulakovsky (1855–1919), Nikolay Pantusov (1849–1909), Valentin Zhukovsky (1858–1919), Vladimir Malmberg (1860–1921), Sergey Zhebelev (1867–1941), Emil Roesler (?–?), Alexey Markov (1858–1920), Nikolay Marr (1864–1934), Mstislav Farmakovsky (1873–1946), Alexander Malein (1869–1938) and others. There was yet another category of assistants of the Commission — supernumerary members. They included Nikolay Pokrovsky (1848–1917) — an expert on Christian archaeology and Orthodox art, Vladimir Antonovich (1834–1908), Bohdan Khanenko (1849–1917), Ernst von Stern (1859–1924), Mikhail Rostovtsev (1870–1952), Alexey Shirinsky-Shikhmatov (1862–1930), Feodor Braun (1862–1942), Nikolay Bulychev (1852–1919) et al.In 1909, the 50th anniversary of the Commission and 25th anniversary of the activities of its chairman Alexey Bobrinskoy became something like summing up of the results of the works of IAC. The special role of the Commission is noteworthy regarding the studies of Scythian and Greek and Roman antiquities. The commission excavated about fifty 'Royal' kurgans containing rich Scythian burials from which the artistic gold objects are housed now in the Special Treasury of the State Hermitage Museum in Saint-Petersburg. Studies of Bosporan sites were continued: the Commission was in charge of the Kerch Museum of Antiquities which directed the archaeological excavations in this region. The museum was headed by Alexander Lyutsenko (1807–1884), Stepan Verebryusov (1819–1884), Fedor Gross (1822–1897), Karl Dumberg (1862–1931) and Vladislav Shkorpil (1853–1918). Funerary catacombs, important Classical, Jewish and Christian antiquities were here discovered. Since 1888, according to an order of Emperor Alexander III, IAC was entrusted with the direction of researches in the area of the Tauric Chersonesos and its surroundings. Karol Kościuszko-Waluszyński (1847–1907) was appointed the head of the excavations in Chersonesos. During the later years, the excavations were directed by Robert Loeper (1865–1918) and Leonid Moiseev (1882–1946). Under the direction of the Archaeological Commission, living blocks, buildings and necropolis dated to the Classical, Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods had been discovered and investigated, as well as several dozens of Christian churches and basilicas. In 1902, the systematic excavations of Olbia began under the direction of Boris Farmakovsky, and in 1904 – the archaeological researches of Berezan Island began under the direction of Ernst von Stern. An expansive project came to be that of excavations in 1908–1914 of one of the first medieval stone church of Eastern Europe — the Church of the Tithe in Kyiv conducted under the direction of Dmitry Mileev. During the period of 1890–1914, the Commission was financing altogether up to twenty expeditions annually throughout more than fifteen provinces and regions of Russian Empire. It must be noted however that the level of understanding of archaeological evidence gained remained behind its accumulation. In the field of the archaeology of the Stone Age, the studies of the Commission revealed several important Neolithic sites of Eastern Europe. In 1905, Alexander Spitsyn discovered a Paleolithic site at Borshevo, Voronezh region. The same researcher also wrote in 1915 a synthetic and generalizing work on the Russian Paleolithic where he had summarized the results of archaeology of the Early Stone Age in Eastern Europe and comprehensively characterized the sites of Caucasus and Siberia. Nevertheless, it must be noted here that the major researches on the Stone Age were carried out the sphere of activities of the Commission.During investigations of archaeological sites of Siberia separated by thousands kilometers from the scientific centers of European Russia, the Commission maintained close relations with local archaeologists and ethnologists directing their efforts and licensing their excavations. At the funds and on the instructions of the Commission, the archaeological sites of Siberia were studied since the 1860s by Vasily Radlov (1837–1918), Dmitry Klements (1848–1914), Alexander Adrianov (1854–1920) and other scholars.Members of the Commission participated personally in investigations of antiquities of the Caucasus and Ciscaucasia. In 1887, Dmitriy Bakradze (1826–1890) proposed a program of archaeological exploration of the area of Sukhumi, and in 1889 IAC carried out description and photographing of objects of Georgian Christian art from sacristies of churches and monasteries in Georgia. Since 1892, Nikolay Marr conducted longstanding investigations of the ancient Armenian capital Ani, medieval towns, fortresses and churches (Dvin, Akhtamar). Simultaneously, the explorations of sites of the Bronze and Middle Ages (dolmens, the Maikop kurgan and the Koban culture) were carried out through the efforts of Nikolay Veselovsky and Emil Roesler.The initiative of studies of architectural and archaeological monuments in Central Asia also mainly belongs to IAC. In 1900s–1915, IAC just kept under control the works in this region, gathered and distributed local collections and stray finds through museums. Photographing of architectural, ethnographic and historical monuments was conducted. The first archaeological excavations are connected with the names of Nikolay Pantusov who investigated in 1860s–1890s Christian Nestorian cemeteries near the Syr-Darya River, and Nikolay Veselovsky who continued archaeological and architectural researches since 1884 until the beginning of the 20th century. In 1890 and 1896, Valentin Zhukovsky observed several archaeological sites. In the 1880s, Alexey Bobrinskoy and Vladimir Antonovich developed a program of interdisciplinary research in the field Slavic and medieval archaeology on the territory of Ukraine. Excavations of kurgans were started in the Dnieper River region, Bielorus' and Novgorod region. At Gnezdovo near Smolensk, the Commission organized in 1890s-1900s excavations of kurgans and the settlement which initiated researches in the Viking Age in Eastern Europe. The systematization of mediaeval Slavic archaeology was proposed by Alexander Spitsyn. Of note is the IAC's contribution to studies of mediaeval archaeological sites of Eastern Europe. These included the Malaya Pereshchepina hoard found in 1912 — the supposed funerary complex of Khan Kubrat, excavations of the settlement of Mayatskoe conducted by Nikolay Makarenko (1877–1938) in 1908–1909, sites of Ugro-Finnish and Baltic tribes — Lyadinsky and Lyutsinsky necropolis investigated in 1889–1891 by Evdokim Romanov (1855–1922), Vladimir Sizov (1840–1904), Vladimir Yastrebov (1855–1899) et al. The archaeology of the region of Perm of the 8th-9th centuries and sites of the Vyatka region also were included in the sphere of interests of IAC, inter alia due to the fact that a very rich collection of local archaeological materials belonged to Sergey Stroganov. Alexander Spitsyn proposed the first archaeological periodization of the Perm and Kama regions local history and distinguished a number of local archaeological cultures. By 1917, the Commission was a serious academic institution both in the branch of architectural and archaeological researches. It became the organizing centre of Russian archaeology actively collaborating with public structures and planning new directions of researches. It is exactly inside the academic community rather than at the communistic authority after the October 1917 that the idea sprang up to transform the Commission into the "Academy of Archaeological Sciences" in order to focus efforts of its members exclusively onto the scientific sphere. In October of 1918, Anatoly Lunacharsky (1875–1933) approves the new regulations of the Russian State Archaeological Commission. Nikolay Marr became its chairman whereas Alexey Bobrinskoy had to emigrate. On April 19, 1919, the decree on the foundation of the Russian Academy for the History of Material Culture was signed by the chairman of the Bolsheviks government Vladimir Ulyanov. In the early August, elections to the new Academy took place. The Academy was housed in the Marble Palace in Petrograd. We should regard August 7, 1919, as the first day of the Academy for the History of Material Culture and the last day of the history of the Archaeological Commission.On the basis of the Imperial Archaeological Commission and Academy for the History of Material Culture the modern archaeological institutions of Russia have emerged. The practices established by the Commission were put into the foundation of the present-day regulation of archaeological researches and the system of protection of archaeological sites. The experience of the Commission undoubtedly indicates that the protection of the cultural heritage may be effective only in the case where it is carried out within an academic system. The protection and restoration of historical monuments must be subdued to scientific goals and architectural researches. The role of IAC manifested in the establishing national archaeological and site protection systems of the European and Asiatic countries which once constituted the Russian Empire. The editorial activities of IAC have been reflected in 65 titles of periodicals and nonperiodicals: Reports of IAC, Proceedings of IAC, and Materials on the Archaeology of Russia etc. Nikodim Kondakov's publication "Russian Hoards" (1896) and Yakov Smirnov's "Oriental Silver" (1909) are special contributions to the Art history. The materials of IAC kept in the Manuscript and Photographic departments of Scientific archives of the Institute for the History of Material Culture, Russian Academy of Sciences, Saint-Petersburg (9,030 files and over 100,000 photographic imprints and negatives) conceal unique possibilities for future scientific discoveries and constitute an invaluable contribution of the Commission to studies and preservation of archaeological and cultural heritage of the World.

The article deals with the theoretical and source-related block of issues related to the Ottoman archaeology of the Crimea, as a special scientifi c discipline that studies the material antiquities of the Ottoman period in its history (about 1475–1783). The subject of research and the content of the term "Ottoman archaeology" and its relationship with other similar, but not identical, concepts in archaeological science are analyzed. The main stages of archaeological research of monuments of the late XV-XVIII centuries in the region are reconstructed. The paper presents an overview of the main directions of modern ottoman archaeology of the Crimea, starting from the 90s of the XX century. It is concluded that in recent decades, the greatest progress has been made in the study of the archaeology of Ottoman fortresses in the Crimea and the capital of the Crimean Khanate – the city of Bakhchisaray, as well as in the fi eld of archaeological material science, especially in relation to the structure of the ceramic complex of this time. ; В статье рассматривается теоритический и источниковедческих блок вопросов, связанный с османской археологией Крыма, как особой научной дисциплины, изучающей материальные древности османского периода в его истории (около 1475-1783 гг.). Анализируется предмет исследований и содержание термина «османская археология», его соотношение с другими близкими, но не идентичными, понятиями в археологической науке. Реконструируются основные этапы археологических исследований памятников конца XV-XVIII вв. в регионе. В работе представлен обзор основных направлений современной «османской археологии» Крыма, начиная с 90-х гг. ХХ в. Делается вывод о том, что за последние десятилетия наибольший прогресс достигнут при изучении археологии османских крепостей на территории Крыма и столицы Крымского ханства – города Бахчисарая, а также в области археологического вещеведения, особенно применительно к структуре керамического комплекса этого времени. Библиографические ссылки Адаксина С.Б., Мыц В.Л., Ушаков С.В. Некоторые итоги архитектурно−археологических исследований крепости Чембало в 2002−2011 гг. // Адаксина С.Б., Мыц В.Л., Ушаков С.В. Отчет об археологических исследованиях средневековой крепости Чембало (г. Балаклава) в 2011 г. СПб.; Симферополь: Издательство Государственного Эрмитажа, 2012. С. 58−98. Адаксина С.Б., Мыц В.Л. Отчет об археологических исследованиях средневековой крепости Чембало (г. Балаклава) в 2015 г. СПб.; Симферополь: Издательство Государственного Эрмитажа, 2016. 166 с. Адаксина С.Б., Мыц В.Л. 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The paper features the fi rst general description in the Russian language of two necropolises located in Campochiaro (Campobasso, Italy) – Vicenne and Morrione, dating back to the period from the last third of the 7th – the beginning of the 8th century AD. The cultural content of the necropolises refl ects their strong ties with the population of Central Asian origin. The most important feature of the necropolises are burials with a horse, corresponding to the Eurasian nomadic burial rite. The author supported the conclusions of European researchers according to which it is highly probable that the necropolises were left by the Bolgars of the duke–gashtald Alzeko, originally recorded by Paul the Deacon in the 8th century in the territories of Bojano, Sepino and Isernia. The similarities of the Campochiaro necropolises with the burials of the Avar Khaganate imply the presence of the Bolgars in the Avar society with a similar burial ritual. Out of the thousands of horse burials left by the Avar population, a large portion could have been left by the Bolgars. The Avars and Bolgars constituted the basis and ruling elite of the Khaganate. The Alzeko people were the part of the Bolgars who in 631 AD fought for the Khagan throne, which indicates the high position of the Bolgars and their large number. After the defeat, this group of the Bolgars migrated to Bavaria, Carantania and Italy. Several decades of living in the Venedian, and later in the Lombard and Roman environment resulted in the heterogeneity of the funerary inventory, but did not change the rite itself. The Bolgars of the Lombard kingdom formed a new military layer - professional cavalry, which received land plots. This equestrian squad is an early example of the European feudal military and social class which was later referred to as chivalry. ; Настоящая работа является первым общим описанием на русском языке двух некрополей Кампокиаро (Кампобассо, Италия) – Виченне и Морионе, датируемых последней третью VII в. – началом VIII в. Культурное содержание некрополей показывает прочные связи с населением центральноазиатского происхождения. Важнейшим признаком некрополей являются захоронения с конем, соответствующие евразийскому кочевому погребальному обряду. Автор поддержал выводы европейских исследователей о том, что с большой долей вероятности некрополи оставлены булгарами дукса–гаштальда Алзеко, зафиксированными Павлом Диаконом в VIII в. на территориях Бояно, Сепино и Изернии. Аналогии некрополей Кампокиаро с погребениями Аварского каганата показывают присутствие в аварском обществе булгар со схожим погребальным обрядом. Из тысяч погребений с конем, оставленных аварским населением, булгарам могла принадлежать большая часть. Авары и булгары составляли основу и правящую верхушку каганата. Народ Алзеко являлся той частью булгар, которая в 631 г. боролась за каганский престол, что указывает на высокое положение булгар и их большое количество. После поражения эта группа булгар мигрировала последовательно в Баварию, Карантанию и Италию. Несколько десятков лет проживания в венедской, а затем в лангобардской и романской среде привели к гетерогенности погребального инвентаря, но не изменили сам обряд. Булгары лангобардского королевства составляли новый военный слой, который представлял из себя профессиональную кавалерию, получивший землю. Эта конная дружина является ранним примером европейского феодального воинского и социального сословия, которое станет называться рыцарством. Библиографические ссылки Акимова М.С. Материалы к антропологии ранних болгар // Генинг В.Ф., Халиков А.Х. 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Las críticasEn el marco de este derrotero por el que ha pasado la tesis de la Paz Democrática, se han montado diversos ángulos de críticas hacia la misma. Una primera vertiente destaca la implausibilidad de las explicaciones que intentan dar cuenta de la supuesta "ley". Así por ejemplo se ha señalado que en momentos de crisis aún en las democracias se produce una reducción del tamaño en el círculo decisor final. O que los dirigentes de los estados no democráticos también enfrentan condicionamientos de índole institucional o por parte de grupos de poder a los que están vinculados. O, incluso, que la opinión pública no es necesariamente una fuerza pacificadora. Asimismo, una crítica de índole realista se refiere a la escasez histórica de democracias que se traduce en pocas oportunidades de conflicto (Peñas, 1997: 133).Otro ángulo ha sido la existencia de serios problemas en la recolección y clasificación de los datos que sustentan la tesis. Su génesis yace en buena medida en la definición de los dos conceptos centrales detrás de la idea de la Paz Democrática: la democracia y la guerra. Sobre el concepto de "democracia" se advierten importantes diferencias en los criterios constitutivos del mismo. ¿Qué es una democracia? ¿Qué rasgos la definen? ¿Cuál es su condición? ¿Son éstas frágiles? Además, existen discrepancias entre las bases de datos y/o bien calificaciones bastante arbitrarias como por ejemplo la consideración en la basePolity II de Francia entre los años 1981 y 1986 como una "anocracia", mientras que El Salvador de la misma época, enfrascado en una cruenta guerra civil sí figuraba como "democracia".En cuanto a las guerras, el criterio de selección de datos más aceptado fue el implementado por Small y Singer que consiste en catalogar como guerra internacional a un conflicto que involucra uno o más participantes estatales y que provoca un mínimo de mil víctimas. Esto excluye intervenciones violentas que causan menos víctimas, pero no por ello políticamente menos significativas o bien las operaciones encubiertas (Salomón, 2001: 247). Tampoco ésta conceptualización da cuenta de las tendencias más modernas en los conflictos internacionales, entre las que se destaca la caída relativa de las disputas interestatales frente a las intraestatales ). En definitiva, "[lo] que caracteriza a nuestros días no es la desaparición de la violencia del sistema internacional ni la ausencia del recurso a la fuerza por parte de los Estados, sino la disminución del número de guerras formalmente declaradas y el aumento de guerras de guerrillas, guerras a través de terceros, subversión interior de los Estados instigada por otros Estados, acciones encubiertas, etc., menos costosas y que no necesitan ser justificadas, por lo menos tanto como una declaración formal de guerra" (Peñas, 1997: 135). Asimismo, los estudios cuantitativos en general han olvidado distinguir entre agresores y agredidos, o también la medición de la intensidad de la guerra (determinar si las democracias causan más muertes que otros Estados). La tesis de la Paz Democrática a su vez no ha logrado dar respuesta a ciertas anomalías que denotan la existencia de variables perturbadoras. Una anomalía es la existencia de zonas de paz en regiones del mundo donde no todas las sociedades son democráticas, como es el caso de América del Sur. Otra es que la correlación entre paz y democracia es más fuerte en el período posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial (Farber y Gowa, 1995). Este tipo de anomalías ha llevado a que explicaciones alternativas cobren fuerza. Entre estas, la más destacada es la teoría de Comunidades de Seguridad Pluralistas de Karl Deutsch (1957) que refiere a zonas donde sus miembros tienen la certeza de que sus disputas no se resolverán por medio de la fuerza. También se advierten reajustes y matizaciones de la tesis que debilitan su poder. Un ejemplo es la afirmación de Raymond Cohen (1994) de que la única conclusión razonables es que "los Estados democráticos del área del Atlántico Norte/Europa occidental, compartiendo una serie de circunstancias históricas particulares y una herencia cultural común, han evitado enfrentarse en una guerra" (en Peñas, 1997: 134). Asimismo, es posible encontrar evidencia en contra. Es el caso de la investigación de Charles Kegley y Margaret Hermann (1996) que arroja el interesante resultado de quince casos de intervención militar con uso de la fuerza, entre 1975 y 1995, por parte de democracias estables contra otras democracias estables, de las cuales ocho de ellas correspondían a intervenciones estadounidenses. Más recientemente, Thomas Schwartz y Kiron Skinner (2002: 160-161) identificaron un listado de conflictos que contrarían la tesis o están muy próximos a hacerlo y que hacen a lo que ellos llaman el "problema histórico" de la Paz Democrática:American Revolutionary War, 1775 (Great Britain vs. U.S.)Wars of French Revolution (democratic period), esp. 1793, 1795 (France vs. Great Britain)Quasi War, 1798 (U.S. vs. France)War of 1812 (U.S. vs. Great Britain)Texas War of Independence, 1835 (Texas vs. Mexico)Mexican War, 1846 (U.S. vs. Mexico)Roman Republic vs. France, 1849American Civil War, 1861 (Northern Union vs. Southern Confederacy)Ecuador-Columbia War, 1863Franco-Prussian War, 1870War of the Pacific, 1879 (Chile vs. Peru and Bolivia)Indian Wars, much of nineteenth century (U.S. vs. various Indian nations)Spanish-American War, 1898Boer War, 1899 (Great Britain vs. Transvaal and Orange Free State)World War I, 1914 (Germany vs. Great Britain, France, Italy, Belgium, and U.S.)Chaco War, 1932 (Paraguay vs. Bolivia)Ecuador-Peru, 1941Palestine War, 1948 (Israel vs. Lebanon)Dominican Invasion, 1967 (U.S. vs. Dominican Republic)Cyprus Invasion, 1974 (Turkey vs. Cyprus)Ecuador-Peru, 1981Nagorno-Karabakh, 1989 (Armenia vs. Azerbaijan)Yugoslav Wars, 1991 (Serbia and Bosnian-Serb Republic vs. Croatiaand Bosnia; sometimes Croatia vs. Bosnia)Georgia-Ossetia, 1991 (Georgia vs. South Ossetia)Georgia-Abkhazia, 1992 (Georgia vs. Abkhazia and allegedly Russia)Moldova-Dnestr Republic, 1992 (Moldova vs. Dnestr Republic and allegedly Russia)Chechen War of Independence, 1994 (Russia vs. Chechnya)Ecuador-Peru, 1995NATO-Yugoslavia, 1999India-Pakistan, 1999 Como se advierte, la teoría de la Paz Democrática se enfrenta a problemas tanto de índole empírica como de índole explicativa. Frente a este tipo de críticas, las reacciones se han dividido entre las defensivas (Maoz, 1997), las que han ignorado los hallazgos, las que han empezado a considerar otros factores (Russett, 1998) y las que se han dedicado a verificar su validez mediante estudios de casos (Elman, 1997). En definitiva, el debate ha sido prolífico y entre una de sus evoluciones más interesantes es la que ha recomendado evitar "las dicotomías simplistas y estudiar el mayor número posible de interacciones entre factores de conflicto internos e internacionales" (Salomón, 2001: 253).La materialización política de la Paz DemocráticaEn el contexto del "optimismo liberal" despertado por el colapso soviético y el fin de la guerra fría, la tesis de la Paz Democrática suscitó gran entusiasmo, sobre todo entre aquellos estudiosos de las Relaciones Internacionales que ansiaban acabar con la hegemonía retórica del realismo-neorrealismo en la disciplina. Como señala Peñas (1997: 130), "la gran virtud de esta tesis (…) es que en su discurso disuelve o reconcilia la escisión entre principios e intereses: una política de extensión de las democracias de libre mercado es a la vez una política éticamente justa y políticamente adecuada". Por tanto, el corolario político de la tesis de la Paz Democrática no es otro que la presunción de que el imperio de la paz y la cooperación internacionales requieren de la democratización de los Estados en el Sistema Internacional. Esto ha dado lugar al plano prescriptivo de los teóricos de la Paz Democrática. El más destacado en este sentido ha sido Russett al recomendar al gobierno en Washington la activa promoción democrática en base a las "pruebas sólidas de que las democracias no se hacen la guerra entre sí". Su propuesta se cuida de no alentar intervenciones militares unilaterales, sino apoyadas y legitimadas por organizaciones como la ONU o la OEA; y sus preceptos, en efecto, se materializaron durante la administración Clinton en la estrategia de Engagement y Enlargement ("compromiso y expansión"), en la que primacía global estadounidense, democracia y libre mercado caminaron de la mano.Pero lejos está de ser la Paz Democrática algo reciente o coyuntural en el discurso de política exterior de Estados Unidos. John Ikenberry sostiene que "[the] American preoccupation with promoting democracy abroad fits into a larger view about the sources of a stable, legitimate, secure, and prosperous international order. This outlook may not always be the chief guiding principle of policy, and it may sometimes lead to error. Still, it is a relatively coherent orientation rooted in the American political experience and American understandings of history, economics, and the sources of political stability" (Ikenberry, 1999). Sus orígenes políticos se remontan, claro es, a Woodrow Wilson quien en 1917 señaló: "A steadfast concert of peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants". De acuerdo con el análisis de Henry Kissinger (1995), Wilson retomó postulados ya volcados en su momento por Thomas Jefferson, a saber: a) que la misión especial de Estados Unidos trasciende la diplomacia cotidiana, y los obliga a servir como faro de libertad para el resto de la humanidad, y b) que la política exterior de las democracias es moralmente superior porque el pueblo es, en esencia, amante de la paz. Esta misma línea de argumentación fue bien visible en la prédica de Harry Truman sobre las naciones libres, en la visión maníquea del "Imperio del Mal" de Ronald Reagan y, además del mencionado Clinton, más recientemente en las administraciones Bush (h) y Obama, como puede verse en los siguientes extractos obtenidos de distintos documentos estratégicos. Estamos en presencia por tanto de una constante de política exterior estadounidense.A National Security Strategy for a New Century, October 1998."…We seek international support in helping strengthen democratic and free market institutions and norms in countries making the transition from closed to open societies. This commitment to see freedom and respect for human rights take hold is not only just, but pragmatic, for strengthened democratic institutions benefit the United States and the world" (p. 33).The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, September 2002."…We will (…) use our foreign aid to promote freedom and support those who struggle non-violently for it, ensuring that nations moving toward democracy are rewarded for the steps they take (…) [and we will] make freedom and the development of democratic institutions key themes in our bilateral relations, seeking solidarity andcooperation from other democracies while we press governments that deny human rights to move toward a better future" (p. 4).National Security Strategy, May 2010."… The United States supports the expansion of democracy and human rights abroad because governments that respect these values are more just, peaceful, and legitimate. We also do so because their success abroad fosters an environment that supports America's national interests. Political systems that protect universal rights are ultimately more stable, successful, and secure. As our history shows, the United States can more effectively forge consensus to tackle shared challenges when working with governments that reflect the will and respect the rights of their people, rather than just the narrow interests of those in power" (p. 37).Esta prédica democrática, sin embargo, pareciera marchar a contramano de ciertas realidades. Señala Peñas, "la historia demuestra que las islas liberales no sólo han hecho la guerra por doquier, sino que además han sido responsables de un alto grado de militarización del mundo y han contribuido significativamente a la militarización y los conflictos entre los Estados no democráticos: esta militarización podría poner en peligro la paz democrática que el liberalismo propugna" (Peñas, 1997: 136). Estados Unidos, una de las democracias más importantes a nivel mundial (sino la más), posee en particular una historia reciente de retroalimentación entre militarización y conflictividad en el Tercer Mundo. Vale recordar, cómo a través de la CIA, Washington ayudó armar a la red al-Qaeda para combatir a la ocupación soviética de Afganistán en la década del '80, lo que a la postre generó una guerra civil en dicho país y el surgimiento de un importante enemigo en la figura de Osama Bin Laden, o bien el apoyo a Saddam Hussein durante la guerra irano-iraquí por aquellos mismos años en coexistencia casi paradojal con la venta encubierta de armamento a Irán —destinada a su vez a financiar la guerra sucia de los Contras nicaragüenses contra el gobierno revolucionario sandinista. La invasión a Iraq en marzo de 2003 y el posterior caos del país, también constituye un buen ejemplo del fracaso y los peligros que conlleva la aplicación de una retórica democrático-mesiánica a través de la manu militari.Ciertamente, el repaso de estos eventos despierta temores si se contempla el actual caso de Libia. Allí, la intervención bajo autorización del Consejo de Seguridad de Naciones Unidas para frenar la crisis humanitaria en curso en el país, por iniciativa de Francia, Estados Unidos, Italia, Gran Bretaña y España (todas democracias), se ha convertido en una operación liderada por la OTAN, donde se está financiando y proveyendo a las fuerzas insurgentes opositoras a Kadafy y en la que el objetivo del cambio de régimen parece cada vez más claro (van Tijen, 2011). A pesar del importante despliegue de poder aéreo y naval, la balanza del conflicto parece no sólo equilibrada sino estancada, contrariando las expectativas iniciales de los mandos políticos y militares occidentales, lo que a su vez augura una potencial inestabilidad en el corto y mediano plazo para todo el Magreb. ¿Es esta la clase de escenario regional que desea la comunidad internacional? ¿Es esto lo que pretenden las principales democracias occidentales? Difícilmente.Resulta por tanto un desafío tan grande como imperioso el lograr romper con la trampa entre democracia, militarización y conflictividad en aumento. Más aún si se advierten datos tan desalentadores como el tamaño del gasto militar de Estados Unidos, el cual eclipsa el gasto correspondiente al resto de las potencias y regiones del planeta.Tal contrariedad entre discurso pacífico-democrático y los hechos, en parte, se explica porque el objetivo estadounidense de la difusión de la democracia liberal a nivel mundial no es el único que compone su política exterior. Existen otros intereses (de seguridad, económicos, poder, etc.) y los medios para conseguirlos no siempre son pacíficos, ni justificables. Desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial, la política exterior estadounidense ha oscilado entre métodos como la negociación, disuasión, unilateralismo y multilateralismo (Barceló Sasía, 2006: 64). En este marco, por momentos el discurso político de la Paz Democrática ha generado la impresión de actuar más como una mera justificación retórica, como un auxilio para encubrir ideológicamente motivaciones de otro orden, antes que como el verdadero leit motif de las acciones emprendidas.Reflexión finalEn definitiva, la Paz Democrática, la idea de que las democracias no guerrean entre sí, cuyo corolario nos dice que la construcción de estados democráticos promueve la estabilidad en las relaciones internacionales, resulta una sugestiva noción desprendida del Liberalismo cuya corroboración científica, a pesar de las frases pomposas que puedan emitirse sobre su certeza y fiabilidad, se encuentra aún en juego. Siendo una tesis por demás atractiva, defendida y cuestionada en el mundo académico, resulta aún más trascendente su estudio dada su cristalización fáctica como supuesto criterio guía en el comportamiento exterior de los Estados democráticos más poderosos a nivel internacional. Los dilemas que ello entraña no son menores, como los intentos recientes y actuales de "democratizar" Medio Oriente y el Mundo Árabe nos recuerdan. Dobles discursos —morales de doble-standard de acuerdo con la célebre crítica de Stanley Hoffman— parecen conjugar anhelos democráticos con intereses geopolíticos y/o geoeconómicos, o más bien encubrir estos últimos bajo el manto de los primeros. En el medio, se resuelven y dirimen en el tablero mundial las corrientes de cambio pacífico o revolucionario, de progreso democrático o de restauración autocrática, las viejas lógicas de poder, de conquista y de influencia, la estabilidad internacional, el porvenir de la guerra y las sombras de la paz. *Candidato doctoral, Universidad Nacional de General San Martín (UNSAM, Argentina). 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1.1- Uno sguardo al percorso normativo sovranazionale Alla metà del XIX secolo, le scienze antropologiche cominciarono a manifestare l'esigenza di riformare la giustizia penale nei confronti dei minori, adattandola alle peculiari caratteristiche di tali soggetti. La particolarità del diritto penale minorile è infatti che i suoi destinatari sono soggetti nei quali le caratteristiche psico-fisiche e la personalità sono ancora in fase di sviluppo. Se da un lato il minore risulta essere educabile con maggiore facilità rispetto all'adulto, dall'altro risulta più incline agli influssi criminogeni che possono scaturire da trattamenti penali non adeguati ad un soggetto con tante peculiarità1. Prima del secolo scorso il minore era considerato alla stregua dell'adulto dal punto di vista procedimentale ed erano i singoli Stati a disciplinare discrezionalmente la materia: quasi ovunque si riconosceva una potestas assoluta del padre sul figlio minorenne. Il primo Tribunale per minorenni, chiamato Juvenile Court, fu istituito a Chicago nel 1899: un giudice specializzato che poteva applicare sanzioni correttive o anche soltanto educative, competente a giudicare tutti i minori di anni dieci. Si trattava, comunque, di un istituzione con una marcata impronta paternalistica, che mancava delle garanzie necessarie secondo i criteri della giurisprudenza classica, e per il quale non fu mai prevista una disciplina speciale2. In seguito altri Tribunali, sull'esempio di Chicago, furono istituiti a Boston e New York. Per quanto riguarda l'Europa, nel 1895 venne inaugurata la Juvenile Court di Birmingham e nel 1908 tali istituzioni divennero obbligatorie in Inghilterra, in Scozia ed in Irlanda con il Children Act, con il quale venne abolita quasi del tutto la pena di morte per i minori e stabilito che nessun minore di 16 anni potesse essere condannato al carcere3. Seguendo quest'esempio, altri Paesi sentirono il bisogno di istituire un organo giurisdizionale idoneo ad esaminare sia il crimine commesso dal minore sia il contesto sociale e familiare in cui è maturata la sua personalità. Il primo atto internazionale non vincolante a disciplinare specificatamente la giustizia penale minorile furono le Regole minime per l'amministrazione della giustizia minorile (c.d. Regole di Pechino), adottate dal VI Congresso dell'ONU il 29 Novembre 1985. Questo atto è stato fonte per tutti i codici penali moderni, compreso quello italiano, poiché per primo disciplinò forme di giustizia specifiche per il minore, che tendessero a rieducare e reinserire il minore, uscendo da una concezione puramente retribuzionistica. Alcune novità sono così rilevanti che ancora oggi le troviamo nei moderni codici di giustizia penale minorile, quali: la limitazione della libertà personale soltanto come extrema ratio, la quale deve essere sostituita tutte le volte che risulti possibile da misure alternative quali la sorveglianza o l'affidamento alla famiglia o ad una comunità (agenzia educativa); la custodia preventiva disposta in istituti separati dagli adulti o in una parte distinta dell'istituto; la previsione di cure, protezione e assistenza individuale necessari per l'età, il sesso e la personalità; la previsione di sanzioni alternative come multa, risarcimento e restituzione; l'applicazione di misure di probation. Le Regole di Pechino furono incorporate nella Convenzione ONU sui diritti dell'infanzia e dell'adolescenza, approvata a New York il 20 Novembre del 1989: si tratta di un documento vincolante per gli Stati firmatari che costituisce il trattato in materia di diritti umani con il maggior numero di ratifiche (sono 194 gli Stati firmatari). In Italia fu resa esecutiva con la l. n. 176/91, che, oltre a ribadire ciò che era stato affermati nei precedenti documenti in ambito di giustizia minorile, introduce alcune importanti novità sebbene non inerenti all' ambito processuale. Le Regole di Pechino, assieme alla Raccomandazione del Consiglio d'Europa n. R(87)20, del 17 Settembre 1987, sulle risposte sociali alla delinquenza giovanile4, sono espressamente prese in considerazione dal legislatore delegato, come confermato dalla Relazione al progetto preliminare delle disposizioni sul nuovo processo minorile ove si afferma che questi atti "ribadiscono il diritto del minore a tutte le garanzie processuali e ne sollecitano il rinforzo". Per quanto riguarda la collocazione di questi atti nel sistema delle fonti, è stato osservato che anche il processo penale minorile deve "adeguarsi alle norme delle convenzioni internazionali ratificate dall'Italia e relative ai diritti della persona e al processo penale" come stabilito al primo alinea dell'art. 2 della l. 16 Febbraio 1987 n. 81 per il nuovo processo penale, in ragione del riferimento ai principi generali di questo processo espresso per il processo penale minorile dall'art. 3 comma uno l. n. 81 del 1987. Appare evidente come anche a livello internazionale è mutato profondamente l'approccio nei confronti del minore, inizialmente visto soltanto come soggetto da contenere e correggere nell'ottica della tutela della comunità (che pure non ha perso la sua rilevanza), in seguito come un'identità in piena evoluzione, in capo alla quale sorgono dei diritti, bisognosa di misure ad hoc capaci di rieducarlo allontanandolo da quelle situazioni che sono causa di devianza. 1.2- Gli inizi del percorso legislativo in Italia In Italia un sistema penale autonomo per i minori è giunto con leggero ritardo rispetto ad altri Paesi Occidentali, il primo passo in tal senso fu la Circolare dell'11 Maggio 1908 ad opera del Ministro Guardasigilli Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, con la quale venivano poste le basi per l'affermazione, nell'ambito del diritto minorile, dei principi della specializzazione del giudice dei minorenni, della non pubblicità del processo in cui è coinvolto un minore e della necessità dell'indagine diretta ad acclarare la personalità del minore. L'importanza di questa circolare, che pure non sortì nell'immediato gli effetti sperati, nel percorso che ha portato all'affermazione del principio di specializzazione del giudice dei Minorenni è stata richiamata anche recentemente dalla Corte di Cassazione (sez. V pen., 16 Settembre 2008, n. 38481): attualmente infatti il giudice dei minori è caratterizzato sì dalla specifica competenza in ambito minorile, ma soprattutto dalla presenza, accanto ai magistrati ordinari, di giudici non togati esperti in psicologia e/o pedagogia. Nel 1909 ebbe inizio il progetto per la redazione di un Codice dei Minorenni, che prevedeva l'istituzione di un Tribunale specializzato, affidato a un'apposita commissione al cui vertice vi era il senatore Quarta. Il progetto non divenne legge, ma costituì la base per i seguenti progetti Ferri e Ollandini. Nel 1921 Enrico Ferri a capo di un'apposita commissione formulò un progetto di riforma che, prevedendo anch'esso l'istituzione di un giudice specializzato, andasse ad indagare l'insieme delle cause sociali, familiari, psicologiche, ereditarie ed evolutive del minore portato a delinquere. L'approccio particolarmente scientifico alla base della riforma fu forse una delle cause che non lo portò all'approvazione da parte del Parlamento. Il progetto Ollandini invece prevedeva l'istituzione di un Tribunale specializzato in ogni città con popolazione superiore ai duecentomila abitanti, ma nemmeno questo tentativo legislativo giunse all'approvazione. Nel 1930 furono approvati il nuovo codice penale (il codice Rocco) e il codice di procedura penale. Fu fissata a 18 anni la piena capacità penale, mentre nei casi riguardanti minori tra i quattordici anni e i diciotto anni il compito di accertare l'eventuale imputabilità veniva rimesso al giudice, in riferimento al possesso della capacità di intendere e di volere. Nel caso in cui il minore fosse ritenuto non imputabile ma comunque socialmente pericoloso poteva essere applicata una misura di sicurezza come il riformatorio giudiziale o la libertà vigilata. Per i minori imputabili invece era previsto che scontassero le pene in istituti separati da quelli degli adulti fino al compimento della maggiore età, inoltre la pena doveva essere finalizzata a una rieducazione morale. 1.3- Il r.d.l. n. 1404 del 1934 La creazione di un Tribunale specializzato per i minori arrivò nel 1934 con il r.d.l. n. 14045 (che rappresenta la prima disciplina sistematica del settore), convertito con la l. n. 835 del 1935, in cui trovarono finalmente attuazione tutti i precedenti progetti di riforma esaminati e i movimenti umanitari sviluppatisi negli anni precedenti. Al Tribunale venne attribuita la competenza di giudice di primo grado in materia penale, civile e amministrativa, distinta da quella del giudice ordinario. Era prevista all'art. 5 la possibilità di proporre appello, nei casi stabiliti dalla legge, presso una sezione specializzata della Corte d'Appello. Nello stesso edificio dove era situato il Tribunale, era prevista la creazione dei centri di rieducazione dei minori composti da un riformatorio giudiziario, un riformatorio per corrigendi, un carcere per minorenni, uffici di servizio sociale per i minorenne, nonché un centro di osservazione per minorenni. Una delle particolarità del decreto del '34 fu la possibilità per il giudice, introdotta con l'art. 25, di adottare misure rieducative nell'ambito della propria competenza amministrativa quali l'internamento al riformatorio per corrigendi6, applicabile al minore di diciotto anni che "avesse dato, per abitudini contratte, manifeste prove di traviamento" e risultasse per questo "bisognevole di correzione morale". Col tempo però i giudici non seguirono più i criteri guida fissati dal testo della legge e finirono con l'applicare l'internamento al riformatorio anche a soggetti non traviati, le cui situazioni familiari denotavano uno stato di degrado e abbandono. Inoltre, non essendo previsto un limite alla permanenza in questi istituti, essa si concludeva solo quando il soggetto non si mostrasse agli occhi del giudice più necessario di correzione oppure col compimento dei diciotto anni, con conseguente allontanamento prolungato dalla comunità, trasformando i minori in delinquenti veri e propri senza perseguire il fine rieducativo cui in astratto si sarebbe voluto tendere. Tali istituti si rivelarono avere caratteristiche non difformi da vere e proprie carceri penali: i minori venivano collocati in edifici rigorosamente chiusi e protetti da inferriate e cancelli dai quali non potevano allontanarsi, perdendo ogni contatto con il contesto sociale dal quale provenivano. Questo decreto, quindi, seppur ideato con nobili fini, rispecchia il difficile contesto politico-sociale in cui venne alla luce, che ne rappresenta il limite più evidente: uno Stato forte come quello fascista, che aveva il pieno controllo su ogni aspetto della vita degli individui, era, in quell'ottica, la prima forma di prevenzione per la devianza dei giovani. Di fronte al manifestarsi di un'eventuale devianza, lo Stato la affrontava in termini di malattia: la pena, dunque, era vista come una sorta di terapia per il soggetto malato, con la conseguenza che ci si concentrò di più sul controllo e la contenzione del minore, che sul fornire aiuto e sostegno per eliminare le cause devianti. Con l'entrata in vigore della Costituzione si ha l'introduzione di una serie di nuovi principi che si collocano come fonte primaria nell'ordinamento: tali principi rispecchiano i valori e gli ideali dei Padri Costituenti come reazione al regime fascista. Per quanto riguarda il processo minorile si fa riferimento all'art. 27, terzo comma e al 31, secondo comma. L'art. 27, terzo comma, afferma il principio rieducativo della pena: "le pene non possono consistere in trattamenti contrari al senso di umanità e devono tendere alla rieducazione del condannato". La mancanza, in questa disposizione e nei lavori preparatori, di un esplicito riferimento ai minori è stata colmata successivamente dalla giurisprudenza della Corte Costituzionale7. L'articolo 31, secondo comma, dispone invece che la Repubblica "protegge la maternità, l'infanzia e la gioventù, favorendo gli istituti necessari a tale scopo". Appare quindi evidente che l'impianto fascista su cui è stata costruita la competenza amministrativa del Tribunale e l'impianto delle misure rieducative necessitavano di essere riviste alla luce dell'entrata in vigore della Costituzione, affinché si potessero realizzare al meglio i principi in essa affermati. 1.4- La l. n. 888 del 1956 La risposta a queste esigenze arrivò con la l. n. 888 del 1956 la quale modificò notevolmente il r.d.l. n. 404/1934 attraverso un ampliamento della competenza amministrativa del Tribunale e un sistema di individualizzazione delle misure e del trattamento che limitasse la detenzione carceraria soltanto ai casi in cui risultasse strettamente necessaria. Fu previsto che le indagini per la personalizzazione delle misure fossero svolte non più dal pubblico ministero ma da un componente del Tribunale e inoltre furono previsti o modificati, all'art. 1, una serie di istituti per l'assistenza al minore, quali: gli istituti di osservazione, i gabinetti medico-psico-pedagogici, le case di rieducazione ed istituti medico-psicopedagogici, gli uffici di servizio sociale per minorenni, i "focolari" di semi-libertà e pensionati giovanili, le prigioni scuola e i riformatori giudiziari8. La novità più significativa è costituita dalla definitiva creazione dell'ufficio del servizio sociale per i minorenni (già previsto dal r.d. n. 1404/34 ma mai entrati concretamente in funzione), chiamato inizialmente a collaborare con il giudice minorile per l'esecuzione dei provvedimenti amministrativi ed in particolare della misura di rieducazione dell'affidamento ai servizi sociali introdotta con la medesima legge9. In tal senso è significativa la valorizzazione, all'interno delle case di rieducazione, della figura dell'educatore10 al quale è devoluto il compito di costituire un modello di identificazione positivo affinché il minore possa (ri)costruire la propria personalità e il mondo dei valori e delle norme11. L'intento era quello di limitare al massimo l'internamento del minore, privilegiando un'assistenza nelle forme della libertà assistita, attraverso la previsione e la realizzazione di un progetto educativo che vedeva la collaborazione tra servizi e giudice nel momento di adozione della misura stessa12. Questa riforma portò a un cambiamento dei presupposti per l'applicazione della misura: non si tratta più di giovani "traviati", bensì di "soggetti irregolari per condotta o carattere", irregolarità che deve essere accertata attraverso "approfondite indagini sulla personalità del minore", esplicate da uno dei componenti del Tribunale per i minorenni designato dal Presidente13: questo cambiamento permise di circoscrivere l'intervento amministrativo a quei minori che esprimevano una concreta devianza con il rischio di incorrere nella commissione di reati. Vi erano quindi tutti i presupposti per un effettivo mutamento negli interventi amministrativi, grazie ad una adeguata individuazione delle tipologie di soggetti destinatari degli stessi che, con rigore interpretativo andavano circoscritti solo a quelli effettivamente a rischio dimissione di reati ed il cui comportamento fosse espressione di devianza. Ciò avrebbe consentito di distinguere chiaramente gli interventi comunque limitativi della libertà personale finalizzati, oltre che ad una ripresa dei processi educativi del minore, anche a concorrenti esigenze di tutela dell'ordine pubblico, dagli interventi di carattere meramente assistenziale, indirizzati a soggetti in situazioni di carenza familiare e, quindi, bisognevoli esclusivamente di supporto e sostegno14. Purtroppo però questo sistema non raggiunse i risultati sperati: istituti identici venivano usati per far fronte a situazioni che avrebbero richiesto trattamenti differenziati e inoltre alcuni interventi che il legislatore aveva voluto differenziare si rivelarono sostanzialmente identici fra loro. Così la richiesta di internamento dei figli da parte della famiglie, prevista dalla l. n. 888/56, finì col supplire alle carenze educative familiari o scolastiche, piuttosto che rappresentare una risposta a irregolarità nella condotta o nel carattere del minore, cancellando di fatto la differenza fra il fine rieducativo e quello assistenziale. Il risultato fu che, nonostante un'apertura alle necessità ed esigenze del minore, continua non si riuscì a separare nettamente l'assistenza dal controllo con la conseguenza che l'ideologia rieducativa convive di fatto con quella custodiale degli anni passati15. La crisi del sistema alimentò negli anni '70 un dibattito fra gli stessi operatori incentrato da un lato sull'esigenza di superare l'istituzionalizzazione prolungata e l'internamento in strutture chiuse che nei giovani sono causa della formazione di una identità negativa, di immagini di sé e di ruoli sociali degradanti16, dall'altro di giungere a una completa depenalizzazione delle norme sanzionatorie che portasse a una decarcerizzazione per i minori, sospinta anche dall'approvazione della riforma penitenziaria del 1975 che, seppur sembrò non interessarsi particolarmente allo specifico minorile, ne influenzò il relativo dibattito. 1.5- Il d.p.r. n. 616 del 1977: il decentramento agli enti locali Fu in questo clima che si giunse al d.p.r. n. 616 del 1977 con il quale si attribuiva la competenza della giurisdizione minorile in campo amministrativo e civile ai servizi sociali dei Comuni (decentralizzazione) e si aboliva la negativa esperienza delle Case di rieducazione. Si arrivò quindi a una distinzione fra la competenza in campo penale attribuita allo Stato (con finalità punitiva) e quella in campo amministrativo e civile attribuita agli Enti Locali (con finalità rieducativa): l'idea era quella di discostarsi dal precedente modello in cui il minore era rinchiuso all'interno di un istituto lontano dalla società e di agire direttamente sul proprio contesto sociale al fine di rimuoverne quegli ostacoli che erano fonte di devianza. Questo prevedeva la permanenza del minore all'interno dell'ambito sociale di appartenenza, li dove sarebbero intervenuti i servizi sociali comunali. Molti Comuni però si trovarono impreparati a fronteggiare la situazione, finendo col fornire le sole misure assistenziali anche di fronte ai comportamenti devianti che avrebbero necessitato invece di risposte rieducative; il vuoto legislativo creatosi comportò per i giudici di trovarsi di fronte alla scelta di rinunciare a qualsiasi intervento o di applicare pene detentive sproporzionate al caso in esame. Appariva ormai chiara l'ambivalenza sia delle misure di rieducazione che dell'intero sistema penale minorile che oscillava fra provvedimenti meramente clemenziali, quali ad esempio il perdono giudiziale, il quale veniva applicato in modo automatico per fatti di lieve entità, e la risposta meramente retributiva, non marcatamente differenziata rispetto agli adulti, sia per quanto riguarda l'entità della pena inflitta, sia per quanto riguarda le modalità di esecuzione o l'eventuale diversificazione delle risposte sanzionatorie. Senza dubbio è in questo periodo storico che si ha la presa di coscienza, come evidenziato dalle pronunce della Corte Costituzionale17, in ordine all'esigenza di ridurre al massimo sia la carcerazione, ma soprattutto anche gli interventi rieducativi all'interno di strutture chiuse, limitando l'intervento giudiziario a casi e situazioni ben definiti18. 1.6- Il nuovo processo penale minorile: il d.p.r. 448 del 1988 In seguito alle numerose sentenze della Corte Costituzionale, alle Convenzioni e alle Dichiarazioni internazionali che si susseguirono prese il via in Italia il progetto di redazione di un nuovo processo penale minorile. Al momento della redazione del provvedimento vennero alla luce due possibili e contrapposte impostazioni: la prima sosteneva la necessità di inserire la normativa del nuovo processo minorile all'interno del codice di procedura penale, la seconda invece riteneva necessaria la predisposizione di un autonomo decreto delegato; questa seconda opinione fu quella prevalente sia per la specificità della materia in oggetto e in–oltre per non "appesantire" in maniera ulteriore un codice di notevole estensione e complessità19. Il d.p.r. 448, emanato il 22 Settembre del 1988 in seguito alla legge delega n. 81 del 1987, e completato poi dal d.lgs n. 272 del 1989 recante norme di attuazione, di coordinamento e transitorie, delinea un sistema di giustizia penale diversificato, dove il momento più significativo è rappresentato dal passaggio del minore da oggetto di protezione e tutela a soggetto titolare di diritti. Infatti, per la prima volta si parla esplicitamente di "interesse del minore", di "esigenze educative" e di "tutela del minore" come criteri giuridicamente rilevanti destinati a influenzare esplicitamente le decisioni e le scelte in tutto il percorso processuale attraversato dal minore20. Occorre innanzitutto sottolineare che non fu toccato l'aspetto ordinamentale, e neppure quello sostanziale: si ebbe così un processo penale minorile del tutto nuovo, da celebrarsi però davanti a un giudice "vecchio", che applicava un sistema sanzionatorio che era stato previsto fin dalla sua origine per gli imputati adulti. E una conferma a quello che si è appena detto la si trova nei continui richiami, da parte dell'intero d.p.r. n. 448/88, alle esigenze educative del minore, che pongono contrasti con i principi di tassatività della pena e di legalità: un tale sistema pone dubbi di legittimità costituzionale alla luce dell'art. 13 Cost. secondo cui le limitazioni alla libertà personale devono avvenire nei "casi e modi previsti dalla legge". Ciò si concretizza nell'ampia discrezionalità lasciata al giudice al momento della scelta delle misure cautelari da adottare nei confronti dell'imputato, per le quali egli dovrà tener conto, in aggiunta ai criteri ex art. 275 c.p.p., anche di non interrompere i processi educativi in atto: si faccia riferimento, ad esempio, alla misura delle prescrizioni, il cui contenuto può essere fra i più ampi e disparati dall'obbligo di frequentare attività di volontariato al divieto di stare fuori casa oltre una certa ora. Sarebbe stato più opportuno ridurre i margini di questa discrezionalità attraverso l'introduzione di ulteriori criteri che riflettessero la specificità del processo minorile. 1.7- I principi generali del processo minorile Il codice processuale minorile contiene una serie di principi che si discostano da quello per gli adulti proprio in virtù della specificità della condizione del minore al momento dell'instaurazione del processo penale: all'articolo 1 viene enunciato il principio di sussidiarietà: "Nel procedimento a carico di minorenni si osservano le disposizioni del presente decreto e, per quanto da esse non previsto, quelle del codice di procedura penale"21. La norma quindi ci avverte che le disposizioni contenute nel presente decreto non sono del tutto autosufficienti e laddove siano presenti delle lacune si dovrà fare riferimento all'ordinario codice di procedura penale. Il rinvio operato dall'articolo 1 ha posto dubbi interpretativi circa la sua natura: se si tratta di un rinvio materiale ogni modificazione (pronunce di incostituzionalità e abrogazioni) alle disposizioni del codice processuale ordinario non opererebbe per il d.p.r. n. 448 il quale, invece, continuerebbe a fare riferimento al testo originario del codice; se invece si accoglie l'impostazione di chi vi abbia ravvisato un rinvio formale, si consentirebbe al nuovo codice di adeguarsi all'evoluzione dell'ordinario codice processuale penale, applicando disposizioni concretamente vigenti, previa compatibilità delle norme alla luce delle modificazioni. La dottrina maggioritaria ha adottato quest'ultima impostazione per non condannare i due sistemi a muoversi lungo linee inevitabilmente divaricate, in quanto il quadro di riferimento per il rito minorile rimarrebbe fermo nel tempo, mentre la giustizia penale per adulti seguirebbe propri itinerari evolutivi in grado di mutarne, anche in modo significativo, i caratteri connotativi22. A sostegno di questa interpretazione anche la sentenza n. 323/2000 della Corte Costituzionale, che ha evidenziato come nel dubbio circa l'applicazione fra due norme si debba il principio del favor rei nei confronti dell'imputato minorenne. Un altro problema che sorge nell'interpretazione dell'articolo 1 d.p.r. n. 448/88 riguarda la scelta delle norme del c.p.p. cui si deve fare rinvio: esse devono essere applicate secondo un'interpretazione sistematica per escludere eventuali situazioni di incompatibilità con le norme o i principi del processo dei minori. Contestualmente al principio di sussidiarietà, all'art. 1, è affermato il principio di adeguatezza: "Tali disposizioni sono applicate in modo adeguato alla personalità e alle esigenze educative del minorenne". Si fa riferimento alla fase applicativa delle norme posta in essere dal giudice, quando vengono individuate le misure cautelari e definitive da applicare al minore: in accordo con questo principio il giudice non dovrà limitarsi a una mera applicazione automatica ma dovrà individuare le varie misure facendo riferimento alla situazione del minore: ambiente familiare, problemi personali e percorso educativo passato od eventualmente in atto. Solo tenendo conto di questi elementi il giudice potrà perseguire il fine rieducativo e di reinserimento sociale cui l'intero sistema tende. Un altro dei principi fondanti del processo penale minorile è quello di minima offensività del processo in quanto esso concretizza il fine del recupero sociale del minore che ha commesso un reato. Il contatto fra il minore e il processo penale può essere causa di notevoli sofferenze psicologiche che potrebbero arrecare grave pregiudizio al percorso educativo e di crescita del minore: espressione di questo principio in ambito cautelare è la facoltatività che caratterizza l'intervento del giudice, su cui ci soffermeremo meglio nel prossimo capitolo. L'ultimo principio riguarda la residualità della detenzione che, in conformità alle pronunce della Corte Costituzionale, sottolinea che la pena detentiva nei confronti del minore deve rappresentare l'extrema ratio: per questo sono previste misure alternative alla custodia detentiva che riducano l'impatto sulla sfera psico-emotiva del minore.

IntroducciónLas sucesivas crisis fiscales que han acontecido en la problemática historia económica argentina han sido causadas principalmente por dos situaciones: la existencia de una desmesurada confianza que generaba burbujas (como la "crisis de progreso" de 1890) o una irresuelta puja distributiva que generaba déficit fiscales insostenibles (por ejemplo, 1975, 1989, 2001).Este trabajo hace hincapié en la segunda situación e intenta argumentar el inicio de las pujas distributivas irresueltas en el juego de suma cero que prosiguió a la incipiente articulación del proceso de industrialización argentino en la década del 20'.En primer lugar, debemos argumentar el comienzo del proceso de industrialización en los 20', detallando las visiones contrapuestas. En segundo lugar, debemos discutir por qué este proceso habría supuesto un juego de suma cero. En tercer lugar, intentaremos demostrar por qué, asumiendo la existencia de un juego de suma cero, eso necesariamente devendría causa de la volatilidad de los ciclos económicos argentinos y, eventualmente, de las sucesivas crisis fiscales.Por ende, primero debemos introducir brevemente el debate sobre las condiciones del proceso de industrialización en Argentina.La década del 20 y el proceso de industrialización¿Hay una relación analítica entre el juego de suma cero entre el sector agropecuario y el sector industrial y la sistemática presencia de crisis fiscales en la economía argentina? ¿Cuándo comienza el juego de suma cero entre el sector agropecuario y el sector industrial y cuál es la relación entre ese juego y las sucesivas crisis fiscales argentinas? Este trabajo intenta marcar la existencia de una relación analítica entre la oposición campo-industria y la acentuada volatilidad de los ciclos económicos argentinos.Si bien la literatura especializada había mencionado la década del 30' como el momento histórico donde se consolida la incipiente industria, contemporáneamente los historiadores han situado ese proceso mucho antes: según Fernando Rocchi, en la década final del siglo XIX pueden verse intentos de protección a industrias nacientes en el interior del país, como la vitivinícola en Mendoza y la caña de azúcar en Tucumán (1). Los grupos de interés se articulaban eficientemente para lograr cuotas y tarifas que impidieran el acceso al mercado doméstico de bienes producidos en el extranjero.Un trabajo muy influyente sobre el rol jugado por un proceso de industrialización tardío es "Las Etapas del Desarrollo Económico Argentino", donde Guido Di Tella y Manuel Zymelman desarrollan la teoría de la "gran demora". ¿En que consiste? En la supuesta incapacidad de los policy makers en ver que se agotaba un (largo) modelo y ciclo económico, siendo necesario empezar a pensar una nueva manera de insertarse en una economía mundial que iniciaba un proceso de cambio. Para los autores, se había alcanzado la frontera de producción agrícola y se necesitaba pensar un nuevo país basado en el desarrollo de una política industrial específica. Sin embargo, esta posición tiene demasiados problemas. Por un lado, supone un análisis ex post de los acontecimientos. Es decir, Di Tella y Zymelman exponen la supuesta incapacidad de los dirigentes para realizar un cambio de política desde la perspectiva que les daba conocer el futuro. A su vez, la teoría de la "gran demora" no se cuestiona por qué no se podía profundizar la frontera de producción agrícola, asumiendo que efectivamente se hubiera alcanzado. ¿Qué había hecho que los 20' reflejaran un límite para la expansión agrícola? ¿Por qué la economía argentina no habría podido lograr nuevas ganancias de productividad en el sector? (2).En cambio, Javier Villanueva critica la visión tradicional sobre el inicio de la industrialización en los 30´, producto de las dificultades que supuestamente habría generado la Gran Depresión. Según Villanueva, esa es una versión "olímpica", es decir, alejada del análisis detenido de los acontecimientos locales. El autor sostiene que la industria argentina había comenzado a despegar en los años 20´ como consecuencia de una incipiente política proteccionista. Villanueva considera acertada la implementación de este conjunto de políticas. Según Villanueva, "…puede observarse que la tasa de crecimiento de la actividad industrial es por lo menos igual o aun mayor para el periodo comprendido entre 1911-1929, que para el periodo 1929-1939…si lo que se somete a la observación es, no ya la tasa de crecimiento del sector mismo, sino de la participación porcentual en la producción total del país, las conclusiones son parecidas a las señaladas anteriormente…"(3).A su vez, sostiene que:Los datos del censo de 1946 sugieren la idea de que, en lo que se refiere a la creación de establecimientos industriales, con independencia de su tamaño, los años 20´ no resultaron menos fructíferos que los del 30´. En 1946 continuaban produciendo 9943 empresas de la cepa de 1926-1930 contra 9962 del periodo 1931-1935…La tasa de crecimiento más elevada de la inversión en el sector industrial corresponde a los años 1923-1929. Un examen de la inversión en equipos y maquinarias industrial contribuye a reafirmar lo expuesto en los párrafos anteriores: entre los años 1924 y 1930 se produce la más amplia inversión en el sector industrial hasta la segunda guerra mundial. (4)Podemos ver el siguiente cuadro elaborado por el autor:Producto Bruto Nacional: Sectores agrícola y manufactureroParticipación y aumento en la participación (1900 – 1950) Fuente: Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina," Op. cit., [en línea] disponible enwww.educ.ar 7.Por su parte, Pablo Gerchunoff y Horacio Aguirre ven en la política económica de los 20' un antecedente del peronismo pero con apertura, es decir, salarios reales altos, un desarrollo industrial incipiente y un sector agro-ganadero con menor peso relativo. Para los autores The 1920s are thus placed as a "missing link" in Argentine economic history: it is a period that does not seem to carry with it distinct features of its own, but rather tends to be depicted as either the proto-history of economic stagnation or the epilogue of open-economy development…The fact that import prices retained during the 1920s part of their gains of the previous decade, gave way to conditions that favoured a 'spontaneous' kind of protection; in contrast, high export prices in the 1940s presented peronism with an opportunity to seize resources and allocate them to the industrial sector. Whereas the radical administrations would not break ties with the past in terms of identifying exports as the growth engine, and would thus take an attitude of 'benign neglect' towards industry, the peronist creed had industrial development as one of its pillars -and so would finance subsidies to industries with the trade surplus. It was 'market driven' industrialisation that took place in the 1920s, as opposed to active pro-industrial policies in the 1940s." (5)A partir de estas distintas posiciones que reflejan los historiadores económicos, podemos ver que la década del 20' no es el comienzo del proceso de industrialización argentino pero sí deviene como el periodo donde, sin saberlo los actores, se estaba alcanzando un punto en que la continuación exitosa del histórico modelo agro exportador necesitaría de inversiones importantes para mantener su eficiencia económica. En este sentido, la articulación de un sector industrial con capacidad para capturar rentas devenía no sólo un problema para el sector agropecuario sino para la economía en su conjunto.El comienzo de un proceso de industrialización no necesariamente tiene que generar juegos de suma cero con otros actores. ¿Por qué ello habría ocurrido en Argentina y cuales han sido sus características peculiares?Oposición campo - industria y juegos de suma ceroA partir de los aportes de los historiadores económicos, podemos reformular el problema: la década del 20' no significa el comienzo del proceso de industrialización argentino, sin embargo, puede significar el comienzo del juego de suma cero entre el sector agropecuario y el incipiente sector industrial. ¿Cuándo se dan los juegos de suma cero? Cuando hay dos o mas actores con la suficiente capacidad para generar y mantener un marco institucional donde uno captura sistemáticamente la mayor eficiencia de otro. Es importante notar que lo analíticamente relevante no es la existencia de un juego de suma cero sino la permanencia del mismo en el tiempo. Es decir, un problema atrae a analistas e historiadores no cuando sucede en un momento T1 sino cuando sigue sucediendo, sin solución de continuidad, en T2, T3, Tn. Así, lo que debemos responder es por qué se mantiene en el tiempo un marco donde un sector A es lo suficientemente productivo para ser sistemáticamente capturado y un sector B es lo suficientemente eficiente para capturar sistemáticamente a A.¿Por qué el juego de suma cero habría comenzado en los 20' y por que no había existido tal juego anteriormente? Como mencionamos, para la existencia de un juego de suma cero se necesitan al menos dos actores: uno que produzca los bienes que otro captura. Podemos pensar que antes de la década del 20' no estaban en la economía argentina suficientemente configurados los actores relevantes para la existencia de un juego de estas características. Es decir, el sector agropecuario expandía su producción y el mundo demandaba sus productos, mientras que por otro lado el sector industrial no era lo suficientemente articulado y poderoso como para capturar parte de las rentas agropecuarias. La década del 20 da comienzo a una particular economía política de la Argentina por la concatenación de estas características: 1) un sector agropecuario (relativamente) menos productivo que en el pasado, 2) un sector industrial en proceso de articulación y 3) una crisis en ciernes. ¿Cuál es la novedad analítica que nos provee la economía política de finales de los 20'? La existencia de un sector industrial con la capacidad de capturar la renta de un sector lo suficientemente productivo para ser capturado justo en el momento histórico donde acontecía una caída en la demanda de lo que producía dicho sector capturado y la economía mundial se adentraba en una Gran Depresión. ¿Es azarosa la aparición conjunta en el tiempo de un sector industrial con la capacidad de capturar y una economía que se avecinaba a la situación de un juego de suma cero? No necesariamente. Es posible que la mayor capacidad de captura se haya debido a la debilidad relativa que crecientemente mostraba el eficiente sector agropecuario argentino.El juego de suma cero que se avecinaba puede ser percibido en la siguiente definición de Gerchunoff y Llach:Mencionamos dos asimetrías. Una podría llamarse la asimetría sectorial; otra, la asimetría regional. La asimetría sectorial alude a la vasta brecha de productividad entre actividades primarias y secundarias. Como consecuencia de la escasa población y de la abundancia de tierra fértil (combinadas, al menos en un principio, con una mínima existencia de capital acumulado), la Argentina estuvo siempre muy bien preparada para producir alimentos. Esa ventaja absoluta para la elaboración de bienes primarios, resultado de la demografía y de la naturaleza, fue al mismo tiempo la fuente de la gran desventaja comparativa que siempre tuvo la Argentina para la producción industrial, que requería precisamente los factores menos abundantes, el trabajo y el capital. La relación entre abundancia de factores productivos y perfil productivo era visible para los observadores más agudos de la joven Argentina. Carlos Pellegrini presentaba en el Congreso de 1899 una versión rudimentaria del teorema Heckscher-Ohlin: "En la República Argentina es muy caro el capital y es muy cara la mano de obra, por ejemplo, mientras que hay otras naciones en que una y otra cosa son más baratas. En la República Argentina hay facilidades de otro orden, que no se encuentran en otros países. Una industria cualquiera que requiriera mucha mano de obra, sería una industria muy difícil de arraigar en la República Argentina, porque desde el principio tendría que luchar contra esta condición especial nuestra, que es la falta de mano de obra." (6) Podemos introducir la cuestión de la oposición campo-industria desde la perspectiva analítica que da la oposición campo-ciudad. Sostiene Varshney Ashutosh:A history of ideas on town-country struggles must start with the obvious fact that as economies develop and societies modernize, agriculture declines. Before the rise of industrial society, all societies were rural. If we look at the most industrialized societies of today, their agricultural sectors constitute less than five per cent of GDP. Contrariwise, in the poorest economies of the world, agriculture still accounts for anywhere between 30 to 65 per cent of GDP (World Bank, 1991: 208-9).(7)Así, si bien el autor se refiere a la problemática relación campo-ciudad en África, el desarrollo que hace nos sirve para Argentina:Using theories of collective action, Bates (1981) reformulated this argument. One can identify 3 steps in his argument. First, to extract resources for the treasury, city and industry, African states set prices that hurt the countryside. Second, by selectively distributing state largesse (subsidies and projects), African states divide up the countryside into supporters that benefit from state action and opponents who are deprived of state generosity, and are frequently punished. Such policy-induced splits pre-empt a united rural front. Third, independently of the divisive tactics of the state, rural collective action is difficult because (a) the agriculture sector is very large with each peasant having a small share of the product, and (b) it is dispersed, making communication difficult. The customary free-rider problem in such situations impedes collective action. Industry, on the other hand, is small and concentrated in the city, and the share of each producer in the market is large, making it worthwhile for each producer to organize."(8)A su vez, la asimétrica relación entre el campo y la industria depende en parte importante del grado de desarrollo de la economía en cuestión. Richard Peerlberg ha realizado una síntesis del problema en el American Journal of Agricultural Economics:Un excelente estudio para explicar por qué todos los países desarrollados tienden a proteger a los productores agropecuarios es un libro publicado por Anderson y Hayami. Los autores realizan una comparación de las variaciones nominales en la protección del sector agrícola (es decir, la ratio entre el precio interno y el externo) en 15 países, desarrollados y en vías de desarrollo, en el periodo 1955-80. Los autores encuentran que el 70% de estas variaciones en la protección nominal puede ser explicada, país por país, a través de la variación de los indicadores de urbanización e industrialización (indicadores como ratio tierra-trabajo y ratio productividad del trabajo agrícola versus productividad del trabajo industrial). Anderson y Hayami concluyen que, mas allá de la distintiva historia de un país, su cultura o instituciones, el nivel de protección para el sector agrícola tenderá a crecer junto a la industrialización, o más precisamente, cuando las ventajas comparativas de la agricultura decrecen. Así, en cuanto las ventajas comparativas se trasladan de la agricultura a la industria, el foco de la protección cambiará desde la industria a la agricultura. Anderson y Hayami estudian particularmente esta tendencia en Asia Oriental, donde países como Japón, Corea, y Taiwán han pasado dramáticamente de castigar impositivamente a proteger al agro, una vez que el rápido proceso de industrialización comenzó.(9)De la cita anterior surge un punto analítica y políticamente central para este trabajo: mientras en los países desarrollados la industrialización supuso un proceso donde se pasaba de castigar a proteger al sector agropecuario, la experiencia Argentina ha mostrado el camino inverso. El país "era desarrollado" cuando no se protegía al agro y comenzó a retrasarse (relativamente, en relación al ingreso per capita de los países ricos) cuando inició el supuesto proceso de industrialización. Es decir, este camino inverso refleja la asimétrica relación entre un sector agrícola altamente productivo y un sector industrial poco productivo. El siguiente gráfico refleja la decadencia relativa:Evolución relativa del ingreso por habitante de Argentina.Ingreso per cápita argentino como % del promedio entre Estados Unidos, Francia, Reino Unido, Italia, Alemania, Bélgica, Canadá, Australia, Nueva Zelanda y Brasil. Fuente: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, Ved en Trono a la Noble Igualdad, Op. cit., 8.Juegos de suma cero y repetición de crisisDurante la crisis y post crisis de 1929 es cuando comienza a consolidarse el juego de suma cero que se institucionaliza en la estable puja distributiva que impone el primer peronismo. La influencia que la Gran Depresión ha tenido en la economía política de la Argentina no puede subestimarse. Tanto la Gran Depresión como el primer peronismo son variables centrales para entender por qué acontece una puja distributiva de baja calidad institucional, que se consolida en el tiempo independientemente de las sucesivas crisis fiscales que ayuda a provocar. Podemos ver los siguientes indicadores:La depresión del comercio argentino:exportaciones e importaciones durante la crisis Fuente: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto: Un siglo de políticas económicas argentinas (Buenos Aires: Ariel, 1998), 114. (De aquí en adelante: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto)¿Cuáles son las nuevas variables que aparecen con la Gran Depresión? La principal variable que genera la crisis es una ola proteccionista. Una segunda variable, relacionada con la primera, es la incipiente consolidación de la Industrialización por Sustitución de Importaciones (ISI), modelo económico-político que es institucionalizado por el primer peronismo. Una crisis puede tener la particularidad de generar incentivos económicos e institucionales anteriormente inexistentes. Sin embargo, lo relevante de la crisis del 29' para la economía política de la Argentina ha sido contribuir a generar nuevos incentivos que se fueron consolidando con las sucesivas crisis. Es decir, es un dato analítico inusual que las posteriores crisis fiscales hayan contribuido a institucionalizar un patrón de captura en vez de generar incentivos para al menos intentar modificar la economía política del estancamiento.La crisis del 29' nos provee también indicadores comparados:Un mundo en crisis:Caída máxima del producto en tiempos de la Depresión (%) Fuente: Gerchunoff, Pablo y Llach, Lucas, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto, Op. cit., 119.Como mencionamos, podemos ver que la puja distributiva que comienza en el juego de suma cero de finales de los 20's se consolida durante el primer peronismo(10): Fuente: elaboración propia con datos provistos en CD con estadísticas de Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor,A New Economic History of Argentina (EEUU: Cambridge University Press, 2003): Nominal Wage Index (IEERAL (1986) and Mundlak, Cavallo and Domenech (1989)) (De aquí en adelante: Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor, A New Economic History of Argentina)La puja distributiva también queda reflejada en el Índice de Precios al Consumidor: Fuente: elaboración propia con datos provistos en CD con estadísticas de Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor,A New Economic History of Argentina, Op. cit.Por otro lado, podemos ver como después de la Gran Depresión los salarios del sector agropecuario se recuperan en parte, para volver a caer con la llegada del primer peronismo. En cambio, los salarios del sector industrial permanecen en una meseta durante la Depresión, para alcanzar un aumento notable con la llegada del peronismo: Fuente: elaboración propia con datos provistos en CD con estadísticas de Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor,A New Economic History of Argentina, Op. cit.Por último, es necesario mostrar la discriminación al campo que se consolida e institucionaliza con el primer peronismo:La discriminación al campo(Base 1925-1929 = 100) Fuente: Gerchunoff, Pablo y Llach, Lucas, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto, Op. cit., 189.¿Por qué habría una relación entre el juego de suma cero planteado y la repetición de las crisis fiscales en Argentina? Como mencionamos, la década del 20 contribuyó a consolidar un proceso de industrialización de baja calidad. En ese marco, el problema no sólo era la mala calidad de la industrialización sino el momento histórico donde ello acontecía. Cuando más se necesitaban recursos para producir nuevas ganancias de productividad en el sector agropecuario argentino, comenzaba una eficiente captura por parte de un nuevo actor. Esta sistemática captura puede ejemplificarse en la aparición de la Junta Nacional de Granos en 1935 y en las políticas distributivas implementadas por el primer peronismo(11). Sin embargo, aquí el punto analítico principal es que el juego de suma cero se institucionaliza con el primer peronismo, y las sucesivas crisis fiscales son incapaces de generar incentivos como para modificar la captura en marcha.A partir de la cita anterior de Astoney Vahsney, podemos pensar que la complejidad de la experiencia argentina se debe en parte a la existencia de un proceso de industrialización donde el perjudicado es el sector agropecuario y el protegido es precisamente un sector industrial con bajos índices de productividad. Siguiendo esta lógica, es posible ver que la mala calidad del proceso de industrialización argentino institucionaliza un marco estable de captura porque el sector eficiente es también el más atomizado políticamente. Así, las sucesivas crisis fiscales reflejan la existencia de una irresuelta puja distributiva. Esta particular economía política de la captura puede ayudarnos a articular una explicación sobre la estabilidad del estancamiento.El juego de suma cero supone la existencia de cierta ineficiencia económica y esta a su vez supone la posibilidad de un sector público que gasta por encima de sus ingresos. A su vez, eso genera una crisis. Sin embargo, esa crisis fiscal no necesariamente supone una cesación de pagos. Della Paolera, Irigoin y Bózzoli hacen hincapié en un punto analíticamente central: para ellos, los problemas de incumplimiento del sector público argentino no tienen que medirse sólo en relación al default de bonos de la deuda sino al default interno que significa la desvalorización de la moneda local debido a la inflación causada por la excesiva monetización. La impresión de moneda local es una deuda que el Estado contrae con sus ciudadanos y la monetización de los déficits es, para los autores, una manera de incumplir con las obligaciones asumidas. Es decir, no sólo se pueden violar los derechos de propiedad a través de la cesación de pagos de bonos de la deuda publica sino también a través de la cesación de pagos de hecho que significa la impresión de moneda que genera procesos inflacionarios. En palabras de los autores:As was the case prior to 1850s, currency issue was the ultimate recourse taken to meet the fiscal gap. This was the result of the government's capacity to influence the authorities in charge of monetary policymaking. Eventually, excessive monetary expansion led to inflation and allowed the government to repudiate some of its liabilities. Because inflation diminished the real value of money, the monetization of the fiscal deficit acted as a progressive expropriation of domestic currency held by private agents, i.e., it acted as an inflation tax. This permanent erosion in the purchasing power of the public's cash holdings had dramatic consequences. Over time, this repeatedly used device reached extreme proportions: on a percentage basis, increases in the fiscal deficit were often met one-for-one with increases in inflation tax…The use of monetization to finance persistent fiscal deficits was one of the main problems of the Argentine economy in the second half of the 20th century. (12)Las crisis económicas pueden reflejarse en incumplimientos en el pago de bonos pero también en el valor de la moneda local. El sector público argentino ha sistemáticamente monetizado sus déficits y generado así ganadores y perdedores. Sin embargo, lo destacable del proceso ha sido la dificultad para modificar el patrón de captura. Es decir, una pregunta central que debe responder la historia económica no es la existencia de una puja distributiva sino la irresuelta permanencia de la misma. En este trabajo hemos intentado marcar que esa irresuelta permanencia se ha debido en parte a la compleja e inusual relación dada en un país que elige para modernizarse depender de la eficiencia del sector agropecuario. A su vez, ello no sólo generó la existencia de un juego de suma cero sino la estabilidad de ese juego. La razón de la estabilidad hay que buscarla en la lógica de la acción colectiva: el incipiente sector industrial no sólo era ineficiente económicamente sino que se encontraba en una relación de poder asimétrica y ventajosa con el crecientemente desarticulado sector agropecuario, situación que contribuyó a institucionalizar el juego de suma cero incluso ante la sucesión de crisis fiscales.Consideraciones finales¿En qué medida el incipiente proceso de industrialización en marcha en los años 20' potenció un juego de suma cero entre el campo y la industria y, al hacerlo, ha contribuido a generar diversos ciclos de expansión populista que, dado su volatilidad, ayudaron a consolidar un marco institucional de sucesivas crisis? Es decir, ¿potencian los juegos de suma cero la volatilidad de los ciclos económicos?En el presente trabajo hemos intentado marcar una relación entre el juego de suma cero del campo y la industria y la volatilidad de los ciclos económicos en Argentina a partir de la institucionalización de la captura. ¿Cuál ha sido la particularidad de la economía política de la Argentina? Posiblemente, que la captura ha sido estable debido a que el proceso de modernización supuso la protección para la industria y no para el campo. Esto hizo estable la captura y una captura estable devino en sucesivas crisis fiscales que, a su vez, no podían generar un cambio posterior en los incentivos institucionales.La volatilidad del ciclo económico argentino ha sido producto en parte de la mala calidad de la puja distributiva. Una puja distributiva es de mala calidad cuando se institucionaliza una captura de un actor sobre otro y las sucesivas crisis (de mayor o menor volatilidad) no pueden modificar los incentivos. Si bien podemos enumerar decenas de pujas distributivas que permanecen en la misma dinámica, sin solución de continuidad, debemos preguntarnos qué tiene de distintivo la puja que surge con el proceso de industrialización. Lo distintivo es la concatenación con la Gran Depresión y la necesidad de desarrollar importantes inversiones en un sector agropecuario que debía competir con un mundo crecientemente protegido pero competitivo. A su vez, la mala calidad de la industrialización argentina se concatena con una eficiente articulación política del sector urbano-industrial. Asimismo, el peronismo institucionaliza este mecanismo y hace que la puja distributiva que había nacido fuera de difícil modificación incluso después de sucesivas y profundas crisis fiscales. BibliografíaDella Paolera, Gerardo y Alan Taylor. A New Economic History of Argentina. EEUU: Cambridge University Press, 2003.Di Tella, Guido y Manuel Zymelman. Las etapas del desarrollo económico argentino. Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1967. Díaz Alejandro, Carlos. Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970.Gerchunoff, Pablo y Horacio Aguirre. In Search of the Missing Link: the Argentine Economy in the 1920s. Mimeo. Buenos Aires: Universidad Di Tella, 2003. Gerchunoff, Pablo y Damián Antúnez. "De la bonanza peronista a la crisis del desarrollo." En Los Años Peronistas, Vol VIII de la Nueva Historia Argentina, ed. Juan Carlos Torre, 125-205. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2002.Gerchunoff, Pablo y Lucas Llach. El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto. Buenos Aires: Ariel, 1998.Gerchunoff, Pablo y Llach, Lucas. Ved en Trono a la noble igualdad. Crecimiento, equidad y política económica en la Argentina, 1880-2003. Buenos Aires: Fundación Pent, 2003.Paarlberg, Robert. "The Political Economy of American Agricultural Policy: Three Approaches." The American Journal of Agricultural Economics71 (diciembre 1989): 1157-1164. [en línea] disponible en http://chla.library.cornell.edu.Rocchi, Fernando. Building a Nation, Building a Market: Industrial Growth and the Domestic Economy in Turn-of-the- Century Argentina. PhD dissertation. Santa Barbara: UC Santa Barbara, 1997.Varshney, Ashutosh. "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective." Journal of Development Studies 29 (julio 1993): 3-22.Villanueva, Javier. "El origen de la industrialización argentina." Desarrollo Económico 47 (oct-dic 1972): 1-24. [en línea] disponible en www.educ.ar.NOTAS(1) Ver Fernando Rocchi, Building a Nation, Building a Market: Industrial Growth and the Domestic Economy in Turn-of-the-Century Argentina. Ph.D. dissertation (Santa Barbara: UC-Santa Barbara, 1997).(2) Ver Guido Di Tella y Manuel Zymelman, Las etapas del desarrollo económico argentino (Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1967).(3) Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina," Revista de Desarrollo Económico 47 (oct-dic 1972): 4. [en línea] disponible en www.educ.ar. (De aquí en adelante: Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina").(4) Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina," Op. cit., [en línea] disponible enwww.educ.ar 6.(5) Pablo Gerchunoff y Horacio Aguirre, In Search of the Missing Link: the Argentine Economy in the 1920s.Mimeo (Buenos Aires: Universidad Di Tella, 2003), 1 y 20. El investigador Carlos Díaz Alejandro desacredita la posibilidad de la década del 20´ como un punto de inflexión. El historiador económico cubano demuestra que las tasas de crecimiento continuaban siendo elevadas y superiores a la tasa promedio de los países principales. Ver la clásica obra: Carlos Díaz Alejandro, Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970).(6) Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, Ved en Trono a la Noble Igualdad. Crecimiento, Equidad y Política Económica en la Argentina: 1880-2003 (Buenos Aires: Fundación Pent, 2003), 3. (De aquí en adelante: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, Ved en Trono a la Noble Igualdad).(7) Ashutosh Varshney, "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective," Journal of Development Studies 29 (julio 1993): 7. (De aquí en adelante: Ashutosh Varshney, "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective")(8) Ashutosh Varshney, "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective," Op. cit.: 7.(9) Robert Paarlberg, "The Political Economy of American Agricultural Policy: Three Approaches," The American Journal of Agricultural Economics 71 (diciembre 1989): 1158. [en línea] disponible en http://chla.library.cornell.edu.(10) Tomando en cuenta la mayor participación del sector industrial en el Producto Bruto Nacional, especificado anteriormente en el cuadro de Javier Villanueva titulado "Producto Bruto Nacional: Sectores agrícola y manufacturero".(11) Ver Pablo Gerchunoff y Damián Antúnez, "De la bonanza peronista a la crisis del desarrollo," en Los Años Peronistas, vol VIII de la Nueva Historia Argentina, ed. Juan Carlos Torre, (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2002).(12) Gerardo Della Paolera, María Alejandra Irigoin y Carlos G. Bózzoli, "Passing the buck: Monetary and fiscal policies," en A New Economic History of Argentina, ed. Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor (EEUU: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 72-73. A su vez, Della Paolera y Taylor desarrollan la relación entre moneda y baja calidad institucional en Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor, Straining at the Anchor (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2001). *Licenciada en Relaciones Internacionales (Universidad Torcuato Di Tella-Argentina), maestrando en Arquitectura Urbana (Universidad Di Tella-Argentina)Ha sido Profesora Adjunta en Historia Economica (Universidad Di Tella-Argentina)

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Alleman Hardware Co., Manufacturer's Agent and Jobber of HARDWARE, OILS, PAINTS AND QUEENSWARE, GETTYSBURG, PA. The only Jobbing House in Adams County. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Vft Seligiiiqi] Am Gettysburg's Most Reliable THILOfjS «»»«* « « 0« « CO., MANUFACTURERS, YORK, PA . U S er Government for this murderous act, but he denied it and put all blame upon the natives, and furthermore, he declared that there was no great loss, because these two families were in the way of prosperity. The British flag was then raised on the place, and he called it British ter-ritory. The Boer Government complained bitterly on account of this act. England answered that it was done without her consent, but as the flag was flying, it could not be taken down, and that England was willing to pay damages to the sum of two million pounds. In 1878, gold was discovered in Zululand, and when Eng-land hoard'of this, she decided that she must have a part of it or all of it. I believe that England would claim the moon, if there were a way to rcn-n that celestial body, and if diamonds and gold were discovered on it And if she had no other rea-sons for her claims, she would say, "we have looked on it for so Jong." But Shoedanviia. the king of Zulaland, was not willing that the British should have their own way for he knew that this would end his rule and bring ruin to his people, and so he ■went to war with Engi-.nd. ' England was worsted in this war. Their army, after having received several defeat , was finally surrounded by the Zulus and would have been annihilated, had not the Boers interfered. Gen-eral Lewis Mover wa; sent from Pretoria with 5,000 Boers to aid the English. He siu.eeded in breaking through the lines, of IO THE MERCURY the Zulu- and relieved the English army. As soon as the Eng-lish gem al realized that he was no longer m danger, lie took matters into his own. hards and invited the Zulu king to visit the British camp under a flag of truce and make tei as soon as lie arrived lie was arrested and e> :>f peace; but on a small island off the western ooast of Africa. England thought that this would end the triibe with the Zulus, but the son of the exiled ruler proclaimed himself king and made preparations to continue the war, but England had enough, and secretly with-drew her arm}' into. Natal. The English Government was chagrined by this defeat at the hands of a savage nation, and the loss of men and money, with-out any corresponding gain of territory, consequently she de-cided to steal the Orange Free State and part of Transvaal. But the Boer Government watched them closely and made pre-parations to meet the invasion. In 18S1 the English army marched into Boer territory, but they were entrapped by an army of Boers numbering 600 men, who defeated the British army of 7,000 men. They killed about half of them and cap-tured the others. When Gladstone, the premier of England, received news of the battle, he said: "I can,not send soldiers to South Africa as fast as the Boers kill them. We ought to make peace with those people who know how to fight for their rights and liberty." A term of trust was agreed upon during which time hostilities should cease, and President Krueger was invit-ed to come to London to make definite terms of peace. Accord-ingly, in 1883, President Krueger, .Taubert, Dr. Reitz and mv-self, went to London where we were treated witli the greatest re-spect by the English. Oom Paul was regarded as a hero With the help of Mr Gladstone, a man of honor, who was friendly toward the Boers, a treaty was signed which favored the Boers. The Tinted States had already recognized the South African Republics as independent governments. In this treaty, Eng-land did likewise, and soon many other powers followed. We went on our way'rejoicing. First to Holland and from there to Germany, where Bismarck gave a dinner in honor of Krueger and hi;-, party. It was on this occasion that Bismarck said: "Krueger is the greatest statesman living, for he got the best of that political fox, Gladstone, and England will dig the grave of her wprld's power in South Africa."- THE MERCURY II The treatj' made in London in 1884 would probably never bave been broken, had not gold been discovered in Jobannsburg, Transvaal during the same year; and if Gladstone., Bismarck and James Blam had lived in 1899, the war would not have broken out. When it became known in England that plenty of gold could be found at Johannsburg. the English people at once began to flock thcTe. Cecil Rhodes, a heartless man without conscience, was one of the first arrivals, who at once made prep-arations to mine the gold. He realized that it would not do to bluff Krueger as he had done before, therefore, he began to treat with Krueger and .he Government in Pretoria. He offered to organize a company to dig the gold and give a certain percent-age to the Boer Government. This company was organized, and it was agreed that the Boer Government should receive 25 per cent, of all the gold mined. All went well for a time; but in the year 1891 the English capitalists began to complain about this percentage, claiming that it was too high. Cecil Rhodes, Barno Banato and Alfred Beit, as the heads of the company, forced the working people to strik.v This strike broke out in 1894 and was at once put down by the Government. In order to lower the wages of the working-men, the company brought in prisoners to work in the mines, but the Government would not allow them to remain. After this failure, the. company imported coolies from Japan, China and India, but these the Government also sent away. Then the company bought control of many Eng-lish newspapers and the newspapers of other countries and these papers slandered the Boers as being opposed to prosperity and progress. Joe Chamberlain, Secretary of the Colonies in Lon-don, now took up the matter and commanded the Boers to per-mit the importation of foreign laborers, and, furthermore, to give all British subjects the right to vote and to hold office. The Government was willing to grant this privilege providing these subjects should swear allegiance to the Transvaal Republic. This the British refused to do. Cecil Rhodes and his friends hired Dr. Jamison and a civil engineer from the United States to organize a mob, invade Jo-hannsburg and take the mines from the Boers; and if possible, to overthrow the Government in Pretoria. The two men organ-ized a mob of 3,000 men who marched up from Capetown and openly boasted that they would soon have the Boers under con- 12 THE MERCURY trol. But the Boers made preparations to meet the mob and were ready to interfere when the time came. Jamison and his men came on toward Johannsburg and expected to arrive there in the evening; hut 'he Boers intercepted them and made an at-tack about nine miles from Johannsburi;. Jamison and his men after a short fight, were captured and taken to Johannsburg. Dr. Jamison and nineteen other leaders were taken to Pretoria and there imprisoned, -while the remainder were condemned to be shot for high treason. The British Government claimed to have no knowledge of the matter, but declared that they would punish these men, if the Boers would turn them over to them. President Krueger obeyed their request and handed over the captives. They were taken to London, given a mock trial, sen-tenced to six months imprisonment, but were soon afterwards pardoned by the Queen. Chamberlain and Rhodes determined to bring on a war be-tween the two nations and, therefore, troops were constantly being brought into cur country. When we inquired as to the meaning of this, we were put off or received no answer at all. It was a kind of "cat and mouse" philosophy wdiich England wished to practice on the Boers; England being the cat and the Boers the mouse. England said, "I am a cat and am satisfied, while you ought to be willing to become a part of a cat." "Come," she said, "let me devour you that you may become a part of a cat as so many other mice have done before." But the Boers failed to see the wisdom of this kind of philosophy and refused the invitation to be eaten. m THE MERCURY , 13 WHAT THE TURKEY DID. ■ A Christmas Story. H. A. CHAMBERLIU, '08. KTHUK CLARKS01SF ceased his labors and, buried in thought, rested for a moment leaning upon his axe. Truly his life was a hard one. .Why should he be compelled to remain here on this farm to cut wood while his companions were enjoying themselves with their friends and relatives at their respective homes? When his chums had all left college he had turned sorrow-fully away and had gone slowly out to the nearby farm where he was to work during the Christmas vacation to pay his college expenses for the ensuing term. It is true he had found a pleas-ant place. Mr. Northwood, the farmer, and his wife had been very kind to him. He had also found Gladys, their only daugh-ter, a girl of seventeen, very interesting and friendly during the long evenings when he had rested before the open fire-place in the comfortable sitting room. But with all this—it was not his home. Often he had felt lonesome. But with that determination which had characterized his col-lege course and had won for him the latin prize in his Freshman year, he went to work again with renewed vigor. Higher and higher grew his pile of kindling wood—fewer and fewer became the number of pine blocks. Suddenly his attention was at-tracted to a figure coming slowly clown the walk which lead to the woodshed. It was Gladys. "I thought I'd come to watch you work a little," she said. "We have been so busy in the kitchen getting ready for Christmas." He would much rather have stopped his work and talked to her but he kept on plying the axe. She continued to chatter and he endeavored to listen as best he could, but it was hard to work and talk at the same time. All at once without the slightest warning the axe slipped, cut-ting a long gash in Irs hand. He felt a sharp pain but did-not cry out. He looked at the girl who had become deathly white. With a little cry she Ihrew up her hands and fell senseless upon the carpet of chips which covered the ground. He carried her tenderly to the house almost forgetting the ac- H THE MERCURY ciclent, which had caused her insensibility, in his efforts to bring her back to consciousness. Mrs. Northwood, at first, in her excitement did not know what to do. After a little work, however, Gladys opened her eyes, and the flow of biood from his hand had been stopped. That evening as they sat before the fire discussing the events of the day, Mrs. Northwood said: "Gladys, why don't you ever wear-that ring which your uncle sent you from Mexico ? The stone alone must be worth fifty dol-lars. I am afraid yon do not appreciate the gift." A bewildered look came over the girl's fa-^e and she exclaimed : "1 was wearing that ring this afternoon when I fainted." Mrs. ISTorthwood shot a sudden glance at Arthur which he did not fail to notice, but said nothing. They then separated for the night. The next morning as Arthur was about to begin his usual work in the shed, the old farmer came out to him with a stern expression on his face. "You need not woi-k any more for me," ho said slowly. "Gladys could hardly have lost the ring for we have all searched every-where for it, and you were the only one with her at the time she was unconscious. I will keep the affair quiet but you must go today. Go back to your college and try to learn that a college education consists of more than that which we get from the books." "Why"— Clarkson began but was checked by the farmer:— "No explanations are necessary, sir—go." Clarkson climbed the stairs to the little room they had given him and gathered together the few articles of clothing which he had brought with him. If he had ever been sad before he was doubly so now. A shadow fell across the floor. He looked up and saw Gladys standing in the doorway— her eyes red with crying. •'•'Oh, Mr. Clarkson,"' she began, "I am so sorry. I know that you would not take the ring but my mother—" With this she threw her apron over her head, and, in a flood of tears, left the room. As he went back to college where he must now spend a miser-able Christmas alone, h? bemoaned his fate. His good name bad been ruined. His tuition could not be paid. He was a vie- THE MERCURY 15 tim of circumstances. And yet she had said that he was inno-cent— that was one consolation. The next day he sauntered up to the postoffiee to see if he would receive a letter from home. Sure enough, the postmas-ter handed it through the bars, hut as he looked at it he noticed that the address was m a strange hand. He opened it and read: "My dear Mr. Clarkson:— Come out to the farm at once. I was too hasty You are innocent. Yours • very sincerely, Jacob Northwood." The note was very brief, but how it thrilled the heart of the youth. He lost no lime in getting to the farm where Gladys met him at the gate and said: "Oh. Mr. Clarkson, we have found the ring. When we killed the Christmas turkey we found it in its craw. The selfish old gobbler- had picked it up from the place where I must have lost it. Come into the house." It is not necessary to' relate all the pleasant things which fol-lowed. There was no more wood cutting and—such a Christ-inas! The Xorthwoods tried in every way to make amends for the wrong they had done him. AVhen he returned to college a week later he was the happiest boy to arrive, for he had not only had a delightful time, and found new friends, but best of all in his coat pocket was a cheque on Mr. aSTorthwood's account which would more than pay the expenses of the term. 16 THE MERCURY THREE GREAT PHILOSOPHERS. Plato—Part I. CHARLES W. HEATHCOTE, '05. LATO was born in Athens about 42' B C. He was the son of Aristo and Perictione, a noble family. His mother traced kinship to Solon, the great legislate-of Athens, and Solon was a desce. dant of Noleus the i?on of Poseidon. Aristo, his father, was a descendant of Codrns the last great Athenian king, and he traced kinship to the god Poseidon Tradition claims that the god Apollo especially foless-id fti.p marriage of Aristo and Perictione and endowed Plato with special divine qualities. At an early age he received instruction • rom alle teacher Dionysius taught him literature; Ariston, the Argiane,.,gym-nastics and Megillus of Arigentamj music. With the other youths he took part in the Pythian and Is hmian games. He also, probably, took part in the military expeditions to Tanagra, Corinth and Del him. ♦ In his youth he was actively engaged in writing poems. He look part in many literary contests and reveaied much power and ability. He was about to enter a contest with a poem upon which he had worked faithfully and careful'y, when he became acquainted with Socrates. He destroyed hi' poem and most of his other poetical writings. However, some fragments have come down to us and they reveal beauty, thought and simplicity in style. From the time he met Socrates, he began to devote ail of his time to philosophy Plato was a student. He was acquainted with the past history of Greece and the sy terns of the earlier philosophers. His poetic nature and temperament revolted against the course and flippant reasonings of many of the phi-losophers of his day. They sounded as it were the minor chord entirely in their reasonings and to this the nature of Plato re-fused to respond. Thu.-:, when he understood the teachings of Socrates and the truths he taught, it seemed as if he had touch-ed the inajoi chord, tha: beautiful melodious bell-like tone, in his heart, for at once his whole nature became attuned to the THK MERCURY 17 1 ruths of Socrates and Plato bee;■1 me his enthusiastic and power-ful disciple. Plato was.about twenty years of age w'jen ne came under 1 he influence of Socrates. He was yet in hie creative process of life. His master's power over him was absolute. Since Socrates' work was noble, inspiring and uplifting, he was able to make Plato a mighty power for good in the world. Plato remained faithful and true to his old teacher and mas-ter, lie was a true disciple. He followed his teacher through his varied caieer and after his death which had been inflicted by '.he Athenian people he became the leader oC the Socratic school •md taught and promulgated anew the immcital Socratic truth. His truth was ideal. Sometime after Socrates' death Plato went to Egypt and made himself acquainted with the religious thought of that land.Trad-i tion says that he also went to Persia, and the^e he was taught the Zorathushtrian doctrines. But this cannot oe definitely deter-mined. He also visited Italy and studied the organization of the Pythagorean schools. Plato very likely visited Euclid at Megara, as Megara was not very far from Athens. How much influence Euclid had over P'ato in the formation and the deeper '.evelopment of his philosophic system can not be definitely 1 nown On his return to Athens he was threatened with punishment and even death. He stood firm in his determination to carry nit his master's work and would not be swerved from his course. Plato look 1-0 active part in governmental affairs. He was not ?n orator. ' He had returned to Athens to open a philosophic school. He opened his academy in the grove of Aeschemus. Over the great philosophic sehoo! he presided until his death. There with his pupils he analyzed and developed the germs of ethics, psychology and logic as found in the Socratij teachings. It is said that Plato made several voyages to Sicily in the in-terests of his academy. ■ At the invitation of Dionysius, the Svracusan ruler, Plato discussed with him on the subjects of happiness, virtue, government and justice. Plutarch (610) rays, "Justice was the next topic; and when Plato asserted the happiness of the just, and the wretched condition of the unjust, 'he tyrant was stung: and being unable to answer his arguments, i8 THE MERCURY he expressed his resentment against those>uo seemed to listen -o him with pleasure. At last he was extremely exasperated, r.nd asked the philosopher what business he hsd rrr Sicily. Plato answered, 'that he came to seek an honest man.' 'And so, then/ replied the tyrant, 'it seems that you have lost your labor/' Dionysius had resolved to slay Plato but through the plead-ing of Piato's friends his life was spared and he was sold into flavery to the Aeginetans. He was finally ransomed and re-turned to his academy. When D-'onysius the younger ascended the throne Plato again visited Sicily, but he was unable to accomplish anything. Of Plato's family less is known then of Socrates' Ye: y likely ne was married although it is not known to whom. Neither ran he be called an ascetic as some writers of recent times have been accustomed to call him. A man of hi, social, intellectual and moral position could not live an ascetic life and do the work he did. Thus it has been mentioned that his power as a writer was revealed in his early youth. It was evidently in the prime of ' ife that he established his academy at Athms. It was there ".hat he was busily engaged in teaching philosophy and writing •:nd rewriting his lectures and "there at the ripe age of eighty-pne he died." Marshall rays, "Prom the scene of his labors bis philosophy las ever since been known as the Academic philosophy. Unlike .'Socrates, he was not content to leave only -i memory of himself and his conversations. Re was unwearied in bis reduction and correction of his written dialogues, altering them here and there both iu c;.; ression and in structure. It is impossible, there-fore, to be absolutely certain as to the historical order of compo-sition 01 publication among his numerous dialogues, but a cer-tain np proximate order may be fixed." A very large number of works have been attributed to Plato. Some ha -c ' een proved spurious Most historians of philosophy accept thi ivy-six compositions as written by Plato'. Most au-thors aeocy the works of P.'ato as follows: Charmides; Lvsis• Laches; Ion; Meno; Euthyphro; Apology; Crito; Phaedo; Pro-tagoras, ihithydemus; Cral.lus; Gorgias; Hippias Alcibiades: TIUC MKKCUKY 19 Meneseus; Symposinus; Phaedrus; The Republic; Timaeus; Philebus; Parinenides; Theoetetus and The Laws. Acccrdirg to TJeberueg (104), "Schleiermacher divides the-works into three groups. Elementary, mediatory or prepara-tory and constructive dialogues. As Plato's first composition he names the Phaderus; as his latest writings, the Republic. Li-malus, and the Laws." In all bis waitings the poetic nature and style predominates. Although he is a waiter of urose, he is a poet at heart. Some-one ha-5 called him, "the Shakespeare of Gre k philosophy on ac-count of hif fertility, variety, humor, imagination and poetic grace. The philosophy of Plato is the philosophy of Socrates. This philosophical reasoning is prevalent throughout Plato's works. His thoughts and principles are built upon a Socratic basis. As Plato analyzes the deep thoughts of Socrates, he, here and there, adds a finishing touch and makes it more complete. It must not bo thought that Plato was a mere imitator, he was to) great a genius for that. Plato had been trained in the true Soc aric school of hard reasoning ana logical thinking. His kn Avlcdge of philosophy in the largest sense was marvelous. His knocedge of the various systems of the wo-ld gave him power to produce a careful and logical system, of reasoning with the Socratic truths as basic philosophical principles. Zeller says, "In Plato's scientific method also, we recognize the deepeinng, the purification and the progress of the Socratic philosophy. Prom the principles of conceptual knowledge arises, as its inunediate consequence, that dialectic of which Socrates must bi considered the author. While Socrates in forming con-cepts, stiV.es from the contingencies of the given case, and never ■ goes b3.T!id the particular, Plato requires by continued analysis from the phenomenon to the idea, from particular ideas to the highest and most universal.' The Socratic form of discussion 111 the character and manner of the dialogue is prominent in Plato's writings. If there is an idea that Plato desires to have understood and- made clear, it is brought out in his writings by the manner if speech. Though in some places his logic may be distributed, yet taken on the whole it is not the case. He sets forth his philosophy with 20 THE MERCURY (.learner and in a scientific way. The dialogue enabled his readers to grasp his ideas more readily. There is another striking characteristic in his dialogues; that is, Sociites is the central figure. He not on;y xeads in the con-versation, , 'le best listener, but he is also the most acute reasoner and thinker. Though Plato in some instanc s may represent an idealized Socrates, nevertheless be remembers how great a debt of gratitude he owes his master. From Socrates he received his spiritual and tbeistic beliefs. In th'i Banquet by Plato (M. Ed. T. 81) we quote the follow-ing pan; of a dialogue in which Socrates is discussing with Agathon Jhe philosophical conception of Love. "Come," said SocratT-., 'let us review your concessions. Is Love anything else th:n die love first of something; and secondly, of those things of which it has need?"—"Nothing."—"Now, remember x-f these things jrou said in your discourse, thai Love was the love —if you wish I will remind \ou. I think you said something of this kin.i, 'hat all the affairs of the gods were admirably disposed through the love of the things which are beautiful for there was no love of ^hings deformed, did you not say so?"—"I confess that I did."—'You said th.pt what was most likely to be true, my frLnd: and if the matter be so, the lovs of beauty must be one thing, and the love of deformity another. '■—"Certainly." So eo'n],rehensive is Plalo's philosophical system that much is emh-ived in it. To divide it into distinct divisions is diffi-cult. KIP philosophical system may be divided into three parts: logic, physics and ethics. Whe., the dialogues are examined carefully it is found though the though! may seem to relaps too much in the following state-ments, nevertheless, every thought looks up to the idea that Plato wishes to unfold. There is no confusion. One idea explains another idea, one thought leads up to another thought and so on in true progressive and logical order. THE MERCURY THE BELLS. JOSEPH ARNOLD, '09. 21 "How soft the music of those village b'-Jie Falling at intervals upon the ear., In cadence tweet, now dying all away. Now pealing loud again and louder Btill Clear and sonorous as the gale comes on." —C'owper. Soft and SAveet, indeed, are the'tones as they set the calm quiet air on a Sunday morning vibrating. What a charm the strains of a familiar hymn have, as they reach the ear from some distant church! ' And yet the chimes and bells with all their pleasant memories of childhood days lingeringly attached to them, with all their melodious sweetness, have an interesting history. Almost at the very beginning of things, a certain Tubal Cain, sixth descendant from Adam, an artificer in all kinds of metals, probably discovered the sonorous qualities of metals. He may have manufactured some crude instrument, which, when struck gave forth a ringing sound These crude beginnings gradually were improved upon; for, in Exodus, we learn that bells of gold were attached to the robe of Aaron in order that his going in and coming out of the place of worship might "be made known to the people. Zechariah introduces us to another improvement; namely, the inscription, "HOLINESS UNTO THE LORD," upon the bells of the horses. Not only did, in those early times, the Children of Israel make use of the bells, hut also the Egyp-tians, Assyrians and Chaldeans. Those used by the Egyptians were as a means of announcing the feast of Osiris. In offering sacrifices the priests of Cyble of Assyria made use of the bells. So on down through the ages we come across the development of bells, some of gold and others of bronze. About bells were associated many superstitions, as records show us. Pliny and Juvenal, it is said, tell us of bells being rung during eclipses, which were, as it was believed, attended by evil spirits. The ringing of the bells would, according to their beliefs, drive these away. The belief can easily be evidenced 21 THE MERCURY by inscriptions upon the bells as follows: "Pesiem fugo" and "Dissipo veutos." During the early Christian era a number of such brief inscriptions were put into poetical form and became the common inscription upon bells. Laudo Deum verum, plebum voco, conjugu clerum Defunclus ploro, pesiem fugo, festa decoro. Funero pilango, fulgura frango, Sabaia pango Excito lentoSj dissipo ventos, paco crucntos." Bells, even at a very early period, were put to a practical pur-, pose, as may be gathered from the following records left by Aes-chylus and Euripedes: Greek warriors were accustomed to wear small bells-upon their shields so that they might when on guard duty inform the passing captain that they were awake. Even Plutarch is said to have mentioned in his record of the seige of Xanthus the fact that bells were attached to nets stretched acre-the river so that natives could not escape by way of the river without coming into contact with the bells thus attached. Thus far small bells only were referred to, since the large ones were not. in use for worship or alarm or to strike the hour, till some 400 A. D. The use of bells for churches doubtless gave rise to that feature of architecture, the bell tower. In the Middle Ages, bells played a prominent part. During that period whenever a bell was cast, before it was used in a church, it went through a form of consecration; for it was wash-ed with water, annoiuted with oil, and marked with the sign of the cross in the name of the Trinity, and, from what we can gather, archbishops officiated and persons of high rank, with great pomp, attended the ceremony of christening. As time went on nearly every form of worship had its bell. There was the Sanctus bell, tho Angelus or Ave Marie bell, the Vesper bell, the Complin bell, and the Passing bell. The Sanctus bell of today is a small bell and it is rung before the elevating of the Host by the priest. During the Middle Ages, this was a large bell and rung just when the "Sancte, sancte, sanete Deum Sab-baoth" was sung or chanted. All who heard bowed their heads in reverence and adoration. The Angelus was rung at fixed hours and called the mind from worldly duties toward a mo-ment's meditation and the blessed Virgin. It further marked THE MEKCURY 23 the time of beginning and cessation of labor. There still lingers with ns a sweet echo, as it were, of that beautiful 'custom in the famous painting, "The Angelus." The artist seems to have caught the charm and in the moment of God-given inspiration placed upon canvas the halo of bygone days. The Yesper bell was the call to evening prayer and the Complin bell closed the clay. Finally the most impressive was the solemn tolling of the Passing bell; it called for the prayers of the faithful in behalf of the passing of a soul from life. A little of the spirit of the Middle Ages still clings to us; for we still adhere to some of the customs of those times. The toll-ing of the bell during the passing of a funeral in a "God's acre" comes directly from the custom of the Passing bell. One rite or ceremony peculiar to the Dark Ages was t. pe tolling of a bell to summon an audience in order that a priest might read in their hearing an anathema; to blow out in their presence the candle and in that manner excommunicate a poor unfortunate from "bell, book and candle." The use of the curfew is familiar to all. It was probably in-troduced into. England from France by William the Conqueror. Alarm bells were a,so used at an early date. Is it not Shakes-peare who makes Macbeth say when Birnam wood was moving on the castle in which he had shut himself, "Eing the alarm bell!" ? Of course, in modern times, since the discovery of electricity, the use of bells for alarm has become more or less systematized. The composition of material which enters into bell making can readily be gathered from various sources. There are in the world some very large bells, marvelous and unique, arousing much wonder and creating great interest. It may be that the longing for display was accountable for sucli huge sizes. May we not likewise infer that their immensity in the eyes of the ignorant and semi-civilized made them more meritorious? Thus Russia, mostly in a state of semi-civiliza-tion, is noted for the largest bells. The large bell which espe-cially attracts universal attention is the "King of Bells," the hell of Moscow. Hs history may be read at a glance from one of the inscr (ions upon it. namelv ip- 24 THE MERCURY . This Bell :, was cast in 1733 by order of the Imperial Empress Anne, Daughter of John It was in the earth 103 years and by the will of the ■ r .: Imperial Emperor ^ Nicholas "' "'-■: :. was raised upon this pedestal in 1835, August 4th. It is not necessary here to enter into details concerning its history; the number of times it was recast, its enormous weight or colossal size or the stir it created among the nobility of Eu-rope. Sufficient to say, that it excells and stands alone. There is another very large bell of which mention should be made namely, the Assumption bell of Moscow, next in weight to the "King of Bells." Although it weighs one hundred and ten tons and its diameter is eighteen feet, it is hung and tolled once a year. A writer says, "When it sounds, a deep hollow murmur vibrates all over Moscow, like the fullest tones of a vast organ or the rolling of distant thunder/' One bell, though not a large one, is nevertheless dear to the heart of every loyal American. That bell announced to the peo-ple that the Declaration of Independence was signed; that free-dom was theirs. It bears the name of "Liberty Bell;" a name •deserved and a name *hat will last as long as time itself. Though iits life as a bell is but a brief one, there arfc gathered about it miemories saored to us. It still, as its inscription reads, "Pro-claims liberty throughout the land." Thus ends the stoiy of the bell imperfectly and briefly told ,ind yet let us not forget to mention the important part it plays in poetry. First upon the bells as we find them may be found couplets which run ns follows:— ■ »k and, also. "Jesus fulfil with thy good grace All that we beckon to this place." "I to the church the living call And to the grave do summon all." THE MERCURY "Be mec and loly To heare the word of God." 25 There are possibly as many quaint inscriptions on bells, as upon tombstones but space does not permit mentioning them. Most of the poets make mention of bells in connection with services. Longfellow says the Angelus called the Arcadian fanner from his work. Shiller in his remarkable "Lay of the Bell," portrays the life of a mortal. How clearly he associates the storms and calms of life in the tale of a belFs making. And who can, in such melodious rythmical splendor compare with Edgar Allen Poe, as he depicts the functions of the bells in that masterpiece of his? How it thrills one to hear that poem re-cited! One can almost hear the merry jingling of the sleigh bells o'er the icy fields, or the mellow wedding bell foretelling a world of happiness, or the banging and clanging of the loud alarm bells, or e'en the solemn tolling from the lips of the sombre iron bells of luckless destiny. What a world of thought is cre-ated in the reading of a poem such as that! How it carries us back, yea back to the days gone by! How we hear faintly the bells, sweetly echoing in our hearts some happy occurrence, or like a voice from heaven bringing us in close touch with a dear one gone before. Thus bells have played an important part in life from times immemorable to the present day. 26 THE MERCURY DO WE NEED POSTAL SAVINGS BANKS IN THIS COUNTRY? BY 1908. AST summer wtu'le spending some time in a rural dis-trict of a neighboring state, an instance of particular interest came to my notice. One day a resident of the small I village came into the postoffice and had a money order for a certain amount made out in his own name. The postmaster, being of an inquisitive nature, asked the man why it should be in his own name. The man said he didn't want to have the money in the house; that lie didn't have time to take it to the bank (for the nearest one was fifteen miles away); that it would cost him just as much to send it to the bank as to get a money order for it, besides the trouble of sending it: and that it would he safer in the hands of the Government than if it were in the bank. An instance of this nature to a person of ordinary intelligence would he very striking. Thoughts of the advantages of some people and the disadvantages of others naturally arise. This man evidently was'not in a position to enjoy the great privilege of. men in other districts of having a hank in which to deposit his money. Xext we would likely wonder how many men were in a similar circumstance hut who did not invest their money in money orders, having it hoarded up somewhere as cold cash. There are, no doubt, so great a number of them, even though their amounts of possession being small, that a vast sum of money is being held, hound up and kept from circulation. The man's last remark as to thfe safety of his money in the form of a money order, brings the fact to our notice that banks do not have the confidence of the people in general that the Government evidently has, for this man was willing to pay the Government to keep his money instead of receiving interest for the use of if from a bank. few people will deny that our present system of banks is a success considered in all its phases. But is it the best system that can be had? Does it efficiently meet all that is demanded of it? We think not. The present financial condition of our country leads us to this conclusion. The fact that banks in their present condition are subject to failure thereby causing the THE MERCURY .27 loss of the wealth of their depositors oftentimes inspires, more especially the small depositor, with fear and shatters all confi-dence in them. As a consequence great amounts are hoarded up in strong chests and other places and are practically a drag to the progress of our country where free circulation of money is such a necessary function in prosperity. The money strin-gency which necessitated the recent issue of Government bonds was largely due to the inadequacy of our banking institutions to supply the need. Ours is a country of gre"at natural wealth, so vast, indeed, in extent, that we can hardly get a definite conception of it. Though we are making rapid strides in developing these re-sources, we have not reached the greatest degree of efficiency. There are vast tracts of land that could be more efficiently cul-tivated; mines to be developed; products to be transported; and many other directions for progress, but no means of bettering this state of affairs. Why have we not reached the highest, de-gree of efficiency? This question is easily• answered by saying that the circulation of money is too small. Thus we see the great need of getting all money possible into circulation. Since there is such a great need for the circulation of all the money in the United States, we need to consider reasons why this circulation is hindered. Probably the most striking of these reasons is the lack of confidence that some people have in our banks. Circulation is not hindered by the lack of confi-dence of our people alone. There are vast numbers of foreigners in our country who. doubting the stability of our banks, and having explicit confidence in their own government banks, send their earnings home and deposit them there. In this way great sums of money are kept from circulating in our land and for this reason some industries must suffer because of being unable to secure sufficient funds for their-further development. The issue of bonds recently made shows the great need of money for circulation and, above all things, shows that the money will most likely he obtained from the-people who are afraid of investing money in other enterprises, but, because of their confidence in the Government, are willing to take her bonds at a lower rate of interest than could be gotten otherwise. We have been considering the fact that there are conditions in our country which are not as they should be for its better de- 28 THE ME.RCURY velopment and prosperity. To set forth these deficiencies with-out suggesting a means of correction would be foolish exertion. Anything that will right these conditions we may regard as the very thing needed by our country. Our suggestion for the cure of these conditions is a system of postal savings banks. Such a system would reach all conditions of people as the banking places would be the postoffices and postoffices are found scattered everywhere in the states. Then the great amount of money that is hoarded up, because there is no bank near enough, would be put.into circulation. Then tun, very many of our citi-zens who now hide their earnings and the foreign element who send their money abroad for deposit in their own government banks, because of their confidence in an institution with govern-ment backing, and not in our banks as they now are, would de-posit in the postal banks and thus by increasing the circulation of currency, help to remedy existing conditions. One with a different idea might wonder what would become oi our present banking institutions which are run by individuals who necessarily reap the benefits not only of their own money, hut also that of the Government which they get at a low rate of interest. He might ask, Shall we harm a fairly well working system for one that we only imagine Avould work? That a sys-tem of postal savings banks would harm our other banks is not likely, for it would obtain greater amounts of money for distri-bution to these banks at a lower rate of interest. With this view of the matter, the private banks would themselves be benefitted as Avell as the country at large. Then as to the working of the proposed banks we have no serious doubts. They are working-well in other countries and could easily be successful here. But someone may object; think of the great expense ami trouble the Government would have to undergo. It is true there would be some expense and labor connected with the en-terprise but the benefits derived would be so much'greater in proportion to the money formerly expended as most clearly to justify such a course. If our manufacturers today would re-fuse to increase their business because of more cost to them, we would have a pitiable state of affairs existing. Industries would be at a standstill. But they do not conduct business on this principle. They make a great sacrifice of monev and labor to THE MERCURY 29 a certain degree and in return make a greater proportional amount of gain. It is therefore an easy matter to see that the system would pay for itself and that is all we demand of it, since it is a gen-eral public undertaking and is not supposed to be run in order to make money. It would be for the welfare of the individual citizens of our nation. The idea of labor is no argument against it. We may rather consider it as a point in its favor. The extra labor would furnish excellent, well salaried positions for a great number of people. That there is need of some way of keeping the currency of our Government in circulation is very evident. The present pros-perity and welfare of our country demand it. If the present demands it, the same will be true of the future, only then the demand will be more intense. To meet this increasing demand necessitates, some system that will reach the portions of the country in which money is hoarded; that will have the confi-dence of the public in its favor. Our present system of banks has been, and is doing a great deal towards a free circulation of money yet they are proving insufficient. A system of postal savings banks, as we have shown, would meet the above named requirements; would furnish greater circulation of money; and would therefore add very materially to our progress as a nation. T H E ERCQRV Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class Matter. VOL. XV GETTYSBURG, PA., DECEMBER 1907 No. 7 Editor-in-Chief EDMUND L. MANGES, .'08 Exchange. Editor ROBERT W. MICHAEL, '08 Business Manager HENRY M. BOWER, '08 Ass't Bus. Managers LESLIE L. TAYLOR, '09 CHARLES L. KOPP, '09 Assistant Editor MARKLEY C. ALBRIGHT, '08 Associate Editors PAUL F. BLOOMHARDT, '09 E. E. SNYDER, '09 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D PROP. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROP. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance : single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending THE MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contri-bute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. GEN. DE WALI_'S It is with a great ARTICLE deal of pleasure that we present this number of the MHUCURY to its readers par-ticularly because of its article on the Boers. Some few years ago, when war broke out between these people and the English, we all read of the movements and ac-tions that took place in the Tran-svaal and Orange Free State with great interest. The war from beginning to end is doubt- THE MERCURY 31 less familiar to 11s, but we know very little of the Boer history prim- to this time. This article' gives us a very distinct and clear cut epitome of that earlier period. A thing that lends a peculiar interest'to this article is the fact that it was written by one of the most prominent men of the people with whom it deals, so that we get the facts first hand, it is needless to waste time or space in telling those of our read-ers who met General Dc Wall about his personal experience or service, but it may be of some interest to those who did not have the extreme pleasure of seeing or hearing him. Fifteen years in German schools and universities, a period before the war as pres-ident of the Volksraat or Congress of the Transvaal Eepublic, and during the war as a general in the Boer army, are three major items of his life. We have been rather fortunate this fall in having the privilege of coming in contact with a number of distinguished men, but most striking, most unique among them all stands Gen. l)e Wall. .He is a very extraordinary type of man. a type that is very sel-dom 'found. In this man we see one who has had the great privilege of a liberal education; one who has been successful in life, having at one time been a wealthy man and holding a posi-tion in South Africa second only to that of the distinguished and well known Oom Paul Krueger; one who experienced war in all its phases; one who has suffered as few men have and sur-vived, having lost wealth, position and family, and is now even an exile because he lefused to swear allegiance to the country that deprived him of wealth and family, all that was dear to him. He did not come to us'in state, but as a very common, man, yet the impression that he made upon us is one that will last longer for that very reason. Is it any wonder that a man of such a' varied experience both in quantity and quality is interesting? Although he has been a child of fortune and has known the extremes of joy and sorrow, he has come through them safely, with principles and faith in his God unshaken. We again say that we consider ourselves fortunate in having this interesting and instructive article to give to our readers, not because of the worth of the article alone, but because of its distinguished author. 32 THE MERCURY LITERARY It is with a feeling of pleasure that we write CONTEST. concerning the coming Inter-society Contest. We are pleased to announce that, after a lapse of two years, the two Literary Societies have settled their petty disagreements and have agreed to meet in a general literary contest and de-bate. The contest and debate were formerly leading features of the winter term; but in -recent years, as before stated, have not been held for various reasons. And now, inasmuch as all preliminary arrangements have been made and the contest is practically as-sured, it is our earnest wish that the.members of the societies realize the importance of the coming conflict. The individual members of both societies must know that without their interest the contest can not be a complete success. And, besides, honor, glory and renown, in no small measure, will be meted out to the participants, both th-5 victors and the vanquished. The contest and debate are bound to be interesting, and may the fickle Goddess of Victory smile upon the side best deserving her favors. j* I am a little country boy, I flunk ten times a week. But I guess few students know it, Cause for Muffing I'm a freak. It tickle? me to go to shows, But only when they're cheap. And when the Seniors turn me down, Then, Oh, how I do weep. I love to ride brown ]3onics, And wobble when I walk. I say I take the girls to shows, And I slobber when I talk. -Exchange. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. THE BEST PEN FOR COLLEGE MEN There's no pen that gives such all-round satisfaction as Conklin's Self-Filling Fountain Pen. It's the best pen for College Men. When an ordinary fountain pen runs dry in the middle of a word, it means you've got to stop right there, hunt up a rubber squirt gun, fill your pen to overflowing, clean both pen and dropper, wash your hands, and then endeavor as best you can to collect your lost Crescent If train of thought It's different with Filler J. A. Kupp, L. E. Entei line. THE "R & E" STORE 36 Baltimore Street, Next Citizens' Trust Company, GETTYSBURG, PA. SUNDAY SCHOOL LESSON HELPS AND SUPPLIES, P. ANSTADT & SONS, Publishers, Book and Job Printing of all Kinds UJrUe for Prices. YOR K. PA, PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS EMIL ZOTHE COLk^!EM3 ENGRAVER, DESIGNER, AND MANUFACTURING JEWELER 722 Chestnut St., Phila. SPECIALTIES : MASONIC MARKS, SOCIETY BADGES, COLLEGE BUTTONS, PINS, SCARF PINS, STICK PINS ANO ATHLETIC PRIZES. All Goods ordered through G. F. Kieffer, CHARLES S. MUMRER. UEJ1L.EU JJV TpTTTS TSTTTTTT? 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Issue 39.2 of the Review for Religious, March 1980. ; REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS (ISSN 0034-639X), published bi-monthly (every two months), is edited in collaboration ~;ith faculty members of the Department of Theology of St. Louis University. The'editorial offices are located at Room 428; 3601 Lindell Blvd.: St. Louis, MO 63108. It is owned 'by the Miffsouri Province Educational Institute; St. Louis, Missouri, © 1980. By REVIEW t,'OR REIA(;~OUS. Composed. printed and manufactured in U.S.A. Second class postage paid at ~;t. Louis. Missouri. Single copies: $2.00. Subscription U.S.A.: $8.00 a year: $15.00 for two years. Other countries: $9.00 a year. $17.00 for two years. For subscription orders or change of address, write REvt~-:w t:o~ REt,~(;lOUS: P.O. Box 6070: Duluth. Minnesota 55802. D:~niel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Robert Williams, S.J. Dolores Greeley, R.S.M. Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Jean Read .Editor Associate Editor Associate Editor Questions and Answers Editor Assistant Editor March, 1980 Volume 39 Number 2 Correspondence with the editor and the associate editors, manuscripts and hooks for review should be sent to Rt:vlt:w volt Rt:lA~;~o'us; Room 428; 3601 Lindell Blvd.; St. Louis, MO 63108. Questions for answer~ing should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; Jesuit Community; St. Joseph's College; City Avenue at 54th Street; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19131. "Out of print" issues and articles not re-issued as reprints are available from University Microfilms International; 300 North Zeeb Road; Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106. Spirituality and Theology Alan Jones Father Jones, an Episcopal priest, is Professor of Ascetical Theology and Director of the Center for Christian Spirituality; 175 9th Ave.; New York, NY 10011. His last article in these pages, "Obedience in' the Conteinporary World," appeared in the May, 1978, issue. Non abundantia scientiae sed sdntire et gustare rein internam. (Saint Ignatius Loyola) Dogmatic and mystical theology, or theology and "spirituality," are not to be Set apart in mutually exclusive categories, as if mysticism were for saintly women and theological study were for practical but, alas, unsaintly men. This fallacious division perhaps explains much that is actually lacking both in theology and spirituality. But the two belong together. Unless they are united there is no fervor, no life and no spiritual value in theology, no substance, no meaning and no sure orientation in the contemplative life.' One of the g~'eat privileges of the sabbatical system is that it not only affords the professor an opportunity to follow a particular line of research, but it also enables him to "feel and to taste the inner thing" of his subject. When it comes, however, to the subject known as mystical theology, there is som~ dispute as to whether there is anything either to feel or taste! All I can say is that after my sabbatical, I have felt and tasted Something that might well be a subject. I feel defensive, however, on two fronts. The first is the enormity and depth of the subject itself. The second is the suspicion, odium, and contempt in which the subject has been held by some theologians over the years. The first problem is more easily overcome than the second, for every scholar in whatever subject must, at various times, be overwhelmed by his inadequacy to ' Thomas Merton, Seeds of Contemplation (1972), pp. 1"97-8, quoted in Andrew Louth, Theology and Spirituality (Fairacres Publication 55, 1978), p. 4. 161 162 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 19~80 / 2 plumb its depths. This gives me a certain comfort. The second problem, however, is of more practical concern and is~more difficult to overcome. The cleavage between theology and devotion is surely a fake one, although some fakes and frauds have a wonderful way of pretending to be real. The ugly breach (albeit based on a false dichotomy) between "the intellectual" and "the affective" over the centuries has done serious damage to both. Lo~,e is blind; the intellect is a cripple--so runs a classic image. In order for both to progress according to this. image, the intellect sits on the shoulders of the affections and guides them while the affections give feet to the intellect. In the same way, theology and spirituality belong together. Andrew Louth writes: So spirituality.[is] that which keeps theology to its proper vocation, that which prevents theology from evading its own real object. Spirituality does not exactly answer the question, Who is God? but it preserves the orientation, the perspective, within which this question remains a question that is being evaded or chided.Spirituality is necessary to theology to keep il in its proper vocation. The converse also seems .to be true, that theology is necessary to spirituality to keep, it to its proper vocation . The danger of a non- or un-theological spirituality is.that it will tend to become a mere cult of devotion.~ The immediate occasion of these thoughts which have been sitting in the back of my mind for some time was a casual remark in a letter from a dean of a seminary concerning the possibility of ~ colleague of mine doing some teachi.ng there,in the area of spirituality. In the middle of his friendly letter there was a well-aimed barb. While he welcomed my colleague's coming to the seminary, he was not sure that his faculty would r~egard Christian Spirituality as a discrete discipline. Now this is harmless enough. Fair game, one might say, in academic circles.' Still, underneath the joking there is a vein offseriousness. In other words, I take seriously the phony breach betweeri head and heart," between "theology" and "devotion." But 1 am even more concern~ed by the fact that this so-called bre~ch is thought to be real~ by at least some theologians. The idea has come abotit that the gap has always been there and always w, iil be. Of cohrse we have to bri~dge it occasionally, but this is usually done in the privacy of ou~" schizoid selves when we say one thing and do anotheL The gap, though,~ has to be obliterated, not just bridged, one way or another, and 1 would like to see it destroyed first in the intellectual realm itself.~ ~ ISOuth, op. cit., p. 4. o ' This is where both recent scholarship and the Christian mystical tradition might,.h~lp us. The books which set me. going on this subject were. R. C. Zaehner's Gifford Lectures for 1967-69, Concordant Discord (Oxford University Press, 1970), [this is a strange rag-bag of a book, polemical yet urbane, containing some brilliant insights]; William Johnston's The Inner Eye of Love (Collins,-1_978), which is the.first rece'ni attempt that I know of to argue for the recognition of mystical theology as "a discrete discipline"; Bernard Lonergan's Method of Theology (Dartbn, Spirituality and Theology One might start" by asking whether academic the61ogy itself is a,.discrete discipline. As Andrew Louth points out: ° Academic theology., needs some understanding of its own inner coherence to justify ~ . itself at all as an academic d~sophne, otherwise the several d~sclphnes ofwh ch t consists really themselves belong not together but to other wider disciplines." Without Jesus Christ as a principle of coherence th~ Old Testament just a collection Of semitic writings, the New Testamen a collec~tionof Jeffish and Hellenistic ~Je~vi~sh writings of the first century, and early'Christian doc.- trine a mere st'rand in the history"of ideas?ol~ Ithe later Roman Empire; s~irituality empha.sizes the "principle of coherenc, e" which holds together a seminary cufricultim. Theology serves spirituality .by rescuing it'from a chronic subjectivism. It is tragic when theology a~ad spirituality aredi'vided. Wird Christus Tausendmal zu Bethleh6~n geboren Und nicht in dir, du bleibst doch ewigli~h verloren. (Though Christ in Bethlehem a thousand t!mes was born But not in thee, in all eternity, thou art~forlorn.}6 ¯ ,Tr~ue, but,dangerous, "for without any, corre~cting influence the 'Christ born in me' will become the sort of Christ who can!be born in me. He will tend toAose the historical lineaments of the first-.centur~y~Jgw he was. He will lose his strangeness.He will cease to be the.one~who confronts us in his~sovereign individuality ~.A_c_a~emic the~ology, the dispassionate study of the witness of Jesus of.Nazareth, can provide~that corrective?'' ,This is why we learn Greek. "The strange language.is a symbol of t.he:~strangen~ss of thought that must be passed through before we can understand the GoSpels aright_.':a Longman, & Todd, l~70),~which' provides a method by which such a discipline Can be reestab-lished;:'~ and 'finally, Richard 'of' S(." Victor's" Benjamin' Mino'r~ Benjamin Major'and The Four Stages in the Mystical Ascent (in Clare Kirchbe?ger's Richard bf Stl Victor." Selected Writings on Contemplation, Faber and Eaber, 1957; also M~igne'.s~P,.L.CXCVI). The latter author I consider impbrtant as one who has managed to I~eal the breach between theology and devotion, even though the Victorines tended to side w~th Bernard against Abelard. All four books helped me r~discoVer the fact that there ts such~a subject as mystical theology! ' Lofith,~op. cit., p. 10. - '~Somemight, take exception to this since "the Old ~Testament revelation has an,integrity of its own, independ~ent of the New, as the flourishing Jewish religious c0mmuni~y of our time testifies. The Old Testament is the matrix of Christianity, and is essential for Christianity's identity and S~lf-definition whereas Chri~ianity'is ~n~t simiiarl~, essentiaj for Judaism" (fro~ Dr. J~.mes Carpenter's response to the first draft of this paper). I am in complete agreement with hi~ her~, bui m~' poini was not io disparage the Old Testafiaent revelation as far as Jews are Concerned, but simply to affirm that I cometo.the Old Testament in and through the light of the Christian revela-tion. Dr. Carpenter's trenchant and illuminating comments on the first.draft were helpful in my making this revision, and 1 gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness to :him. ~ Louth, op, cit., p: 10: " ~ Ibid., p. I 1. ~ Hoskyns Cambridge Sermons, 1938, p.xxiii. ,. ' ° 164 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 Let us first take a brief look at the roots of the apparent conflict:. The disastrous cleavage between theology and religiousexperience goes right back, of course, to the beginnings of the struggle to articulate Christian belief. The formal "break," which has never really been healed, came, I suspect, at~he time ~)f the Renaissance and Reformation. For me, though,°it is sym-bolized in the earlierconflict between Abelard ~nd Saint Bernard. Ts-hy sym-bolized, because it would not be historically accurate to in~,est these two men with the rigidqualities ! am ascribing to them. Abelard represents theology. He was the proto-scholastic, whose unchastened intellect led'to his ruin. Saint Bernard represents affective piety, the burning heart devoted to God in prayer. Even though Saint Bernard won the first battle of the'campaign, it was Abelard, i believe, who won the war. The conflict resolved itself in two systerris in the thi~ieenth century: that of Saint Thomas Aquinas and that.of Saint Bonaventure. But who has heard of Saint Bonaventure's system apart from those few who are either medieval historians or students of mystical theology? Now, l know that what It have 'written here is somewhat of a caricature. Abelard, ifi places, reveals "a remarkable balance between in-tell'ect and feeling;''9 Saint Bernard, at times, seems to be devoid of feeling altogether., In reality, though, there was no real victor. Theology,became merely the tool of.the roving intellect. Bernard enjoyed ~nly a Pyrrhic ,victory. Abelard representedsomething vital to the healthy development of piety, that is, a probing and critical intelligence. Without theology, devotion was to go its own way. Without devotion, theology was to dry up and become, in Zaehner's words, "the plaything of desiccated mandarins.'''° Louis M. Martz sums up the situation in this way: During the Middle Ages .the scholastics threw a deep s~hadow over the affective life, a shadow which led some, such as Thomas a Kempis and his Brethren of the Common Life, to renounce scholastic subtletie§ as the brood of folly and the bitterlfruit of that curios~tas which St. Bernard denounced as the father of sin." I do not want tO paint too bla~k a picture. Nor do I want to reject Abelard. It was not _all bad, and there w~ele some .6otable men who were both brilliant scholars ahd committed contemplatives, Jean le Charlier de Gerson (1363-1429) for example, of whom most people have never heard! He wrote a synthesis, On the Mountain of Contemplation, the power of which was.such that it was cited b~, Richard Baxter in The Saints Everlasting Rest (1653): "Read'this you Libertines, and learn better the way of de+otion from a Papist." '~ Dorothy Sayers, writing about the problems of understanding Danters ~ James Carpenter. ~ ,~ ' ~o Zaehner, op. cit., p. 280. ~' Louis L. Martz, The Poetry of Meditation, a study in English Religious Literature of the Seventeenth-Century (N. ew Haven: Yale University Press, 1954, revised 1962), p. 11.2. ~ Ibid., p. 169, quoted from The Saints Everlasting Rest (1650), part IV., Spirituality and Theology / 165 Divine Comedy today has three things to say whic,h are germane to the discus-sion in hand: , . first, theReformatio~, which tended to substitute an infallible Book f6r that of a liv-ing and infallible Chur~ch; fpllowed by the Counter-Reformation whic~h tended to make doctrine a more rigid, and inelastic thing--to objectify an~d pigeonhole it, and to take as one,may say, 'the poetry out of it.' Secondly, there was a growing obsession with scien-tific method, leading men to discount all values which whre not (in .the modern sense) "~scientific," so that no truth was held to be true if it could not be tested in the~labofatory. A third point., is the increasing segregauon of specialists in th6r own specialties, so that the scientist is not expected to study theology nor the ttieologtan to study scmnce, nor either of them to be an artist or a poet. ~ Dorothy Sayers' third point is, perhaps the most telhng from the point of view of this PaPer. Over-specialization has made ,us mistake the fake breach for a genuine one. We are like the heretics Farinata.' and Celvalcanti trapped in the same tomb in the Inferno, yet each oblivious iof the other's presence. It was not always so. For Anglicaris the seventeenth-century was a period when the basic unity between the cognitive and affective was affirmed. It can be seen in the Caroline divines and in the metaphysical, poets. The coming together of the intellectu~il and the affective is summed up in a characteristi-cally seventeenth-century word, sensibility: the union of thought and feeling. In the nineteenth centuWroyr,d s"w "o~rt h w a s c o n 'cerned with. developing the "feeling intellect." In Catholicism the split was formally repudiated during the Counter- ;Reformation and the establishment-of-seminaries after the Council of Trent with their curricula which divided theology up to include ascetical, ~mystical, and mor~l departments. I do not believe the repudiation went very deep, but there was, at least, some attempt to deny the gap.~Classical Protestantism, of course, had no u'~e for mysticism whatsoever, and it is interesting to find Richa~'d Baxter trying to justify papist practices of meditation to the puritans. Asceticism and mysticism of any kind suggested the terrible possiblity of earn-ing salvation. It smackedbf merit and not of grace. But how were the saints to grow in grace? Baxter tried to remedy the situaiion by producing the first puritan treatise 'on the art of methodical meditation to appear in England. Why did h~ want to see regialar meditation restored to puritan piety? Without meditation theology was mere theorizing. All the preaching, teaching, and reading is so much-dros~ if it be not internaliz~d,~if the inner reality is neither felt nor tasted. ~ | And why so much preaching is lost among us and profess rs can run from sermon to ser-mon, and are never weary of hearing or reading and yet have su~:h lariguishing, starred souls; 1 know of no truer or greater cause than their ~gnorance, and unconscionable neglect of Meditation." ~'Dorothy Sayers, Further Papers on Dante (Methuen, 1957), p. 88. " Martz, op. cit., p. 154. 166 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 Baxter was not entirely successful in persuading his puritan readers. Enthusiasm was the mark of the elect, rather than the practice of methodical mental prayeL This seems to be just as true today. All efforts at prayer and meditation wbre doomed to fail. One had simply to"w~it!on the mysterious opera~tions of the Holy Spirit. I m~ention this'because_the suspicions0concern-ing mys~ticism and mystical experience run very deep.-When ~hey are repressed they come out in some other form, as Baxter himself realized. The puritan was led "to' expect 0nly Enthusiastick Consolatiohs.'''~ The answer tO wild and pathological charismatic exi~eriences is a sound'~ syst.emati~ and mystical theology. That iswhy t6day, in the face of "religious experiences,'?we need to redevelop and rediscover criteria for judging them. I believe taking seriously ofl~e again th~ study of mystical theology will be a step ifi achieving this. , .~O_ften it has been believed that ~mysticism ~ran ~th~ot~gh Christianity li~e a streak of insanity in the family. Every generation or so a mad man appeared who had to be put away or ignored. This was the prevailing x~iew, for examlSle, of Brunner, who brilliafitly, if unconv'indn~gly, a~rgued the Protestant case againstmysticism. It was a Pelagian aberration, a neo-pl~itonic impurity sully-ing the integrity of Hel~raic ~eality. A wedge was placed between the so-called prophetic religions and the so-called mystical ones: MystiCal religion was passive, ihactive, .quietist, not interested in ~he, world ~nd its sufferings." Ironically, of course, prophetic experience in the Old'Te~tamen( as an im-mediate experience of the reality of God is my.stic~l. What was Moses if not a myStic? Nevertheless,~ the vtew has long prevatled that mystical and propheti~ r.ehglons were opposed to one another. Anghcans took th~s up just before and Well after the Second World War in the pursuit of wl~at ¢vas theft called "BiblicAl Theolo,.gy." Iremember my old profes.sbr, Alan'Richardso~, ~i~n- ~ sistin~ in his gen'tle way that Christianity was essentially ant~-mystical. ~Fh~ puzzl6d me greatly at the time since I had the tempe~rament which took mystic)sm as a given of human experience. Richard.sob, no doubt,~meafit mysticism in the Brunner sense (as essentially monistic add pantheistic), but Brunne~:'s hssessmen~ of mysticism ,~s so one-sided and limited as to be~ in the end, unconvincing. Mysticism's only real ally amon,_g P(otestant theologians, as far as I can make out, wag Tillich. Without theological" undergirdings, mysticism be6om~s, .in Richard Norris' marvelous phrase, little more than th'e building and furnishing of a private little "hacienda of the soul.'"' There has been no stern~ ~ritic, in the " Ib;id., p. 157. ' . '~ See his Bicentennial Lecture, "Hunting the Transcendent," unpublished, but available from the Center for Christian Spirituality. His iconoclasm with regard to spirituality is thorough. I think he gives, implicitly at least, what R.C. Zaehner asks of the theologian: i.e., "not a theology of the Death of God. but a theology of the death of self, the death of the human ~'person,' who is not only our old enemy, the ego., but also the ego~who has 'got religion' because:he thinks he has found the 'true' self." (Zaehner, op. cit., p. 208). ., . ,° Spirituality and Theology / "167 best sense, of mysticism/spirituality-- call it what you will -- than Dr. Norris. He has certainly helped and influenced me in moving towards a~more critical approach to the subject. His" own introductory lectures in Systematic Theology at theGeneral Theological Seminary of New York, (a course which I once shared with him) were undergirded by what I would call "mystical theology." His whole thesis revolved around the-uflcovering of the structure of a relationship between God and the world. Mystical theology is about nothiiigqf.it is not about that. ~ Nevertheless, there are enormous odds against developing a rigorous mystical theology. Traditions are hard to break. Anglicanism gets the worst of both worlds. From Western Catholicism it inherits the'ancient, if false, cleavage between tl~eology and devotion; from Protestantism, deep suspicions with regard to any systematic, disciplined devotional life. There is one final obstacle to look at before we examine the state of theology today and try to negotiate for the reacceptance of mystical.theology as.an object of serious study. It is the obstacle of a peculiar mind-set: hard, obdurate, pseudo-scientific, fundamentalist. By "fundamentalist" I refer not only to a crass literalism with regard to the Bible, but to a crass literalism towards all "facts." - It was not accidental to find, during my days as an.undergraduate; that the Christian fundamentalist students were often, studying~scientific subjects like zoology and biology: subjects of observation and classification. I believe.there is a kind of academic fundamentalism wtiich is just as infectious and insidious as a biblical fundamentalism. It tends to see" facts" as flat, o he-dimensional. This~fundamentalism finds it hard to acknowledge that there may be more than one level ot: truth, more than one way of looking at, reality~ Some early biblical critics, for example, were no less dogmatic in telling us what a par-ticular periscope signified than the fundamentalist. There is little or no sense, in this mind-set, of the value of symbols in pointing to the inexhaustibility of "facts." : Tobe fair, this mind-set goes with scientific technicians rather than with the ,brilliant scientist who, like Einstein,~can make intuitive leaps like the mystic. The best description I havre come across of this mind-set is that of Edmund Gosse °writing about the a~titude of his parents to the Bil~le. It should be remembered that his father, Henry Gosse, was a zoologist. It involved: a definite conception of the absolute, unmodified, and historical veracity, in its direct and obvious sense, of every statement contained within the cove~'~ of the Bible. Further, " - and for my fatli~r, nothing was symbolic, nothi.ng allegorical or allusive in any part of scripture. Both my parents, I think, were devoid of sympathetic imagination. Hence there wa.s no,mysticism about them. They went rather to the opposite extreme, to the cultivation oi" a rigid and iconoclastic literalness.'7 'Edmund Gosse, Father and Son (Penguin Books, 1907, revised 1970, pp. 49-50). 168 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 -Literalness of mind can attack the professor of any discipline, not least that of mystical theology. One has only to read Tanqueray and even Harton to realize how far the "~reification.of ideas" can go. Andditeralness is nowhere more dangerous than ~vhen dealing with "the anatomy of ~ouls." The question is, how do I harmonize (insofar as t want to) all my ex-periences, .all the bits and pieces of the self? I do not think it unreasonable of me to look to theology:.for guidance and help. My spiritual nourishment comes from all sorts of apparently strange places: the novels of Iris Murdoch, my downstairs neighbor banging away at the piano and singing at the top of his voice, our family meals, a stimulating lecture by a colleague, and a host of other things besides the more obvious,centers of Christian devotion. A rigid, literal mind will not help meointerpret and harmonize these differing experiences. Before'we mov~ on to examining what might be the structure and method of a mystical theology, let us look at.the study of theology as such. There has been a great deal written already about theological studies which suggests to me that mystical theology is being slipped in through the back door. Theology which is rooted in present experience or theology as biography suggest an ap-proach to theology-which sees it as a reflection on religious experience (which, to get ahead of myself, is William Johnston's definition of mystical theology). In other words, there is a tendency for theology to be experience-based. Theology is a living, reflective encounter with a living tradition, and not "an understanding which is~at several removes from, and well-insulated against, the reality of which the scriptures speak.'''8 1 think this is why there has been such a resurgence of interest in religious experiences of all kinds:=-some of them, it is true, dangerous and bizarre. The hunger, ,however, is'real enough. It is easy to see why the academic world so easily gets jaded, cynical, and tired. Frankly, we do'not have time to experience much, let alone reflect on it. Theology then becomes dealing with experiences always at second or third hand. A sabbatical such as mine provides an opportunity for what Charles Peguy called "pure reading." Pure readers are those "who read a work solely and simply for the sake of reading it or taking it in, to feed and nourish themselves on it as a precious foodstuff, in order to promote growthdn themselves, to promote their inner, organic~dignity, not at all to use it as something to work with, to promote one's social status in a secular society.'".9 Without this freedom to read and think for its own sake, the pleasure is sapped out of teaching. As R. C. Zaehner puts it, "The joy has turned into tedium, and it is the tedium that one is likely to transmit.''2° La chairest iriste, h~las!'" wrote Mallarme, et, j'ai lu tousles livres ("sad, sad, is the flesh, and 1 have read all those books"). Theology takes a certain amount of leisure, and leisure is ver.y expensive. It Trevor Ling, Buddha, Marx, and God (London: Macmillan, 1966), p. 197. Quoted in Zaehner, op. cir., p. 18. 2o Ibid. SpiritUality and Theology is, however, only meditative reflection that the mere curiositas which Saint Bernard railed against turns into astonishment and admiration. But admira-tion on its own will not do either.: Wonder needs an ihterpreter. Devotion needs theology, and that is why it simply~will not do to relegate mystical theology, to the rubbish heap, since_it_reappears in other._f.o.rms.(in-the-new jargon_~s ~f~co~t~xtu~al education and storytelling theology). Christian mysticism, insofar as it has been a mere interlope.r from Neo-Platonism,2' needs the severe censure of theology. When devotion is cut off from theology, curiositas does notomove towards admiration but to superstition. God becomes, for the theologian cut off, ,from devotion, a "pale, intellectual substitute for the God of Abraham, God of Isaac, God of Jacob"; for the mystic, God becomes either a crazed Oriental despot or To Hen, the great blob into which he longs to be absorbed. |n fact, the deeper one goes into the realm of mystical experience, the more vital is the critical eye of theological discrimination. Devotion to the point of ecstasy . can lead to a terrible moral indifference. Detachment can easily degenerate into disassociation and the wild inflation of the ego. The "1" that has beenJannihilated becomes "God"! In the Bhagav.ad Gita (18:7) we read: "A man who has reached a state where there is no sense of 'l',.whose soul is undefiled--werehe to slaughter [all] these worlds--slays nothing. He is not bound."22 This has tremendous social implications, as more and more persons long for just such an experience which annihilates the "I"~. and therefore annihilates moral responsibility. The rise in mindless acts of violence and un-motivated crimes points to a religious, as well as sociological disease. Depth p~ychology has taught us that we cannot help acting out our inner ¯ life, and it would be just as well if ~'e were to know something about.it. We might even learn to cultivate it,.not in the Norrisian sense of tending our own little "hacienda," but in the sense of cooperating with, and even co-creating of, our inner life. I cannot do this without the critical discipline of theology. But ~there is a further implication because, not only does the individual live out his inner life, but that same inner life eventually overflows and floods into social forms. The Church, of course, has been left out in the cold in that it has found itself largely bankrupt to offer alternatives to the hungry masses who feed on the spiritual, supernatural, ~ind often superstitious banquet provided by the ambient culture. Theology has done httle to ~nterpret these ~mpulses or ~ to help people develop a discriminating palate with regard to the various ¯ delicacies available. That some of them are deadly is beyond question. The mass suicides of the followers of the Reverend Jim Jones in Guyana point to the literal deadliness of some forms of "religion." So it is not simply a.matter 2, See Zaehner, op. cir., pp. 14Iff. ~ Ibid., p. 231. Zaehner goes on to give the modern instance of a totally unmotivated murder com-mitted by one whose mind is "still, pellucid, and free from occupation" (Andrew Gide, Les Caves du Vatican). 170 / Review for,Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 of academic niceties. A strong, critical seminary faculty could mean a matter of life and dea~.~th,_.It coul~ave a,.strong-i~iv-'~'~'ffd:-~-~-diating-r~l~, par, ¯ ti-c~larly when it looks as if we.might be victimized inside the Church, as well as~without, by new fanaticisms and enthusiams. =, The reader may have'been,frustrated by the fact that I have gotten this far without, givinga definition of what Imean: by mysticism (except as "religious experience"). Dean Inge gave twenty-six definitions in his Christian Mysticism of 1899. Iread.that book (which is not about Christian mysticism at all, but about neo-Platonism), .but since 1899 there,~have been significanli developments to,warrant our adding a hundred more,to~,the "~gloomy dean's" twenty-six. William Johnston. has recently struggled¯ with this problem of definition in. his The Inner Eye of Love. ~ ~ o~' If we go back to the Middle Ages we find that there is no distinction be-tween mystical theology and mystical experience, Jean Gerson (1363-1.429), whom we have already mentioned, writes: Theologia mystica est experimen-talis cognitio habita de Deo,per amoris unitivi complexum (Mystical theology is.~xperimental knowledge of God through the embrace of unitive love).2~ From this Johnston points out. that 'Christian "mysticism,is wisdom Or knowledge that :is found through love; it, is loving knowledge.'??' It is also ex-perimental, knowledge. It is not abstract. It is personal. And as we shall see later, w.hen we take a brief look at Richard of St. ~Victor; mysticism comes to fruition only when it reaches out in love towards others and towards the world, .in what we would call social action or outreach.: Now in my plea for the redevelopment of the mystical theology, I do not wish to imply that nothing has :'been done to reflect theologically,~about mystical experienceiin a systematicway. Roman Catholics have been trying to do"this since,the thirteenth-century, and I have waded through the treatises of Poulain and Pourrat, ,Tanqueray and Garrigou-Lagrange. The trouble witch these works is,that~they are pre-Freudian and pre-Jungian in outlook. It seems to me that it would be hopeless to try to develop a mystical theology today without relying heavily on the insights of these two great pioneers. °.Johnston claims that. the call to loving contemplation is given to everybody. It is supremely human activity. He also affirms that mystical ex-perience (if we go deep enough) is "a passage to'the¯ordinary.''2~ I certainly found this true in my short month as a hermit. It was, quite simply, a move-ment into the wonder of the ordinary. Johnston relies heavily on Bernard Lonergan's, Method in Theology in order to find a definition for mystical theology. As .Lonergan writes, "Method is .not a set of rules to be followed metiEulously by a dolt. It is, a, framework for collaborative creativity.''~ Lonergan is searching for a "transcendental method" which seeks to include not only what is thought, See Johnston, op. cir., pp. 19ff. ~'.lbid~, p. 20. ~ Ibid., p. 37, Lonergan, op. cir., p. xi. Spirituality and Theology / 171 heard, and reflected~upon, but also who it is who thinks, hears, and reflects. Theology seeks a .place where we emerge as persons, meet one another in a common concern for values, seek to abolish the organization of human living'on the basis of competing e~oisms and to repla(e it by an organization on the'~iasis of mhn's pdri;eptiven~ss and intelligence, his reasonableness, and his responsible exercise'of freedom.2' ." ":' L~onergaii"goes o~'i0 define th.$o_Jl.qogy as "refl,ection on religion,"~while Johnstbn ~defines mystical theology_as reflection on mystical~experience. "M~,s'ticism is the experience{haystical theology is reflection on thig~:ex-perierice." 2s We need the latter to combat the ~endency to~anti~-in~elle~tua.lism today, particularly in areas where religidus exl~erience~is coficerned.'"We need," sa~'s Johnston, "to interpret mystical experiefice and fihdits meaning: We~ nebd to distinguish the ahthentic from the inauthentie. Then there is the practical need to guide people.''2~ ~" The data, then, of mystical theology are the experience of mysticism, past and present. The sources are the Bible and the varied witnesses of the Christian tradition. It is conc~erned with° research, texts, history, and doctrines, but is is interesting to note that when Lonergan comes to the foun-dation of theology as such, he speaks of reflection or conversion. ~o Mystical experience has always been the v~ery core of theology. The theology of the Fathers "welled up from their mystical experience. But [and this is very significant] it also led to mystical experience." ~' Johnston goes on to pinpoint the problem today: ~ ,~ The~great temptation of theologY' has always been to di{'orce itself from mystical ex-perience. This was a very real problem in the Middle Ages; and it is a very real problem today. Particularly so, since,m the:last, few centuries theology~has bee_n grea!lY pre- 0 . qccupied with controversial issues; has becomeoextrem~ ely~academic., .and has largely di~vgrced itself from spirituality. Contemplative experience has been relegated to the pious writers on pious books. This is scarcely a healthy situation; for a theology which is divorced from the inner experience of the theologian is arid and carries no conviction. ~' If Bernard l~onergan is rjgti~ ip t~hat the Present and the futurewill be characterized by "the switch to interiority" then we will need to heal the breach between devotion and theology if we are to speak to our generation. Can w~ speak not ofily from "a wealth of sound scholarship bu~ also from a° wealth of personal experience"?~ Johnston gloomily concludes that theologians as a breed s~em particularly resistant to conversion: "The~ theologians i'emain unregenerate.''~' I am not so pessimistic, for this has not Ibid., p. I0. Johnston, op. cir., p. 43, n. 1; Lonergan, op. cir., p. 267. ~ Johnston, op. cil. " Ibid., p. 58; Lonergan, op. cir., p. 130. Johnston, op. cir., p. 56. Ibid., pp. 56-57. ~ Ibid., p. 57. Ibid., p. 58. 172 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 been~my experience. When Alan Richardson rejected mysticism he was plainly advocating it in another sense. When Richard Norris points tothe dangers of what can so easily be a non-subject, he lectures about the God whose being is only uncovered in relationships. He lectures about love. When a seminary dean slips in.a "dig" abou.t discrete disciplines, he unrepentantl~ sees that this non-subject is given i~riority in the seminary curriculum. '.'As conversion is~b~sic to Christian living, so an objectification of,~conver-sion provides theology with its foundations.''3~ So writ.es Lonergan. Priority is being given, at least implicitly, to Lonergan's definition of theology as reflection or,conversion in its intellectual, . moral, and religious dimensions. The latter dimension is the concern of mystical theology. The converted per-son is like someone in love "without limits or qualifications or conditions or reservatio,ns;i'36 Lon.ergan's counsel to theologians is in the form of four "transcendental precepts": Be attentive. Be intelligent. Be reasonable. Be responsible. Later he insists on adding a fifth: Be in love.~7 Lonergan's counsel comes to me almost as a command, as an antidote to madness. Coleridge (and I wish I could locate the reference) delineated two kinds of madness: the moral and the epistemological. Moral breakdown seems easy to discern, but what about the epistemological breakdown where nothing means anything and every human longing and aspiration is relativized out of existence? There is a saying attributed to Saint Anthony: "A time is coming when meri will go mad, and when they see someone who is not mad, they will attack him saying, 'You are mad, you are not like us.' ,,~8 What exactly do I mean by epistemological madness? It is a form of "in-sanity" which atta.cks true knowledge in two ways which are contradictory. " Lonergan, op. it., p. 130, see also,'p. 241; Johnston. op. cit., p. 58, n. I. -'~ Johnston, op. cit., p. 58;oLonergan, op. cir., p. 106. -" Johnston, op. cit., pp. 60, 61; Lonergan, op. cir., pp. 10ft. 1 do not have time, an such a short paper, to do justice to Lone~'gan. And I confess that it took Johnston's book to bring me to a sym-pathetic reading of Lonergan's. I had tried a few years ago and found it then indigestible! Lonergan goes on to say, "Now in a sense everyone knows and observes transcendental method. Everyone does so, precisely in the measure that he is attentive, intelligent, reasonable, responsible. But in another sense it is quite difficult to be at home in transcendental method, for that is not to be achieved by reading books or listening, to lectures or analyzing language. It is a matter of heightening one's consciousness by objectifying it, and that is something that each one ultimately, has to do in himself and for himself" (Lonergan, op. cit., p. 14). ~ The Sayings of the Desert Fathers, tr. Benedicta Ward, S.L.G. (Oxford: Mowbrays, Cistercian Studies #59, 1875), p. 5 §25. Spirituality and Theology The first way is to say that we can know absolutely nothing. Everything is relative. Nothing, in the end, signifies or matters. It is easy to see how'this form of madness leads to moral breakdown and corruption. The second way is to say that we can know' everything (at lea~t in principle). Knowledge is graspable and finite. This is manifested in the various ideali~sms, dogmatisms, and fundamentalisms which drive people mad. It is also easy to see how this leads to a moral bankruptcy of a different order: a bankruptcy of.legalism. Both ways of madness have a root cause: the lust for security (not unlike the two forms of gnosticism which were and are manifested in libertinism and rigorism). "Nagging doubts engender rigid certainties." One way invites us to get lost in a desert of nothingness of the°destructive kind. The other lures us into a jungle of moralism. Both are places where the human spirit soon dies. The dilemma is this: how to have something, to live for, an ideal, a goal, a vision, without our vision being deified, our ideal being the cloak for megalomania. There is a way to resolve.the dilemma. It is a hard way, however. It is the way of prayer. The Christian call to contemplation is an antidote to individual and collective madness, particularly to the epistemological madness, which is attacking our culture now. Lonergan's four precepts are, in effect, the structuring of an epistemology which covers our "knowing" from direct experience, to inquiry and under-standing, through reflection and judgment to decisive action. His sources and references are interesting--Horney, Maslow, Rogers, and Piaget. They all stress the social and historical character of human knowledge. Indeed, Lonergan is the first major theologian I have discovered who really takes the development of human consciousness seriously. Ironically, the only other place that I know of where there is an analogous.ascending scheme of epistemology is in mystical theology. There we begin with study, move into prayer, and end in contemplation. Most of what we call knowledge is really only the first form, study. It is very important and in no way to be despised. Contemplation is not simply the beholding of God in a non-vocal, non-discursive way. In the end, it is that. But it is also simply taking as large a view of things as possible: ltis a mode of knowing, a way of considering every kind of knowledge . It is a free and clear ~regard of the soul, directed to the object of knowledge, gathering in comprehensive-ly many single points, dwelling thoughtfully and poised in wonder upon its object.~9 Now tla~s is a contemplative method of approaching all knowledge. It is only a metho~l, not the method. Indeed, the analytical method is also very im-portant. But unless all our knowing points to a loving contemplative end we ar~ bound to fall into one or other of the traps of epistemological madness. ~ Kirchberger, op. cit., p. 39. '~ 74 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 We.will find Qurselves either;among the libertines or among the rigorists: the know-nothings or the know-it-alls. Contemplation does not require sacrificium intellectus sorightly feared by philosophers and theologians. It does, however, require sacrificing the primacy of theintellect. Contemplation requires its dethronement. It seeks to reverse [he process~of its reification and deification. The intelligentia (for the Victorines, for examp!e, who were Catholic humanists, fundamentally op-timistic about the human condition) is the instrument of the contemplative act, suspended, it is true, during ecstasy, but essential afterwards for integra-tion and interpretation. Intelligentia here is, of course,, not so much the naked intellect of discursive reasoning, but rather an intuitive vision, a sort of unitive principle at the heart of the intelligence which.seeks to harmonize experience. Richard of St. Victor, _for example, says that: the character of contemplation varies in three ways¯ Sometimes it effect~ an enlarging of the mind, sometimes a raising and sometimes an abstraction¯The enlarging of the mind is when the gaze of the soul expands widely and is intensely sharpened, but this in no way goes beyond the limit~of human effort. The raising of the mind is when the activity of the intelligence, d!vinely.i/lluminated, transcends the limits of human effort but does not go over into ecstasy, so that what is sees is above its powers but the soul does not withdraw from its accustomed way~ of knowing . Ecstasy is when the memory of things present withdraws from the mind and it moves by a transfiguration divinely wrought, into a state of soul attainable'by"hunian effort . The first is caused by human effort, the third only ¯ by divine grace, the middle one by a mingling of both, namely human industry and divine grace. Our concern here as theologians is with the first mode of contemplation, with the first step in the third mode in our ascending scheme of epistemology. Richard. goes on to tell his readers that this first step (the enlarging of the mind) . ¯ can be dev~eloped in,three.ways: by art, by exercise, by,a,ttention. We attain the art of' doing someihing when we learn how it is to be done either from good masters or by in-vestigation. The exercise is when we put into practice what we learnt of the art and make ourselves quick and e'~fective in carrying out this practice. Attention is whi:n we reflect . with effort on what we have carried out with great diligence . By these three degrees., the depth,,of mind is widened and made more apt for any kind of Aear~ning or skill." This is not a bad description of educational method as rooted in a move-ment of contemplation which leads into the great knowing of "unknowing," to the knowledge which is love. But, aswe have seen, even this mystical ecstasy is not the end, nor is itthe sole object of our spiritu~al life (the furni.shing of our hacienda!) There is one more act of sacrifice required. "T, he.,la~s~ self-surrender to.God is the surrender of the self-centered desire for Go~, and the final possession o~God on.earth :comes.in union, with Christ's fruit-bearing Ibid., pp. 183-184(Benjamin Major V, ch. II). Ibid., p. 186 (Benjamin Major V, ch. 111). Spirituality and Theolo~,y. /175 life of sacrifice and gervice to the brethren and all 'mankind.'''2 The end of Christian contemplation, then, is always compassion. Presumably it is also the end of theology. As Lonergan says, man achieves authenticity in self-transcendence. One canlive in a world, have a horizon, ~ just in the meastJre that one is not locked up in oneself. As the question of God is ~mpllClt ~n all our questlomng, so being ~n love with God ~lS the basic fulfdlment of our conscious intentionality.'" ~ ~ I fully acknowledge the tendency of~.this strange subject to be.~a parasite on the backs~of the other disciplines. It seems to encroach on territory not its own~ Itcan be annoyin~ and vague and at the same' time'arrogant and preten-tious. It needs help an, d understan~ding ~f itis no(to be a Cuckoo lhying its eggs in the meticulous and well-constructed nests of others. In a way, Christian ~pirituality does not have a separate existence of its own. It exists only in rela-tion to other disciplines, but I would like to see it develop symbiotic rather than parasitic relationships. I repeat, the final end of Christian mysticism is compassion. In Richard of St. Victor's De Quatuor gradibus violentae caritatis (notice here that love is passionate!) he writes that there are four stages in the mystical ascent. There is knowledge of self (meditation). Then there is the ascent to God (contempla-tion). Thirdly there is absorption into God(whichRichard calls jubilation and which, alas, often gets identified as thepoint of mysticism). Fourthly, there is the going forth from God (compassio~n),." In the first degree, God enters into the s~ul and she turns inward into herself. In the second, she ascends above herself and is lifted up to God. In the third the soul, lifted up to God, passes over altogether into-him. In ~he fourth the s0ul gbes forth on God's behalf and descends below herself. In the first she enters~into h'~rsblf, in the second she goes forth from herself. In the first she reaches her own life, in the third she reaches God. In the first she goes forth on her own behalf, in the fourth she goes forth because of her neighbor. In the~ first' ~lie enii~rs in by meditationl.in the secondshe ascends bylcoi~templa-tion, in the third she is led into jubilation, in thefourth: ~she goes out by co~npassion." Theologyi~pushed by!its own p~o~bihg anffliv~ely'fin, certainties, ends either with compassion or with despair and cynicism. , Just as unrestricted questioningis our capacity for sdf-transcendence, so being in love in ~ an unrestricted fashion is the proper fulfillment of that capacity. That fulfillment is not the product of our kno.wledge and choice. On the contrary, it dismantles and abolishes the horizon in which our knowing and choosing went on and it sets up a new horizon in which the love of God will transvalue our values and the eyes of that love will transform our knowing.'~ _, But the very experience of transcendence raises the very issues which theology must continually face. Ibid., p. 46. Kirch'berger, op. cit., p. 224. '~ Lonergan, op. cit~, pp. 104-105. '~ Lonergan, op. cir., p. 106. 176 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 Man's response to transcendent mystery is adoration . Accordingly, which mystery is not to be confused with problem, the ongoing contexts within whic~ mystery is adored and adoration is explained are anything'~ut free from problems.", Academic theology comes into its own' by probing those experiences which otherwise would rob Christianity of its giveness and strangeness.~ Rigorous theo!ogy saves Christi~.nity from becoming domesticated and f~mili~ar. Le! me end with a quotation from Diadochus Photic~:. . the theologian tastes something of the experie_nce of the contemplative, provided he is humble; and the contemplative will little by little know something of the power of speculation, if he keeps the d~isce~rning part of his soul free from error. But the two gifts are rarel§ found to the same degree in the same person, so that each may wonder at the other's abundance, and thus humility may increase in each." Ibid., pp. 344-345. " Louth, op. cir., p. 14. Now Available As A Reprint The "Active-contemplative" Problem in Religious Life by David M. Knigh~t Price: $.75 per copy, plus postage. Address: Review for Religious Rm 428 ¯ 3601 Lindell Blvd. St. Louis, Missouri 63108 Celibate Friendship Brian O'Leary, S.J. Father O'Leary is a staff-member of Manresa House; Dollymount; Dublin, 3; Ireland. He characterizes the present article as complementary to his first one, ~'Reflections on Apostolic Celibacy" (May, 1979), "dealing with the horizontal dimension where the other dealt with the vertical." One of the difficulties with using the word celibacy in the context of religious life is that .the primary meaning of the word is negative: abstinence from marriage, or the unmarried life, the state of .non-marriage. But if con- ~secrated celibacy is agift from God, then it cannot be so~ethi~.n.g negative. At most it :can have a negative aspect or side effect, aconcomitant frustration or ~'painful limitation. But the gift itself must be positive. Religious celibacy is for living, for loving. It has everything to do with interpersonal relationships: with the God of Abraham, 1.saac and Jacob; with Jesus, :the enfleshed and full revelation of that God; with peopib, men and women, near and far, good and evil. It has to do with love received and love given; with life lived to the full through carin~ and being cared fore through reachir~g o~ut and being reached out to, through c6mmitment to people and having peop!e committed to us. Our relationships with God and with people ai'e closely intertwined. Our Iexperience of being loved by God and loving God is somehow dependent on o~" exp'erience of being loved by people and loving people. St. John wrote: "Anyone who says, 'I love God,' and hates his brother, is a liar, since a man who does not love the brother that he can see cannot love God, whom he has never seen" (I Jn 4:20). We can also argue! a man Who does not experience the love of his brother whom he can see, cannot experience love of God whom he has never seen. We need to give and receive a love which is tangible in order to give and receive a love which is !ntangible. Remembei" the lines ot: William Blake: 177 178 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, .1980 / 2 i looked for my soul but my soul 1 could not see. 1 looked for my God but my God eluded me. I looked for a friend and then l found all three. ~ Religious are not usually exempt from this dependence on human love and friendship in their seai'ch for God. Celibacy itself, far from lessening our need of the experience of love, is offering us a greater freedom in loving, and conse-quently a greater facility in finding God. This latter ideal is well expressed in the Autobiography of St. Ignatius where we read: His devotion, that is, his ease in finding God, has always continued to increase and now more than in his whole life. Each time and hour that he wanted to find God~ he found him? This is the experience of a lover, but of one whose love had been purified since the immature days of his young manhood when his love for God and people had leaned more to the fanciful than the real. Describing his convalescence from his war wounds received :at Pampl.ona he says: Of the many vain things that presented themselves to him, one took such a hold on his heart that he was absorbed in thinking about it for two or three or four hours without realizing it: he imagined what he would do in the service of a certain lady, the means he would take so he could go to the country where she lived, the verses, the words he would say to her, the deeds of arms he would do in her service. He became so conceited with this ~ that he did not consider how impossible it would be because the lady was not of the lower nobility nor a countess or a duchess, but her station was higher than any of these.~ . ~ Because Ig'natius' experience of human love at that ti~me'was of this dreamy, romantic kind,'his way of loving God was similar: to undertake great and ar-dubus deeds and penances" such as his spiritual heroes had undertaken: St. Dominic did this, therefore, 1 have to do it. St. Francis did this, 'therefore, i have to do it.~ There was far more of Ignatius in that way of loviiag than there was of God. But gradually h~gi'ew both in human love and in divine love, parallel ex-periences keeping pace with° one another, inextricably intertwined, almost be~:oming one." Finding God in all things ahd all things in God. What then can b~ said about human love? A very great d~al if we judke by the' ~tmount that has been written about it from early epic poetry through lyric poetry, drama, thenQ~el and other literary genres. But .let us take just one series of reflecti6hs from a modern psychologist, Erich Fromm. The Autobiography of St. lgnatiu's' Loyola, Harper Torchbooks (1974), p. 93. Op. cit., p. 23. ~ Ibid. Cefibate Friendship What does one person give to another? He gives of himself of.the most precious he has, he gives of his life. This does not necessarily mean that he sacrifices his life for the other, but.that he gives him of that which is alive in him; he gives him of his joy, of his interest, of his understanding, of his knowledge, of his humor, of his sadness, of all expressions and ~a~ifestations of that which is alive in him. In~ thus giving of his life, he enriches the other person, he enh~ances the other's sense of aliveness by enhancing his own sense of aliveness. He does not give in order to receive; giving is in itself exquisite joy~' Fromin's emphasis here on one's aliveness that is giveri,~shared and enhanced reminds us of the statement of St. lrenaeus: "The glory of God is man fully alive." If wetake glory in its biblical meaning as a visible and tangible manifestatioff of God's presence, as in a broad sense of sacrament of God's presence, then'we can see how in truly human love God can be found and ex-perienced. It is not a question of arguing from the reality of human love to the realitY, of divine love, but rather of experiencing divine love through the ex-perience of human love. To shut oneself off from human love either through fear or inhibition or anxiety or some stoical ideal of spirituality is to cut oneself off from the p6ssibility of touching and being touched by thedivine. Strange as it may seem', mature human love does not come easily and spon-tane0usl~ to us. If left unreflected on and undirected, our loving tends to be egocentric, selfish, possessive, jealous--in a word, sinful.' Mature love demands all the patience and pain and even dying associate~l with growth. For most people, whether Christian or not, the normal ambience for such~growth to maturity is the family. This can be a schpol~o_f generous, self-g~ving love through_.the muluple relationships which kmt tts meml6ers tok'~lier. G~wng, receiving, sharing, each alter~ates--h~ i--~'~a~p-'~f~"~i|y that is closely united in love, yet otie that is not closed in u.p6n itself in a complacent, smug manner.~ The family itself has to. be open to others. It was in our own families that we first learned experientially about love, and we carry that gift with us throughout our lives. Conversely, we also carry the inevitable limita-tions and.deficiencies of that experience throughout our~ lives. Hence the need for being in touch with our past, for forgiveness and I~he letting go of resent-ments, and bitterness, for self-acceptance and the,~healing of memories. But now as adults we are called to a different life-style, one demanding the renunciation of any possibility'of founding a family of our own and bringing new human life into the world. This means that we are renouncing the use of the most natural and normal means for growing in mature, human love. Such a decision is not to be taken lightly. We must be sure that we can grow without such help. Ours is a minority kind of vocation,,~a minority life-style. But the call is still growth, maturity and love. The road may be,steeper, in many ways more solitary, but'it will also be less encumbered. There are two paradoxical 4~, requirements: to develop a capacity and even a desire~.for solitude, and to develop a capacity for deep and lasting friendships. Solitude and friendship ¯ The Art of Loving, Unwin Paperbacks (1975), p. 27. 180 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 are the two keys to a'healthy, integrated, celibate life. In both we find ourselves, the other, and God. Friendship in the lives bf religious takes many forms,, is experienced in many contexts, and has many degrees of intensity. As we live in comm~unity we are first challenged to look for friendships there. Ideally, at least, some close relationships in this. arena should be possible. ~Then there are the people whom we serve in our direct apostolate and those others with whom we col-laborate; some friendships of depth' may well emerge from these sources. Finally, there are the friends ~wejust happen to form from chance meetings or strange coincidences. All of these together give us a wide range of relation-ships such as is healthy and envigorating for any person to hav.e. It~'is an enriching and broadening experience to have friends among many age-groups, different social classes, varied occupations, and so on. Through them we touch life and are touched by life. As we move across the spectrum from acquaintance to friendship to close friendship to deep, intimate love, the reality of our celibacy becomes moreand more pertinent. In a relationship of mere.acquaintance the fact of being a con-secrated celibate is almost irrelevant, but in.a relationship of deep loving it becomes central. Some religious feel safer hovering around the center of that spectrum--and undoubtedly they are. But for others the call to take the risk of deep loving is part of God's call to respond to His love.This they accept with joy, yet they remain aware that their celibacy is a fragile as well as a beautiful gift, and that it has to be guarded as-well as celebrated. Relation-ships of deep, intimate, .human loving can exist between a man and a woman, a man and a man, a woman and a woman. So let us reflect on the conditions in which a religious might feel free to sustain and foster such a relationship. 1. The religious must be mature. As we have seen, maturity is a process of growth, and so the requirement of being mature is 'in some sense relative. What it means basically is that the person be comfortable with his or her own sexuality, be able to know and accept himself or herself as a sexual being. Fur- ,ther, his or her desire must be to create an adult'relationship between equals, not one of emotional dependency. This latter could happen should someone Ibe searching for a deep relationship out of a need,'overt or latent, to relieve or escape from acute loneliness. ~., 2. The religious must be.well rooted in his celibate calling. This will include having a strong personal attachment to Jesus, to the Church, to the order or congregation, to the apostolate. It presupposes a sound and vibrant life of prayer. Deep relationships starting from an insecure commitment can lead one out of religious life, o~ toan alienated existence within. 3. There mustbe an awareness and understanding of the other person's sexuality, and of his or her capacities, weaknesses and needs. An awareness also of the inevitable tendency towards greater intimacy, physical as well as Celibate Friendship psych61ogical. Hence there has to be moderation in the bodily expression of tenderness, affection and love. Touch can be a. beautiful language of com-munic~ ition, more expressive than the spoken or written word, but it can also be a 'gateway to mere~ gratification. It is not enough for a religious only to avoid sexual sin, but he must be sensitiveto the truth of every gesture, and to questions such as: "What is this action doing to the other person? What is it saying to him? In what emotional state is it leaving him?" Self-knowledge and sensitivity to the other go hand in hand. 4. Besides being grounded in one's own vocation, the religious must also affirm and desire the growth of the other in his vocation. This means really wanting and working for the other's growth in celibacy (should he be a religious), or for the other's growth in married love (should he be married). Should the other person be single, the religious must be careful not to stunt the other's affective growth in relationships with other men and women, thus cut-ting off the chance of marriage. Finally, any giving in to a sterile fantasy: "If only things were different"; "if only we were free"; "if only we had met earlier in life," is dangerous, and constitutes a degree of unfaithfulness to our commitment to Christ. 5. The relationship must not be exclusive. The ideal is to be totally non-possessive, and in that sense truly free. The ability to make and sustain other friendships with either sex should be fostered. Celibate love is primarily universal in character. 6. The relationship must be open. This means'o(a) open to God. The two people involved should be able to pray with sincerity about their love both in-dividually and together. In such prayer ]hey will receive guidance and strength. But such guidance and strength is also mediated through people, and ~o such a relationship should also be (b) open io spiritual directors, superiors, mutual friends. There is n~eed of a.constant evaluatioffof such a relationship, and a third party (this can mean one or more persons) can be helpful and ob-jective. Any tendency to hide a relationship, to secretiveness and furtive behavior is a danger signal. 7. There must be a willingness to endure pain, to go through difficult times. This is required in all human loving, but it is especially necessary in celibate love 6f a deep kind because in such love we allow, to a greater 0r lesser extent, the frustrating aspect of.celibacy to surface and be experienced. To the degree that the dynamic towards exclusivit~y and sexual union develop, to that. degree will it become more painful to keep on choosing celibacy. The person unable to tolerate such pain either leaves religious life, or, as in no. 2 above, he endures an alienated existence within his community. 8. By their fruits you shah know them. A relationship such as this cannot be divorced from every other aspect of the celibate's life. If the loving is healthy, life,giving and creative, it will enhance the quality of the person's prayer, community living, apostolic commitment, other relationships, and in-deed his general well-being. By using these criteria it is to be expected that the 182 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 relationship will aid positively to the growth of the person involved, ~n.o.tTbe something merely neutral' or indifferent,~but rather be a~strong contribut~ing factor to human and spirit.ual development. Thins aim is admittedly very,,high,. but one who is living the'qonsecrated life should be able and willing to accept. these criteria, demanding as they are, and eval~uate any intimate relationship accordingly . Now Available As A Reprint Psychosexual Maturity in Celibate Development by Philip D. Cristantiello Price: $.60 per copy; plus postage. .Address': Review for' Religious Room 428 ~ 3601 Lindell Blvd. St. Louis, Missouri 63108 Catherine of Siena: Mission and Ministry in the Church Suzanne Noffke, O.P. Sister Suzanne; past president of the Racine Dominican Sisters, having just completed a' new and unabridged translation, of the Dialogue of Catherine, dev?tes herself full time to ,research, writing, and speaking on Catherine and her thought.,. Sister Suzanne resides at 2070 Allen Blvd., #2; Mid~leton, WI 54562. atherine of Siena~ was a woman who knew to,an amazing depth who she was--because she responded with such amazing: fidelity to God's revelation to her of who he is. That revelation, was nev~er for .Ca,therine (nor is it for .any of us) one finished pa~ckage, oNo, she entered. Jnto, it ~lyvel by level throughout her life as she met each new insight and wrestled with its implications and demands. But essentially there were~always those two t~hreads: Catherine knew God as boundless Truth and Love, and she knew herself as limited and even sinful, yet°loved a~d gifted, o The dynamic of Catherine's growth could be very appropriately described in terms of~the classic "transcendental precepts": ~ , Be attentive. Be intelligent. Be reasonable., Be responsible. Her attentiveness to divine initiative in her life is obvious at every stage of her awareness; it was so sacred a matter for her, in fact, that she regarded any failure in that attentiveness as a breach in. fidelity. She was very conscious of, and delighted in,°the active play of her own understanding as an intelligent be-ing in ,re,,ceiving GOd's manifestation of himself. But the play and the deligl~t were never a short-circuited contemplationS: her reason searched out the im- 183 184 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/2 plications of what she saw; and her whole being owned and responded to thoge implications in her living, no matter what the cost to herself. It is so far the picture of a beautifully human, thoroughly moral and noble person, and a discussion of mission and ministry could legltimately be drawn from it. Yet if our model encompassed only these levels--even in faith--the total reality of Catherine, and the fullest ideal of Christian mission and ministry would be muted to a kind of drudgery of diaty well done. Such could conceivably be true and heroic holiness, but we are invited to so much morel Bernard Lonergan captured the sense of this "more" when he added to the four transcendental precepts a fifth: Be in love~' . Now we may love many people, but.to be in love is a much more rare and precious phenomenon. Catherine did not simply love God: she was madly (she herself uses that modifier again and again) in love. And it was one in love that she was attentive, intelligent, reasonable, and responsible. It was love that fired her urgent sense of being sent, her sense of mission to ministry. If we would learn about mission and ministry from Catherine, we must remember that we are looking at and listening to a woman in love. And we must remind ourselves that God is in love with us too~, and that we too are in-vited beyond simply lok, ing him to the mad sanity of being-in-love: "not that we have loved God, but that God has loved us!''2 A Question of Discipleship We are dealing here.with the whole question of dis.cipleship. A disciple is One who learns from another's person as much as from his body 0f teaching: And a disciple in the gospel t~'adition is ultimately and most imme~diately a disciple of Jesus~ Any others who are models and guides' in the Christian ~vay are such only because, and insofar as, they are, first, true disciples themselves. "Take me as your model," writes Paul, "as I take Chris~?'3 In the end, "you have only one teacher, the Christ."' " ' ¯ Catherine's ~rescription for those who would be guides to others describes well her understanding of her own role toward those who were her 'disciples: Be trumpeters of the incarnate Word, God's Son, not only with your voice but with your deeds. Learn from the Master of t(uth, who practiced virtue before he preached it. In this way you will produce fruit and be the channel through which God will pour his grace into the hearts of those who hear you? Catherine, true disciple that she is, can well be both model and teacher to us, for her life speaks as forcefully as doher writings, which could have grown only out of such a life. Method in Theology. LondOn: Darlon, Longman and T0dd,_1972, p. 13. 1Jn 4:'10. ~ I C6 11:1". Letter 226, to Raymond of Capua, c. i376~ ' Mt 23:10. Catherine of Sienb: Mission and Ministry in the Church The Context of Mission and Ministry for Catherine ~ , All of Catherine's life and all that she says about specific questions can be fully understood only/in the context of hei" m.ost bhsic convictions. In isolation from these, so muchwould be--and has been--~ubject to misrepresentation. So, even at the risk of distorting by over-brevity, let me at least summarize'the faith that most centrally dictated the shape of her interpretation of mission and ministry. ' The God with whom C~therine is in love'is at once "gentle first Truth" and "Love itself." Jesus, God's on'ly-begotten Son, God's Word, is Truth in-carnate, the one Way in love for sinful humanity to find reconciliation with the ~Father. Along this Way--Catherine describes him in her Dialogue as the bridge it is in the Church as in a hostelry.that God provides the food and shelter, the companionship and rest without which we pilgrims would surely faint or fall back long before we would reach our destination. In fact, the head of the Church is "Christ-on-earth." Only he holds~the keys to the wine cellar in which is stored :the blood of Jesus, the sole source of life and salvation. And, for Catherine, there-is nc~ other way to union with God but through the open heart of Jesus. God alone--in himself and in Jesus and, analogously, in the Church--is deserving of unqualified love (senza modo). Everyone and everything else is to be loved only con modo--with love that is qualified and conditioned and limited by its relationship with God. Because of this very strong'sense 6f relativity, issues which may loom large in our considerations often 'get from Catherine what may seem short shrift to us. Some of the difference,"it is true~ is cultural; but that fact should not allow us to miss the more signi.ficant difference that cbhaes from this underlying sense of relativity -- a 'sense that is still as ~valid today as it was in fourteenth-century Tuscany. When we are in love, all things are relative~tothe one we love. With this context firmly in mind we can turn as disciples to Catherine and let her person and her words speak to our own convictions about our mission to ministry in the Church. The Foundation and Principle of Mission and Ministry Basic to ~the who|e question of mission and.ministry-for Catheriiae was the same principle she applied to preaching: that we must practice virtue first, then preach it. Jesus, she writes in the Dialogue, never taught what he had not first lived himself. We are useless to others unless we have within ourselves what we would share with them. She writes of herself in the Prologue to the Dialogue that "she knew that she could be of no service to her neighbors in teaching or example or prayer without first doing herself the service of attain-ing and p~ossessing virtue.''6 "We will never be able to nourish our neighbors," she w'rites to a group of women in Naples, "unless we first feed our own souls with true solid virtues. 186 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/, 2 And we cannot be nourished with virtue unless we cling to the breast of divine chari~ty from which we draw, the milk of divine tenderness."~7 The image is a double one: the bre, ast of divine charity is t0e.open heart of Jesus. In prayer we look into this open heart and see "the secret of the bloo~"~--that God loves us so.madly that his Song's death was not too high a price to pay for_ our love--and seeing ourselves so madly loved, we o in response fall madly in love with God. But prayer itself is imaged by ~Catherine as a mother: it~ is prayer that conceives and gives b!rth to virtue within us, and with.gut prayer the virtue which ministers in love to our neighbors is im-possible . ,. Where, indeed, will we c~tch the fragranc~ of obedlence?~ In ffrayer. Where will we strip ourselves of th~ selfish love that makes us impatient in the face of hurt and other dif-ficulties, and clothe ourselves in divine love, finding our glory in the cross of Christ crucified? In prayer/. Where do we express love and faith and hope and humility? In prayer. In fact, we would not bother to look for what we did not love; but when we do love we always want to,be united with the objec.t of our love--and he_re that object is God.° Where, finally, will we catch the fragrance of coniinence and purity, and a hunger for martyrdom that makes us willing to give our lives for God's honor and the good of sot~ls? Always in th~s gentle mother, prayer . Truly, p~rayer i~ a nio'iher. If'is she who conceives virtues as her children in love for God, and ~ives them birth in love for our neighbors/° There is no ministry, then, without virtue; no~ is there virtue withbut prayer. It is in prayer, that we are sent out, missioned, into action. And once the dynamic has been set in motion by our response ~o God,s initiative, prayer and ministry ~feed;each other: 'prayer drives us out to serve, and our service drives us back into prayer. Indeed, if0both are genuine in themselves, each becomes in.a sense the other: prayer~is a ministry and ministry a prayer. There'ar~ two ways to pray (Catherine writes): The firsi way is that of Continualprayer; that is, ,that constant lioly desire which of itself .prays before God in everything a person does. Indeed, such desire directs all our actions, whether spiritual or temporal, to his honor. That is why it is called continualprayer.'~ Continual prayer, then, is nothing other than holy desire' and the gentle movement of iove.,~ , What fruit do we derive from this sort of prayer? A peaceful quiet within us to which nothing is a stumbling~block: . Nothing wearies or troubles it. Nor does it let us. be ~.Dialogue, I. (All quotations from the Dialogue are taken from the new translation of that work to be publis.hed by Pat~list Press in January, 1980.) See~also Dialogue, 29. Letter 356 .,to thr~e women of Naples. Letter 353, to three women of Naples, 1379. Letter 26, to her niece, Sister Eugenia, a nun in the monastery of'Sf. Agnes at M0t~tepulciah0'. ~ Letter 353. ~, ~ ~ " " Ibid. '~ Letter 22, to Abbot Martino di Pass, ignano of Vallombrosa. Catherine of siena: MiSsion and Ministr.V in the Church / 187 'ideceived when our soul hankers airier our~own room, tO bask there in consolation and peace. It does not even regret having to do something else when we ~,ould prefer to be actually at prayer. No, it extracts from that something else the perfume of humility and the firb of, love for our neighbors. ~ "i'he sec6nd way'is that of vocalprayer, that is, speaking wiih oiie's tong~ae to say the~Of-rice or other oral prayers. This way is designed to bring us to the third way, mental prayer. This is a~:complished when, with I~rudence and humility., we use our minds in vocal prayer--that is, when we pray in such a way that, while we.are speaking with our i~ngue, our h~art is never far from God. Indeed, we should alw~ays try, to set our heart firmly in the love of divine charity." . urging our mmd always to think of, to offer, and t6 receive the i~ pulse of God's love more than-the sound of the.words." It is ume to give honor to God and wear ourselves out for our neighbors: wear ourselves out physically by bearing with everything, a~nd.wear ou_rselve~ out spiritually by offering continual, humble prayer in Ggd's presence with angui~shed longing, with bitter tears and sweat. ' 6 The complementarity of prayer and action, then, is'one of integration, not of mere alternation. Catherine would not be at all at home with the image we have sometimes used, that of a car which needs to return perio~dically to the gas pump for fuel in order to keep running. Her own image of the fountain and the jfig, though she used it in another context, is much more app~'opriate. The fountain is God and his love and truth. "If you take your Jug out of the fountain to dri~k," she writes, "it is soon empty. But if y0o h01d your j~gin the fountain whild you drink, it ~ill~n0t get empty;~ifide~d, it will'always be full." '' In this image, the more we drink from this jug, the more r~om there is f6r it to be filled, and the more i~ is filled, the more we have to drink (or to share). ° What," then, determines" what time shall'be given to bxl~licit praye~, and w~at 'to the ministry of action'?. Precisely ~hat initiative from God which is called mission., Not simply our own inclinatibn,.but the action of the Spirit made kno~'n through oppoit~nit3~, obedience, ~3r dema~nds of lb~;e. Be very.conscientious and persevering in frequenting the holy place of prayer'as,often " .an, d as long as the Holy Spirit offers you the 9pportuni!y. Do not,avoid'it or run a~aYo ~;o from . it ,even if it should cost you your life. Never abandon,~ t,oht .of tenderness or com-passion for your body.~ You must not break away from holy prayer for any reason whatever except obedience or It is'Prayer, .therefore, that~ holds the place of primacy. But¯~ervice is its " Lettei 154, to'Brother Francesco T~baldi of Florence, i3"~8~ t, Letter 353. ~ ~ ~; '~ Letter 154. ~ ~ :, ,6 Letter 296, to Don Giovanni delle Celle, c. 1376. "Dialogue, 64. " Letter 187, to Don Giovanni Sabbatini of Bologna and Don Taddeo de' Malavohi Of Siena, monks of Certosa anti, Be riguardo, c. 1375. '~ Dialogue, 65. 188. /Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 ,/2 , necessary fruit and touchstone. Effective love for others is the expression of true love for God. So God says in the Dialogue: I ask you to love me with the same love which I love you. But for me you cannot do this, for I loved you without being loved. Whatever love you have for me you owe me, so you love me, not gratuitou[ly, but out of duty, while I love you, not out of duty, but grati~itously. So you cani~ot gi~'e me the kind of love i ask of you. This is why I have put you among your neighbors: so thal you can do for-them wha! you cannot do for me--that is, love them without any concern for thanks and without looking for a~ny p[ofit for yourself. And whatever you do foi- them 1 Will consider done for me.2° We cannot, in fact, honestly claim to have even conceived .virtue if we never bring it to birth'for our neighbors. (Again God is speaking.) Virtue, once conceived, must come to birth. Therefore, as soon as the soul has conceived through loving affection,oshe gives bii'ih for her neighbors' sake. And just as she loves m~ in truth, so also she serves her neighbors in truth. Nor could she do otherwise, for love of me and love of neighbor are one and the same thing: since love of neighbor has its source in me, the more the soul loves me, the more she loves her neighbors.2' Catherine not onlY, preached this integration of prayer and virtue and ministry; she lived it more and more deeply as her intimacy with God deep-ened. Her three years 6f alm.ost total silence and solitude were more than merely ~ '°'filling of the fuel tank" for the life of service that was (o begin to blossom at their end. Catherine entered that solitude, one very much centered on the relationship between herself and God, and it was atime of growth fbr her in mystical union with him. But in that solitude was growingalso.the small seedling of another relationship. The ~ulmination of those three years came in a double-edged experience which puzzled Catherine herself. During the night of Carnival in 1368 she had reached a high pitch of inten-sity" in the p~ayer~that had--perhaps incongruously to us in vie~; of her mysticism--been her l~r~occupation for months: prayer foi" th~ gift of faith. Raymond of Capua iells us that she had consistently sensed in i'~sponse to her pleadings the promise voiced in the prophet Hosea: "I will e~pbuse you to myself in, faith.''~ Yet she had never been satisfied that her prayer had been granted. On this night, however, she knew that it had, ih the experience we know as her mystical espousals. Catherine's rapture knew no bounds: she would have been content to rest where she was forever. But just as un-mistakably as the intimacy of faith carrie the mission of faith--in terms of which, frustratingly, on the very heels of rapture, the very Christ who had finally drawn~her to his wedding-chamber began to drive l'ier out of solitude to service. But note that this was not'the end of the prayer of solitude in Catherine's life. Rather she began to learn the very integration of the two, an integration Dialogue, 64. ~' Dialogue, 7. n Ho 2:22. Catherine of Siena: Mission and Ministry in the Church / 189 of wtiich she would later speak so forcefully toothers. Prayer and ministry, love of God and love of neighbor are, Christ tells her, the two feet on which she must walk, the two wings on which she must fi~, 23 Neither. can be complete without the ~ther. And as the circles" of Catherine's involvement widened, her ministry in action intensified her need for prayer in solitude, while her very prayer drove her more and more to con-cern for others. She knew'with the thirst of the psalmist in the parched desert how essential it is to "hold one's jug in the f~untain even as one drinks." And if the call of olSedi+nce afid°lo~,e filled her days to a dizzying pace she would seize the opportunity' of ii~e night to bring it all with her" whole self in quiet before God. As surely as she knew that he was with her in her ministry-- for it was he who,constantly sent her--she knew that she needed time and space to be consciously in his presence in what she calls "the holy place of prayer." The Specifics of Mission and Ministry ~)ut of the dialectice of Catherine's prayer~ an~l action grew the strong specific convictions concerning mission and ministry that dictated her own pat.h :and.her .counsel to' others. She never, even in her Dialogue, attempted a ~systematic presentation of this or any other matt, er. Nor .will 1 attempt to. draw out of her works what could be considered a full "theology of ministry.:' But it is~possible and decidedly worth the effort to pull together in some logical order the bits of. her refle.ction on the question in both the Dialogue and her .letters, and to say something ,again of how she herself lived what she taught. For the implications of any given insight w.ere~for Catherine, very concretely and practically the call of obedience. What; then, has she to tell us?, First of all, and at the basis of any sense of mission, of being sent, is the reality that in his very gifts in us God commissions us to specific ministries. His gifting is,in itself,a call: ¯ - I have distributed [all my gifts] in such a way (he says in the Dialogue) that no one has all of thefia. ~hus I have given you rea~son-- hecessity, in fact to I~ractice mutual charity. For I could~well have supplied each of you with all your needs . But'l wanted to.make you dependent on one another ,so tha~t each of you would be my minister, dispensing the grace~ and gifts you have received~from me. So whether you will it or n~t, you cannot escape the exercise of charity!Z' In another part of the Dialogue the Father becomes even more explicit about'the providence of this interdependence he has built into the economy of creation by the variety of our gifts:°. . In this mortal life so long as y9u are pilgrims, I have bound you with the chain of.charity. Whether you want it or not, you are so bound. If you should break loose by not wanting to live in charity for your neighbors, by force will you still be bound by it. So, that you Raymond of Capua, Legenda Major, ch. 121. Dialogue, 7. 190 / Review for Religiousj Volume 39, 1980 o may practice charity-in action and.in will, I in my provid~ence did not~giveto any one,p_er-son or to each indivi_dually the knowledge for doing ever~y~hing necessary for human life., No, I gav~ something to one, something blse to another, so that each one's need would be a reason to have recourse to~ tti~ other. So thoukh yofi ?hay los('your 'wili for cl~i~:ii'y ° because of your wickedness, you will at least be forced by your o~wn ne'~d'to practice it in action. Thus you see the artisan turn to the worker and th~.workeroto theartisan: each has a need of the other.becaus~ neither.knows how to do what the o~th.e~-.~does. So also the j-0 cleric and rehg~ous' " havek need. of the layperson,.and~ the. layperson. ~r~ ,~ ofo. the religious; neither can get ~long without the other. And so with everything else. Could I not have given everyone everything? Of course. But in my~providence I wanted, to make each of you dependent on the others, so that you would be forced to exercise chanty In action andwl at once." ~ ¯ Catherine hers'~lf had 'a'kind of genius for matching ,her gifts (and .she knew hergifts as well a~ her limitations) with rieeds that wete~beii~g met by no one else. She was deeply sensitive, and she too.k on those cases among the poo( and the sick that called for more care than others were able or willing to give. Sh'~had aqaiercing and uncompromising vision which she shared with reluc-tant listeners as ~vell as with the willing~ what needed saying she ~would say! Whe6. it seemed that' som~ of her followers neededra cl0ister~and,,there was none tliat,matched their r~eed~,-she founded one.~When she~sensedothe gaping, lack ~of holines~ amid thb p~litics of the pope's 'advisers~ she,called °foro.'a "papal counciW of holy persons who would fill the vacuum. Notall of'her:~f-forts met with tangible success; some of her grandest d~eams ~.ame in crashing failure'tlowri on her head~:~ Yet she owned "the mission defined'~by~her:, gift6dness, and~never disowned responsibility for the resu.lts~--:-'~ though sh~ alsb had the ability, so very rare, to let go ofo~rojects that.,~;proved,counter-productive. She knew her own dependence on 6thers a~ Wellas shb knew .that others depended On her. She knew~what it means to be gifted and "missioned. But it is' notS'merely a natural interdependence that~constitutes~ mission: Mission is inseparable from the need of sinful humanity~for redemption, and therefore it demands entry into the redeeming life and passion of Jesus, not only for oneself, but for the,sake of others as well. Those in, m~ss~on const~t, ute more than the Red Cross or thecounty welfare.office,.and this larger perspec-tive (which must be no less than God's own) may put those,in mission in°the paradoxical position of encot~raging themselves and 6tliers in suffering as often as it puts.them in the effort of relieving it. Catherine c~lledit~'~th~ om-passionate'cruelty'and cruel conlpassion of the cross" and "feeding, on souls at. the table ofthe cr0~s." It is one of thoseoarenas where the truth of faithcan "blow" the mind of reason. The Father says in the Dialogue: . . it is by means'of my ser~,ants and their great sufferings thatl would be mei'cifu I to the world and ref6rm my bride [the Church]. ,r. Dialogue, 148. Catherine of Siena: Mission and Ministry in the ~Church '/~191 Truly these last can be called another Christ.crucified, my only-begotten Son, because they haye taken his task upon themselves. He came as a mediator to put an end to war and reconcile humanity to me in peace by suffering even to the shameful death of crucifixion. In the saine way must these b~ocrudfied and'become mediators ~n prayer, in word, in good holy living, setting themselves up as an exam pie to others. The precious stones of,. . virtue shine in their patience as they,be~ar others' sins. These are the hooks with which they catch souls?~ And Catherine writes to her friends and disciples: o You would be deceived if you wanted to feast at the ~tern~l Father's table while avoiding ~'~ feeding ~n souls at the table of the Son. It is, in fact, at this table'that we must eat this food, for it cannot be,had without suffering)' It is time to show whether or not we are lovers of Christ crucified, and whether we find our joy in.this food.28 One of the first indications o'~" this r~ederdptive sensitivify in Catherine sui'- faces at the tihae of her father's death in 1368. The sudden realization that even so good:a~person as her father may still not be fully purified of sinfulness cuts to the heart of her deeply human love for him, and she begs to be allowed to pay in her own suffering the "price" of this final purifi~ation:'~Later, as her real, felt, effective love reaches out to others,, so does thi~ d,esire to enter into their redemption. It becomes truly a hunger that she knows can be satisfied only on the cross. And her joy in being there is for that reason far t6o deep and much more meaningful than the masochism some have attributed to her. It is a fine line for discernment to'draw, ttiis kr~owledge of when suffei'ing (our 6wn or others') is part Of r~demptive providen(e," and when it i~ to be shunned,'c~onquerett, and alleviated.° Ironically, the issue probably~'~eem~ clearest to us at its extreme: "Proclaini the truth and let no fear silence it! 'Be liberal and generous, ready to ~give even your.life if necessary." Thus she wrote to Raymond of Capua,~9 and .the message probably does not strike us all that discordantly. There is no doubt that Chtherine longed to be allowed to enterjust 'that effectively into Christ's redeeming deatti. But is it one Of those face(s of t;eing madly in love with God that we perhaps take so for granted that we do not really sense its place in our own life and missibn'?. Are we not also called to live (and die) redemptively? But whatever the concrete circumstances oLthat redemptive.living and dy-ing may~be for each of us, Catherine reminds us again and again that Christian ministry demands integrity and courage. Cast from you any tenderness for yourself and any slavish fear. The dear Church has no need for that sort of person; she needs strong people who are merciless"when it comes to themselves and compassionate when it comes to her.'° Dialogue, 146. Letter 271, to Alessa Saracini, 1378. Letter 330, late 1378 or early 1379. Letter 373, to Raymond of Capua, February,25, 1380. Letter 296. 199 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 The others' are not action people but wind people who whirl about like leaves, without any consistency or stability. There is not room for shame or embarrassment in regard to our Christian-ity, nor ~for fear of openly owning Christ. We are reminded of Catherine's own natural sensitivity, her embarrassment through much of her life whenever her holiness was "found out," though she eventually was able to share so completely and seemingly unself-consciously. The imagery she uses in writing of this need to be proud to be known as a disciple of Christ is strikingly ' reminiscent of that incident just before she entered the order when the urge to throw~ it all off was so strong that she was actually tempted to put on.her sister-in- law's "aft~er-the-wedding";.dress and parade around Siena in it. Once she had mastered the temptation, she tells us, Mary presented her with the wedd, ing dress that was to be hers, a~ garment from the very heart of Jesus. Years later she writes to her disciple, Gabriele di Davino Piccolomini: You need the armor-which is true charity, and over this armor the scarlet cloak of the blood of Christ crucified . The blood of Christ crucified needs to be revealed, not. hid-den. You must g~ve witness to it before everyone by your good and holy actions, and when necessary by yo.u.r words. You must not be like those fools who are ashamed to re-mind the world of Christ crucified and to testify openly that they are his servants. They are not willing to put on this scarlet cloak, the blood of Christ crucified." Ii isl in fact, not a burden, but our glory to be the ministers of Christ: Those we serve are our helpers, and even our masters insofar as it is their need that comman'ds us. °And even While we are a channel of Ctirist's redemptive love~to them, it is_the~ who in turn me~iiate our way to redemption and salva-tioh. Tfius Catherine writes to Cardinal Pietro Corsini: Be.magnanimous and generous in your charity toward your neighbors, both spiritually and materially. Remember that the hands of the poor are there to help you, as minister of the, blood, in carrying and offering divine grace.The blood of Christ crucifi.ed will teach you to distribute your possessions to the poor with the same generosity he has shown and continues to show to you. He will°make you consider the poor .and'~ those who find themselves in need as your masters." And to Monna Lodovica di Granello: You who have temporal possessions; do your duty by giving to the poor whatever yo~u can give Make yourselyes steward§ of your~wealth to the poor, for the poor are the hands that will grant us entrance to eternal life because of the loving charity with which we have given them alms." The Ministry of Social Justice ~ , Though Catherine herself never held a position of formal authority or had Letter 256, to M. Niccolo, a Tuscan official, after 1376. Letter 128, Gabriele was a layman, not a preacher. Letter 177, 1376. ~" Letter 304, 1378. Catherine of Siena: Mission and Ministry in the Church / 193 more than the most paltry alms to give in her own name, the ministry we today specifically call social justice was very much her concern, and we who sense a special call to this ministry would do well to look to her not only for inspira-tion but also for the criteria on which she based her stands. We have already seen how, in Catherine's view, the divine economy in-cludes the distribution--not always equal or even equitable in our sight--of goods and talents. She insists that there is also a positive providence in poverty and ill fortune, for her sights are always fixed beyond the limits of here and now and the standards of mere reason. Yet she is just as insistent when it comes to the obligations of stewardship imposed by the possession of wealth and power (it is God himself who speaks): 1 have shown you my generosity, goodness, and providence toward people. But they let themselves be guided by their own darksome weakness. Your bodily members put you to shame, because they all together practice charity, while you do not. Thus, when the head is aching, the hand he|ps it. And if the finger, that tiniest of members, hurts, the head does not snub it because it is greater and more noble than all the other parts of the body. No, it comes to its aid with hearing and sight and speech and everything it has. And so with all the other members. But those who are proud do not behave that way. They see a poor person, one of their members, sick and in need, and do not help. They refuse to give not only of their possessions but even a single word. Indeed, they reproachfully and scornfully turn away. They have plenty of wealth, but they leave the poor to starve. They do not see that their wretched cruelty throws filth into my face, and that their filth reaches down even to the depths of hell. I provide for the poor, and for their poverty they will be given the greatest of riches. But the others, ~nless they change their ways, will be severely reproached by my Truth as is said in the holy Gospel: "l was hungry and you gave me nothing to eat; I was thirsty and you gave me nothing to drink; I was naked and you did not clothe me, in prison and you did not visit me." And at that last moment it will do them no good to excuse themselves ¯ by saying, "! never saw you, for if I had I would have done it." The wretches know well enough--and my Truth ~aid that whatever is done to his poo~ is done to him?~ Injustice is a direct assault against God. It could hardly be stated more clearly: ".their wretched cruelty throws filth into my face"! Still, Catherine's ultimate judgments and action where poverty and wealth, good fortune and ill are concerned always come back to that most basic of prin-ciples: only God is unqualified Truth and Love. Nothing of human life is un-qualified or unconditioned except our love for him. Of everything and everyone but God we must discern the "ifs, ands, and buts" before making our decisions. This is where Catherine,s own vision often made her seem the naive fool in the face of political c0mplexities -- but that is the risk integrity runs. The force of the simple truth may seem sometimes to crumple under the weight of reality as reason sees it, but if we are true to the vision of truth (and willing to admit when we have not seen clearly or fully) we still stand as tall Dialogue, 148. 194 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 and. whole as did Catherine ultimately--though the psychological burden of it all had literally done her in physically. Reform was badly needed in Catherine's day. She not only admitted that but proclaimed it to the most sensitive of ears! But she insisted that all reform must begin from within. She loved the Church as few have loved it, yet she criticized and castigated it as few have dared. If God was to show mercy to the world, the world must be reformed. But the world would be reformed only if the Church were reformed. And the Church would be reformed only if its leaders were reformed. And Catherine would be of no use to any of it so long as she held on to her own sinfulness. ;. Like Catherine, we are called not simply to preach--much less to con-demn- but to take the sins of others on ourselves. Her experience, toward the end of her life, of so feeling the weight of the ship of the Church on top of her that she could neither get up nor be lifted up from the floor of St. Peter's was more than figurative. Whereas earlier she had pleaded for forgiveness for others and even offered to suffer for their sins, in her last years she genuinely owned responsibility for those sins and considered herself truly (why would we prefer to see it as pious but exaggerated humility?) the cause of every evil in the world. Where would our burning issues be today if we could honestly own our sinful responsibility for them? Not that Catherine did not preach to others about justice. Her letters are full of very concrete, practical exhortations. To Ristoro di Pietro Canigiani, a Florentine lawyer: You may, in good conscience, seek and demand what is yours in ways that are just, for no one is obliged to let go of what is justly one's own. Anyone who is willing could certainly do the more perfect thing, but it is not an obligation unless one wants to do it of one's own free choice. But there is one thing I want to add: when any poor folk come to you (assuming they are clearly in the right) who have no one to defend them because they cannot pay, if you would work for them out of affectionate love, you would give very great honor to God?~ And to Andreasso Cavalcabuoi while he was Senator in Siena: We often see certain people in government having justice done only where poor are con-cerned-- justice which frequently is really and truly injustice--but they do not have justice done where the great and powerful are concerned.~' Further examples could be multiplied, but always the principles are the same. And always we must begin by doing justice to ourselves--the justice of repentance and virtue--and by reaching out first in response to God's call in the needs of those who are brought to touch our lives most nearly.38 God will see to the widening of the circle, probably much more intensely than we thought we had bargained for! Letter 258, 1378-79. ~' Letter 338, 1379. ~ Dialogue, 6. Catherine of Siena: Mission and Ministry in the Church / 195 The Ministry of Women in the Church We have not yet even touched specifically on the ministry of women in the Church. Yet much of what Catherine has to say and demonstrate of womanly ministry within the Church has in principle been related. She who did and said all we have spoken of is a woman. She did not speak, it is true, of the ordination of women: her culture would not have let that even be an issue. Still she does speak of the ministry of all of us(and the objects and modes of her own ministry were remarkable for a woman of her century and social class. It would be fascinating, in fact, to analyze the parallelism that seems to exist between her reflections on priestly min, i.stry and what she has to say of her own ministry! But easy as it is to point to Catherine as a woman who dared to preach to popes and princes, let us never forget that that preaching as well as her every other service rose out of her encounter with God in prayer. If we do nearly as well as she in our integrity on that score, we need have no further concern about the form or effectiveness of our ministry. We will often be frustrated as she was. We will often be misunderstood and criticized as she was. We may die in the effort as she did. But like her we will come out whole, and the Church ¯ will be nourished on our sweat, blood, and tears. And those we have been privileged to touch in our service will remember, as they did of Catherine, that we could smile through it all! Currents in Spirituality The Past Decade George Aschenbrenner, S.J. Father Aschenbrenner is presently engaged in a national spiritual ministryfor priests, religious and lay people, and works part-time in campus ministry at the University of Scranton, especially with the faculty of the university. His address: Scranton University; Scranton, PA 18510. In a stream there are always different levels of flow. An eddy or a swirl, which~i:loes not run so deep as the current, can either spin off and die on the shore or it can get caught up and become part of the deeper current of the stream. It is fascinating and instructive'to watch this process. The last decade has brought an enormous growth in interest and writing about spirituality. This article, focusing on some present issues and concerns of spirituality in this country, will be describing a variety of swirls, eddies, cur-rents and tides within the stream of contemporary spirituality. Generally, the article does not explicitly distinguish deeper currents from surface motions, but leaves this distinction to the reflection and judgment of the reader. The aim here is simply to list and briefly describe, without any prioritizing, some concerns within contemporary spirituality.' In doing this, I will be consulting both my own experience and the fruits of some conversation with experienced people across the country, At times, I will inject an issue which may not seem of much interest today, but which I ' For anotlier format and a more extensive treatment of individual thematic trends in spirituality, consult the series of articles.of Matthew Fox, O.P. in Spirituality Today beginning in the March, ! 978 issue. Currents in Spirituality: The Past Decade personally feel deserves attention. I am aware, of course, that the degree of in-terest or importance for various concerns will vary according to different geographical sections of the country. But any necessary local nuance is left to the reader. The survey nature of this article, besides severely limiting development of the various concerns expressed, also prevents any resolution of them. Sometimes, however, it is the present state of the matter itself which allows only a statement of the question and which requires that any resolution await further clarity in the Spirit. Part I of the article presents issues that affect \everybody in the Church. Part II treats some matters that touch specific groups: religious, bishops and diocesan priests, lay people. ~ Part i: Issues Affecting Everyone 1. Distinction between Monastic and Apostolically Active Spiritualities. Within the one fundamental Christian spirituality there have always been various spiritualities rooted in different orientations to the one God. Especial-ly since Vatican II, a most helpful clarification has stressed the distinction between monastic and apostolically active spiritualities. Generally speaking, the monastic experience of God depends upon some physical withdrawal from the world and upon as full an involvement as possible in the liturgy both of the Eucharist and of the Hours, which provides an essential regularity and a rhythm that will determine both the type of community support and the external activity appropriate to this spirituality. An apostolically active ex-perience of God, while deeplylocated :in the activity of the world, requires the difficult combination of an external mobility with dependable spiritual habits, so that one may serve wherever the need for God is greatest. Obviously, this ts pirituality will provide a different community support, together with both a different presence and a more extensive involvement in the world. To fail to understand which of the two basic orientations one is called to can cause personal frustration and apostolic ineffectiveness. Disregard of this clarification on the part of the diocesan priest, the religious or the lay person, whether in their training or in the living out of their vocation, may well pro-duce unrealistic expectations and. ineffective service. Taking seriously the dif-ference in the two approaches need not imply any superiority of the one over the other. Rather it may help the Church to be more present in the world ac-cording to its own fullness and to manifest God's loving designs across the whole spectrum of the human family. 2. Renewed Monasticism. After Vatican II there was much questioning and experimentation in reference to the elements of the monastic way of life: enclosure, Liturgy of the Hours, community, work, silence, travel, and external apostolic involvement. 198 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 For a while, the very validity of the monastic life seemed at issue. Now, with its essential validity profoundly reaffirmed, many experiments are being evaluated. This'process of evaluation is not concluded but, together with a deep sense that the monastic ideal has been enriched by much of this .ex-perimentation, there is a concern as to whether some of the experiments were not motivated by trying too much to imitate the active life and whether they have not therefore risked: weakening the power of the monastic ideal for our age. It will always be a difficult matter to know how, without distorting or superficializing the monastic ideal, its powerful experience of God may be brought into contact with the city oLman. 3. An Integrated, Functional Spirituality for Active Apostles: Excessive fatigue, even to the length of "burnout,." at times seems almost synonymous with active apostolic work today. Countless demands from so many angles have over-extended and excessively complicated the lives of com-petent and conscientious men and women. They know the need for formal prayer and a profound, spiritual orientation. And yet there just isn't time for eve.rything. As a result there is not nearly enough formal, personal prayer on the part of many active apostles. And this has serious repercussions, both on the apostles themselves and on all the work they do. And so the search goes on for some functional spirituality that will work .for busy apostolic men and women by giving a sense of integration and unity to their lives. It is instructive that in the past ten years interest has moved from the topic of discernment of spirits to that of apostolic spirituality. To my mind, the con-tent is pretty much the same. But the orientation is very different. Discern-ment of spirits involves chiefly an interpretative sorting out in faith of inner, affective experiences, so that, through dealing properly with the experiences, one can find and be with God in every situation and moment of life. But this process runs ~he risk of generating a short-sighted interiority and a spirituality without adequate orientation to apostolic service. Apostolically active spirituality, it would seem, should involve the same decisive dealing in faith with inner, affective experiences, but now with a much increased realization that this faith-process within the person gives a special quality of integrated, peaceful presence in the midst of the most challenging, active situations--and that this presence, eloquent in its thrust toward God in itself, also leads to ac- .~tions which further his kingdom in the world. Dealing in faith with the daily consolations and desolations of life can integrate and unify our whole affec-tivity and person. And this faith-process certainly does not excuse the active apostle from a program of regular, formal prayer. Rather it reveals the need to discover the unique style of serious, formal prayer appropriate for each in-dividual. Such prayer will always be an essential means to that quality of human presence which reveals a loving Father in Jesus as the Beloved of our hearts and which can find and serve Him in everything. In this sense, current interest in apostolic spirituality seems very healthy Currents in Spirituality: The Past Decade / 199 and very likely to lead to an apostolic presence that is increasingly prayerful and where activity is therefore not seen as weakening the contemplative presence of prayer, but as a continuation of that contemplative presence beyond the limits of formal prayer. This integrated, apostolic presence will not decrease the demands made on us, but it can prevent the sense of being overly distracted and torn between the dichotomy of formal prayer and apostolic activity. This integrated spirituality can also lessen that sense of dualism against which we are so often warned today. 4. Renouncing the World to Serve It for God. ~, It is not easy for us to see the world from God's perspective and to serve its t needs in the light of his dream of justice. Finally, this can be done only by one who comes from an experience of God, an experience in God, back to the world. Though we are usually first led to know and love God, of course, in and through his creation, there must and does come, for those whose ex-perience of God matures, a moment of experiencing Him beyond this world's ~- wisdom and potentiality-- a moment of experiencing God as not simply equal to, but as far beyond, all the beauty and wisdom of this world. This moment of transcendence, of finding complete satisfaction and joy in a loving God himself, roots our identity primarily in God and gives his love a priority over any created reality. It is an experience that re-announces us before God, before ourselves and before the world as a people of God, a people in God. In this way our "renunciation," in the sense of a re-announcement of the world for God, puts the world in its true perspective, as seen in and from God.z Rather than lessening our interest in th~ world, this view dramatically in-creases our zeal to further God's Kingdom in the wo~:id and so bring it to its full potential. But serving the needs of our world properly, as part of our love of God, demands this kind of worldly renouncement. There are issues of some importance for ac, tive apostles today that relate to this renunciation of the world. Can this experience of renunication happen without some physical withdrawal from the worl~d? And since the renuncia-tion referred to here is a once-in-a-lifetime experience, what meaias will help active people to keep it alive and growing as a personal attitude? With much ~to leSs physical detachment from the world in most seminaries and novitiates (and much of this is good and in accord with the appropriately non-monastic raining of active apostles), how can we be assured that this necessary attitude f renunciation is taking permanent root in the apostle's consciousness? How do active apostles prevent their worldly renunciation either from turning into a withdrawal from the world which, while suitable for monks, is most un- See Karl Rahner, S.J., Theological Investigations, vol 3, The Theology of the Spiritual Life, tr. Karl-H and Boniface Kruger, "The Ignatian Mysticism of Joy in the World" (Baltimore: ~, H elicon, 1967), pp. 227-293. What Rahner describes as thefugasaeculi for a Jesuit is fundamental to any mature Christian life with and in God. 200 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 suitable for them, or, even worse, from turning into an unChristian lack of concern for the world? The American Church is not finished with these ques-tions. We need more discussion, and better answers. For without this attitude of worldly renunciation, we may have active apostles busy doing many good things, but nov per~ceiving the world's full potential for beauty and goodness and not furthering the reality of a Father's Kingdom that is revealed chiefly in a dead Son's Resurrection. 5. Relationship of Spirituality and Morality. For too many people morality has been corrupted by an overly narrow, moralistic and rationalistic stress. This moralism, with its rationalistically detailed stress on casuistry, tends to cut'healthy morality off from its roots in the spirituality of God's revelation. It has caused much unhealthy fear, guilt and introspection. The "holy person" was described as one who avoided a clearly delineated list of mortal and venial sins. And, too often, this avoidance of sins seemed more a matter of stubbornly pelagian will power than a matter of prayerfully humble dependence on God's. grace. But today, it seems one could be taking means" for serious growth in prayer, faith and a spiritual life, and yet this spiritual seriousness need not ex-press itself in quite practical matters like the morality of public, social affairs or of a chaste sexual life. At times, neither certain social injustices nor something like masturbation is seen as unholy, thereby affecting one's love relationship with God. The intertwined strands of spirituality and morality are here become so unraveled that holy, prayerful Christian people may not be ex-pected to come to similar moral conclusions on various practical issues. A fuller view of both morality and spirituality, ho~vever, rather finds them mutually inclusive and affirming of one another, mutually accountable, while at the same time leaving to each its own, appropriately specific, stress. To view some practical matter spiritually is to judge its appropriatenes~ against the faith-ideal of a trust in God's loving power wonderfully filling our own weakness whenever it is exposed in self-emptying surrender. In this way cer-tain attitudes, dispositions and actions are unholy and unspiritual because they violate this trust in God's love. Only one's spiritual growth in union with God will provide this trust in the practical details of daily living. Much is being done these days in moral theology to construct a modern .version of full, healthy Christian morality and a spirituality as integral to each other. A very interesting issue in this new approach in moral theology is the role in moral decision-making which prayerful discernment of spirits plays in providing that moral knowledge whereby a holy person can know God's love in a concrete situation. 6. Sin ~ Forgiveness-- Sacrament of Reconciliation. Related to the previous consideration of spirituality and morality is another issue, that of our personal experience as sinners in the human recep- Currents in Spirituality: The Past Decade / 201 tion of God's vivifying forgiveness in and through the sacrament of recon-ciliation. Although there are unhealthy dualisms which de.ny integral human living and which should therefore be avoided, the dualism of a person saved in Jesus, but still with much affective evidence of sinfulness cannot be avoided. This dualism is the very setting for the Christian adventure of sons and daughters still gradually coming into their own. The seven capital sins, alive in our affective consciousness as dispositions, inclinations and impulses, provide us with our own version of the pauline divided heart? But we.have an in-destructible hope of ever more healing and wholeness in the crucified Son's discovery of his Father's blessing of resurrection. Continual conversion, so central to the Christian life, happens in the pain-fully purifying humiliation of a double acknowledgement: my personal sin-fulness, and the faithful love of the Trinity for me in the Son's Calvary experience, And this brings in turn a double awareness: we are never nearly so good as we try to make ourselves out to be; but we are far more loved in the Trinity's forgiveness than we could ever imagine. This process of personal assimilation of God's forgiveness is neither instantaneous nor superficial. The inner humiliation of an unqualified admission of personal sinfulness before our beloved Father in his crucified Son is something that we instinctively try to avoid. In this experience, a careful discernment of what is spiritually good for each person is needed.' Despite the reform of the rite of the sacrament of reconciliation I wonder whether people are being helped to deepen their experience of this growth to self-identity through forgiveness. The old superstructure surrounding the in-stitution of frequent confession has broken down--as it had to. Reconcilia-tion prayer-services have restored the communal dimension of sinfulness and forgiveness within the community of the Church, and a whole new format has been developed for the individual reception of the sacrament of reconcilia-tion. But there are ways in which a communal experience of the sacrament, without a carefully~ personal and individual experience, can superficialize or short-circuit the human process of receiving.God's forgiveness. As we grow to a more healthy and loving sense of ourselves, we can learn to find the in-dividual experience of the sacrament a helpful means of growth to the maturi-ty of humble trust in the fidelity of the Trinity's forgiving love always available in our weakness. 7. Faith and Justice. After the topic of prayer, this seems the theme most treated in today's spiritual writing. Many persons are much more sensitive today to the systemic network of social sin that is rooted in the individual sinfulness of human Rm 7:14-25. See my article, "Forgiveness," Sisters Today, Dec. 1973, pp. 185-92. 202 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 hearts--that are radically social in nature. But we have a long way to go in developing a sensitivity to social sin and a social morality. And the insight that justice, in a sense much fuller than simply its social-political meaning, is in-tegral to faith badly needs to grow in the Church. Opportunities for such growth are being very well served by current studies in scripture~ and in Christology.6 Further study and reflection, however, is neede~l to recognize more precisely the sense of justice that is so centrally related to Christian faith-- the full paschal justice of God, motivated and revealed in us through a refined and decisive faith. It is the zealous faith of a great love of God that urges on us a passionate concern and practical involvement for the justice of God's Kingdom. For we are not urged on simply by a social theory about the unity of the human family, or about communal ownership of our earth's resources, or about the inherent evil of war. The fundamental and difficult question of how Christianity relates to various political ideologies--and to ideology, as such--arises here. In South America the question of the possibility of a Chris-tian marxism is very alive, whereas in this country there is a serious question-ing of the assumptions of capitalism. These are complicated questions about specific situations and activities. But we must remember that zeal for the justice of God's Kingdom can never be limited simply to the matter of a specific kind of activity that one is involved in. Rather, and with more far ranging, quite practical effect, it must grow to a vision that pervades and in-fluences everything we do. A few other aspects of this issue deserve listing. The tendency to an ex-cessively introspect, privatized spirituality needs the challenge of that zeal for justice which validates a person's faith.7 We must learn how to relate our zeal for justice to our contemplation. For active apostles in the heat of unjust, op-pressive situations, it is never easy to believe in the grace that could convert understandable angry feelings into the appropriate expression of tenderness and compassion. Much more than a matter of a given temperament, we must see tenderness and compassion not as unbecoming to either a man or a woman in certain situations, but as virtues contemplatively rooted by grace in a per-son's affectivity and will. Finally, many of us need new experiences to help us feel much more passionately the tangled questions this issue raises~ before we can even know the question, much less the answers. ~ See John R. Donahue, S.J., "Biblical Perspectives on Justice" in The Faith That Does Justice, ed. John C~ Haughey, S.J. (New York: Paulist, 1977), pp. 68-112 and Jose" Porfirio Miranda, Marx and the Bible, tr. John Eagleson (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1974), 338 pp. ~ J~irgen Moltmann, The Crucified God (New York: Harper & Row, 1974), 346 pp.; John Sobrino, S J, Christology At the Crossroads, tr. John Drury Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1978), 432 pp.; Leonardo Boll, Jesus Christ Liberator (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1978). 7 cf. Richard A. Blake, S.J., "'As the Father Has Sent Me'," America, Aug 25, 1979, pp. 66-69 and William J. Byron, S J, "Privatization--A Contemporary Challenge to lgnatian Spirituality," Chicago Studies, vol. 14, No. 3, Fall, 1975, pp. 241-251. Currents in Spirituality: The Past Decade / 20:3 8. Role of Women in the World and the Church. Another major concern in spirituality today is the role of woman. The issue, understandably en6ugh, is often so fraught with crusading passion and angry feelings that, as male and therefore one who surely does not feel enough the seriousness of the issue, one almost fears to say anything at all. Against a backdrop of past and present prejudice, the lea'dership role of woman in the Church slowly increases. But there is a long way to go. Attitude, rather more than qanguage, seems nearer the heart of the matter--and yet linguistic care both expresses and shapes our attitude. And the attitude of many leaders and other people in the Church must profoundly change before women will exercise a suitably influential role and make their unique contribu-tion (something any exaggei'ated uniformity and equality, of course, will not allow). In general, there seem to be three stages to this concern. First is an awareness of the fact injustice, however it is explained. This is often followed by a period of intense reaction, which is quite understandable; whether ap-parently exaggerated or not. Finally, a stage of peaceful service in the Church is often reached, as one doeg what is possible to correct the injustice. It is a process similar to Kubler-Ross's stages8 arid has been gone through by others when facing the deadly situation of unjust discrimination.~ Women's ordination to the priesthood is, of course, still debated. For many, however, it does not seem to be the heart of the issue at the present time. Much will continue to be accomplished without changing the present policy on women's ordination to the ministerial priesth6od. This does not deny-that there are painful situations, which can be paschally productive for all, in which women actually minister a "sacramentally" salvific experience without the acknowledged ministerial priestly capacity to formally celebrate the experience in the Church. A good example of this is the woman director of a retreat who cannot administer the sacrament of reconciliation after sharing a retreatant's graced experience of God's forgiveness. Many would feel--and many would not m that this is still an open question, about which the Church seems not to have enough light in the Spirit to know whether a change is called for or not. In the meantime, we all need to grow in a sensitivity to correct past in-jostice in our own relationships, to beg for light in the Spirit regarding what is the right growth in this issue for the future, and to pray for the humility and the urgent patience of Jesus in his passion to live and serve generously in the present situation. 9. Spirituafity and Psychology. Because spitituality involve~ the total human person in relationship to ~ Elisabeth K~Jbler-Ross, On Death and Dying (New York: Macmillan, 1969), 260 pp. 904 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980 / 2 God's saving love, it can be related to every area of human behavior. It is I~ especially appropriate and valuable to relate spirituality to psychology, and, over the past decade or more, interest in this relationship has 'increased enor-mously. As an overly rationalistic view of spirituality subsides, we investigate much more the role of the non-rational dimensions of our person in spiritual growth. Spirituality can be naive, and destructive too, when it flies in the face of healthy psycholggy. But spirituality loses its salvific power for the human person, and becomes even demonic, when it capitulates completely to psychology. A delicate balance is called for in this relationship--something not easily arrived at, or easily preserved. In turning to s'ome specific aspects of this general issue, it is obvious that much greater~ stress is now being placed on communicationskills, on affectivi-ty, on the role of the body, and on consciousness-altering techniques--all of which can enrich our prayer and further sensitize us to the many ways God's word an~d love come to us. The practice of spiritual direction often legitimb.tely ,~. overlaps with a type of psychological counseling. But the ultimate aim of ~ facili