Suchergebnisse

The article seeks to comparatively analyse the functions implemented in the Late Middle Ages by quarters in the main towns or cities of Prussia, including Rechtstadt Danzig (Main City of Gdańsk), Altstadt Königsberg (Old Town of Königsberg [today Kaliningrad]), Braunsberg (Braniewo), Altstadt Thorn (Toruń), and Kulm (Chełmno). Special attention is placed on answering the question of how the quarters participated in the municipal authority structures and the relationships between town councils and the commons. Quarters in Prussian towns developed since the fifteenth century, somewhat later than in East Central European towns. Establishment of these units was based on several premises: organisation of fiscal accountancy, fire safety concerns, military purposes, and town councils' strivings to reinforce control over the dwellers. Influenced by the city revolts at the beginning of the fifteenth and in the sixteenth century, town councils took efforts to create a system of mobilisation and communication with the inhabitants that would work without the intermediation of guilds (as in Elbing [Elbląg], Danzig, and Thorn). Subordination of the older quarters to the municipal authorities caused, moreover, that in the face of internal or external threat, the community appeared as a community ruled by town councillors. ; p. 175-189 ; 23 cm ; The article seeks to comparatively analyse the functions implemented in the Late Middle Ages by quarters in the main towns or cities of Prussia, including Rechtstadt Danzig (Main City of Gdańsk), Altstadt Königsberg (Old Town of Königsberg [today Kaliningrad]), Braunsberg (Braniewo), Altstadt Thorn (Toruń), and Kulm (Chełmno). Special attention is placed on answering the question of how the quarters participated in the municipal authority structures and the relationships between town councils and the commons. Quarters in Prussian towns developed since the fifteenth century, somewhat later than in East Central European towns. Establishment of these units was based on several premises: organisation of fiscal accountancy, fire safety concerns, military purposes, and town councils' strivings to reinforce control over the dwellers. Influenced by the city revolts at the beginning of the fifteenth and in the sixteenth century, town councils took efforts to create a system of mobilisation and communication with the inhabitants that would work without the intermediation of guilds (as in Elbing [Elbląg], Danzig, and Thorn). Subordination of the older quarters to the municipal authorities caused, moreover, that in the face of internal or external threat, the community appeared as a community ruled by town councillors. ; s. 175-189 ; 23 cm

p. 83-116 ; Bibliography under articles. Index ; Texts also in English. Summaries in English. ; See also "Listy do władz centralnych w Polsce 1945–1989 (przewodnik)" = Letters to the Central Authorities in Poland, 1945–1989 (Guidebook): ; https://rcin.org.pl./publication/91801 ; s. 83-116 ; Bibliografia pod artykułami. Indeks ; Teksty również w języku angielskim. Streszczenie angielskie. ; Zob. również: Listy do władz centralnych w Polsce 1945–1989 (przewodnik): ; https://rcin.org.pl./publication/91801

p. 55-116 ; 24 cm ; s. 55-116 ; 24 cm

The political 'Thaw' of 1956-7 was in Poland a period of thorough political as well as cultural and social change. While the political liberalisation came to an end rather soon, the team of Władysław Gomułka, the newly-appointed First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party [PZPR], in power since October 1956, cared much for maintaining and reinforcing their pro-social and reformatory image. The leadership team's assent for a more sophisticated consumption, part of which was owning a car, helped alleviate social tensions. The models were drawn from the West of Europe and from the United States, which for the Polish society were the major points of reference, as well as from the other socialist countries - particularly, East Germany (the GDR) and Czechoslovakia, where the political and societal significance of motorisation had already been appreciated. On the other hand, offering private individuals an opportunity to purchase a car was meant to be a remarkable tool used to draw the 'hot money' down from the market, thus preventing inflation. Cars, imported or Polish-made, began being (relatively) freely traded, at very high prices. This did not limit the demand, as acquiescence for private business operations contributed to the growing of the group of affluent people. While this incited the citizens to develop their own strategies of acquiring cars - not infrequently colliding with the law; the authorities began gradually reinstating the rationing. All the same, the number of private cars quickly increased, to 58,600 as of 1958, up from some 24,750 in 1956. Public discussion started around popular low-capacity (small-engine) cars - whether licensed (Renault, Simca, Fiat) or (to be) made in Poland. However, in spite of the raised expectations the authorities decided that it was still too early for a mass motorisation: this was made possible only in the early 1970s. ; p. 71-95 ; 23 cm ; The political 'Thaw' of 1956-7 was in Poland a period of thorough political as well as cultural and social change. While the political liberalisation came to an end rather soon, the team of Władysław Gomułka, the newly-appointed First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party [PZPR], in power since October 1956, cared much for maintaining and reinforcing their pro-social and reformatory image. The leadership team's assent for a more sophisticated consumption, part of which was owning a car, helped alleviate social tensions. The models were drawn from the West of Europe and from the United States, which for the Polish society were the major points of reference, as well as from the other socialist countries - particularly, East Germany (the GDR) and Czechoslovakia, where the political and societal significance of motorisation had already been appreciated. On the other hand, offering private individuals an opportunity to purchase a car was meant to be a remarkable tool used to draw the 'hot money' down from the market, thus preventing inflation. Cars, imported or Polish-made, began being (relatively) freely traded, at very high prices. This did not limit the demand, as acquiescence for private business operations contributed to the growing of the group of affluent people. While this incited the citizens to develop their own strategies of acquiring cars - not infrequently colliding with the law; the authorities began gradually reinstating the rationing. All the same, the number of private cars quickly increased, to 58,600 as of 1958, up from some 24,750 in 1956. Public discussion started around popular low-capacity (small-engine) cars - whether licensed (Renault, Simca, Fiat) or (to be) made in Poland. However, in spite of the raised expectations the authorities decided that it was still too early for a mass motorisation: this was made possible only in the early 1970s. ; s. 71-95 ; 23 cm