Suchergebnisse

U kontekstu političkih, gospodarskih i društvenih promjena sredinom XX. stoljeća sustavno se ostvaruju temeljni ciljevi Komunističke partije Jugoslavije na svim razinama te dolazi do strukturnih promjena u društvu. Zadane promjene može se pratiti i preko mjera poduzetih za smanjenje broja nepismenih, što je izravno proizlazilo iz potrebe rješavanja temeljnih društvenih i gospodarskih problema. U radu se problematizira borba protiv nepismenosti u Hrvatskoj nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata. Akcijski planovi opismenjavanja stanovništva koje su sustavno provodili državni organi pokazuju da se korjenito mijenjala slika društva. Odgojno-obrazovne teme i povijest školstva XX. stoljeća u hrvatskoj historiografiji, uz određene iznimke, neistražene su kao primjerice u historiografiji XIX. stoljeća. Autori su analizom izvora i literature uspostavili tri faze odgojno-obrazovnih promjena. U ovom će se radu pratiti problem rješavanja nepismenosti preko promjena odgojno-obrazovnoga sustava i akcijskih planova opismenjavanja od 1945. do završne faze 1974., kada je donesena odluka o osnivanju Komisije za borbu protiv nepismenosti. Namjera je ovim radom doprinijeti istraživanju povijesti obrazovanja u hrvatskoj historiografiji. ; In the context of the political, economic, and social changes in the mid-20th century, a systematic implementation of the core goals of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia/ League of Communists of Yugoslavia was conducted on all levels, resulting in structural changes in society. Among other things, these changes were the result of the measures implemented in order to reduce the number of illiterates, and this was directly related to the need to resolve basic social and economic problems. In this paper, the authors examine the struggle against illiteracy in Croatia after World War II. The literacy action plans that were systematically conducted by state authorities indicate that the image of society underwent profound changes. Thus, from a bottom-up perspective, society became subject to long-lasting changes. With certain exceptions, educational topics and the history of education in the 20th century remain unresearched in Croatian historiography, especially when compared to, say, the same topics in the 19th century. Therefore, this topic represents a new beginning in research and, due to its nature, also enters the frame of social history in the second half of the 20th century. Through source and literature analysis, the authors have determined three phases of educational changes. This paper shall examine the problem of combating illiteracy through changes in the educational system and literacy action plans in the period from 1945 to 1974, when the decision to form the Commission for Combatting Illiteracy was made. The aim of this paper and this approach to the topic and problem of illiteracy through literacy action plans is to contribute to history of education research in Croatian historiography.

Inspiriran radom Erica Santnera (1996, 2011) o političkoj teologiji i kraljeva dva tijela, u ovom radu propitujem političku teologiju filma, tj. kako drugo tijelo kralja, tijelo njegove moći, migrira u novo tijelo, tijelo naroda, te sablasno, u raznim tragovima, prati filmski način proizvodnje koji je obilježio dvadeseto stoljeće. U radu dovodim u imaginarnu vezu dva lika (jedan stvarni, drugi fiktivni) koji na određeni način utjelovljuju to migriranje: (1) sudca Daniela Paula Schrebera (čiji je autobiografski zapis mentalne bolesti, od trenutka kada je objavljen 1903., okupirao pažnju ne samo psihijatara i psihoanalitičara nego i raznih teoretičara), i (2) doktora Caligarija, hipnotizera u filmu Kabinet doktora Caligarija (red. Robert Wiene, 1920.), jednog od najpoznatijih junaka njemačkog ekspresionističkog filma, kako bih analizirao kako njihovi slučajevi utjelovljuju »sublimno rojalističko meso« u nacionalnim fantazmagorijama dvadesetoga stoljeća (koje se sve više vraćaju i u naše vrijeme u doba rastućeg populizma i brojnih teorija zavjere). ; Inspired by the work of Eric Santner (1996, 2011) on political theology and the king's two bodies, in this paper, I question the political theology of film. I analyze how the carnal dimension of sovereignty (or king's second body, the body of his power), migrates into a new body, the body of the people, and in various traces appears in the filmic mode of production that marked the twentieth century. I analyse or instead bring into imaginary connection two characters (one real, the other fictional) who in a way embody this migration: (1) Judge Daniel Paul Schreber (whose autobiographical record of mental illness, from the moment it was published (in 1903), occupied the attention not only of psychiatrists and psychoanalysts but also of various theorists) and (2) Dr. Caligari, a hypnotist in the film The Office of Dr. Caligari (dir. Robert Wiene, 1920), one of the most famous characters of German expressionist film.

Uvođenje mjesnih zajednica kao samoupravnih jedinica unutar općine bilo je oblik jačanja društvenoga samoupravljanja i socijalističke izravne demokracije u Jugoslaviji te, prema marksističkoj teoriji, dio procesa odumiranja države. Začetke donosi Ustav iz 1963., no tek Ustavom iz 1974. mjesne su zajednice postale obavezan oblik samoupravnoga organiziranja građana. Zamišljene kao svojevrsne proširene obitelji, umnogome su ovisile o inicijativi odozdo i djelovanju aktivista. Rad donosi teorijske pretpostavke i praktične aspekte aktivističkoga djelovanja u mjesnim zajednicama u raznim dijelovima Jugoslavije, a na temelju analize uspostavljaju se karakteristični tipovi aktivista koji su određeni generacijskim, klasnim i interesnim odnosima. Podaci se ponajviše crpe iz onodobne literature, specijaliziranoga lista Mjesna zajednica i arhivskoga gradiva. ; After the experience with people's committees, small municipalities, and residential communities, socialist Yugoslavia began introducing local communities as self-governing units and communities of citizens within the new, larger municipalities. They were a way of strengthening social self-management and socialist direct democracy and, according to Marxist theory, envisioned as part of the withering away of the state, and therefore part of the process of de-bureaucratisation and humanisation of social relations. The foundations of the new socio-political organisation were set down by the 1963 Constitution, but it was only the 1974 Constitution that established local communities as one of the core parts of the socio-political system and a compulsory form of citizens' self-government organisation. Envisioned as something akin to extended families, they were greatly dependent on initiatives from below, on the energy, enthusiasm, and free time of interested citizens. Therefore, this paper attempts to answer the following questions: how was the concept of local communities envisioned; did citizens' interest reach the expected level, and who were the activists among them; what prompted their enthusiasm, and how did they understand their activities? Based on our analysis, we establish the characteristic types of activists determined by generational, class, and interest relations. In defining the theoretical and practical aspects of social self-government in local communities, the paper refers to the Programme of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, constitutional and legal provisions, and the theoretical tenets of the actors of that period. Our approach also considers the then and current papers from the field of administrative sciences. The everyday and practical activities in local communities are analysed based on the writings published in Mjesna zajednica (Local Community), the specialised monthly of the Conference for the Development of Local Communities, which acted as part of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia, as well as archival data from the fond of the Republican Conference of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Croatia.

U radu se analizira koncepcija etnografskog filma iz rakursa dviju institucija s početka 20. stoljeća: Etnološkog seminara pri Filozofskom fakultetu zagrebačkog Sveučilišta i Škole narodnog zdravlja. Pritom se poseban naglasak u analizi stavlja na etnografičnost filmskih proizvoda dviju različitih institucija koje u svojim filmovima direktno i indirektno reprezentiraju kulturu sela. Raznolika filmska produkcija, nerijetko nekritički svedena pod zajednički nazivnik etnografskog filma, preispitat će se analizom filmskog sadržaja te problematiziranjem naknadnih preispisivanja njihova značenja i recepcije u onodobnom društveno-političkom kontekstu. ; This paper analyses the concept of ethnographic film from the position of two institutions from the beginning of the 20th century: Ethnological Seminar at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of the University of Zagreb and the School of Public Health. This analysis explains the importance of ethnographic qualities of films made by these two different institutions that (in)directly represent the culture of the village. Diverse film production, very often uncritically brought under the common denominator of ethnographic film, will be reassessed by analysing the content of the film and discussing additional rewritings of their meaning and reception in the social and political context of the time.

The paper explores the strategic aim (purpose) as the main determinant of Croatian language teaching theory and practice. The research aimed to establish how strategic aims were embedded in high school curricula for the Croatian language from the 1970s to the 2020s and the extent to which they were related to teaching efficiency. Based on the literature and reflection on personal teaching practice, criteria for evaluating the strategic aim of the subject Croatian language were established. The high school curricula for the subject Croatian language from 1974, 1984, versions of the curriculum from 1990 to 1995, followed by the version from 2003 and, finally, the 2019 Croatian language Curriculum were analyzed, classified, compared and evaluated. The hypothesis that high school curricula for the subject Croatian language from the 1970s to the 2020s have not set the provision of purpose in a quality manner was confirmed. Not one of the mentioned documents met all of the criteria for defining purpose. During the socialist era, the essence of the subject was suppressed, whereas in democratic Croatia the curricula improved with respect to defining the purpose. This trend, however, was stopped with the Curriculum. ; Rad se bavi proučavanjem strateškoga cilja (svrhe) kao glavne odrednice nastavne teorije i prakse Hrvatskoga jezika. Cilj proučavanja bio je utvrditi kako su u srednjoškolskim planovima i programima Hrvatskoga jezika od 70-ih g. XX. st. do 2020. g. postavljeni strateški ciljevi i u kojoj su mjeri bili povezani s učinkovitošću nastave. Na temelju literature i refleksije osobne nastavne prakse utvrđeni su kriteriji vrednovanja strateškoga cilja Hrvatskoga jezika. Analizirani su, klasificirani, uspoređeni i vrednovani srednjoškolski planovi i programi Hrvatskoga jezika iz 1974., 1984., programske inačice od 1990. do 1995., potom ona iz 2003. g. i Kurikulum Hrvatskoga jezika iz 2019. godine. Potvrđena je hipoteza da u srednjoškolskim planovima i programima Hrvatskoga jezika od sedamdesetih godina XX. st. do ...

Članak razmatra dva filma Haruna Farockija – Ein Bild (1983.) i Nicht löschbares Feuer (1969.) – te ih dovodi u vezu s teorijskim postavkama Mirzoeffove kontrapovijesti vizualnosti i Rancièreovim argumentima koji se tiču emancipiranog gledatelja. Temeljna je teza da eksperimentalna, semantički nejasna ili nedovršena slika može u epistemološkom smislu biti od vrijednosti gledatelju za političko djelovanje. Rad predlaže nazivlje kapitalna slika i kapilarna slika u svrhe ocrtavanja sličnosti i razlika među različitim oblicima proizvodnje slike. Istraživanje se zaključuje uvidom u emancipacijsku snagu filmske slike u trenucima kada se može vidjeti struktura proizvodnje same slike na ekranu. Objelodanjeni rad koji je sadržan u slici postaje rad gledatelja u demistifikaciji homogenosti njezinih značenjskih kodova. ; This paper discusses two films by Harun Farocki – Ein Bild (1983) and Nicht löschbares Feuer (1969) – and relates them to the theoretical arguments of Mirzoeff's counterhistory of visuality and Rancière's emancipated spectator. The main thesis is that experimental, semantically unclear or incomplete image can be of purpose to the spectator in an epistemological sense. The paper suggests the use of notions capital image and capillary image for the purpose of understanding similarities and differences between historically divergent forms of image production. The research concludes by reiterating the possibility of spectatorial emancipation from the dominant image in strategies of showing the structure of production of the image on the screen. The work seen in the image becomes the work of the spectator in trying to demystify the homogeneity of its semantic codes.

U radu se na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva istražuje jedan aspekt kulturne politike Jugoslavije i Hrvatske prema iseljeništvu – gostovanja glazbenih umjetnika i kulturno-umjetničkih društava u zemljama iseljavanja 60-ih i 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća. U kratkom prikazu iseljeničke službe na saveznoj i republičkoj razini daje se uvid u njezinu ulogu u formiranju i realiziranju te nadzor nad tim dijelom kulturne politike. Nastojanje Jugoslavije da ostvari organizacijski i ideološki nadzor nad tim aktivnostima dodatno je ilustriran primjerima dvojice hrvatskih popularnih pjevača – Ive Robića i Vice Vukova. ; Based on the original archives, the paper explores one aspect of the cultural policy of Yugoslavia and Croatia towards emigration—guest appearances by music artists and cultural and artistic societies in the countries of emigration in the 1960s and 1970s. The policy towards emigrants, especially 'temporary workers abroad', has been particularly important since the early 1960s, as emigration began to be perceived as a vital force, for both political and economic reasons. Therefore, the emigration service in the 1960s expanded and operated through several working bodies at the federal and republican levels, and played an essential role in the formation and implementation as well as the supervision of cultural policy towards emigrants. The idea was to maintain and strengthen the influence of self-managing socialist Yugoslavia in the 'Seventh Republic', and to neutralise the impact of political émigrés averse to the communist regime as much as possible. Music, as a segment of cultural policy, was a trump card that was known to have good reception with the audience, and guest appearances by musicians—singers and cultural and artistic societies—became very popular and frequent in Western Europe and overseas. Visits thus became a medium of ideological and promotional activities towards emigrants; organisers, performers, programs, and performances were regularly monitored by the state and Party bodies, diplomatic missions, and the State Security Service. Among the implementers of cultural policy towards emigrants, a significant role was played by the Heritage Foundation of Croatia, which operated according to the instructions of state and Party bodies, but had the best insight into the situation among immigrants and maintained continuous relations with them. Yugoslavia's efforts to gain organisational and ideological control over musical guest appearances are further illustrated through the examples of two Croatian popular singers—Ivo Robić and Vice Vukov.

U radu se analiziraju politička stajališta reformskih političkih elita u Srbiji i Hrvatskoj o ključnim pitanjima unutarnjega razvoja Jugoslavije početkom 1970-ih. Oba republička partijska rukovodstva stupila su na političku scenu u zenitu jugoslavenske reformske orijentacije i vala liberalizacije nakon Brijunskoga plenuma. Nova generacija srpskih i hrvatskih komunista zasnivala je svoje reformske programe na idejama demokratizacije i emancipacije jugoslavenskoga samoupravnog socijalizma. Borba za novi koncept Jugoslavije, tržišnu privredu, reformu Saveza komunista Jugoslavije i liberalizaciju društva povezivala je političke elite Zagreba i Beograda. Međutim, neriješeni odnosi u federaciji, skupa s porastom nacionalizma i snažnim otporom partijskih konzervativaca, određivali su krajnje domete suradnje reformskih snaga i perspektive razvoja demokratskoga i tržišnoga socijalizma u Jugoslaviji. ; This paper examines the relations between the two largest Yugoslav republics, Serbia and Croatia, through the political orientation of their leading reformist structures in the period from when they came to power in late 1968 to the forced resignation of the Croatian leadership in December 1971. Starting from the common strategic goals of the reform-oriented leaderships of Marko Nikezić and Savka Dabčević Kučar, the relations of official Belgrade and Zagreb fluctuated from alliance based on common interests, compatible constitutional and market goals, mutual defence from the arbitrary actions of the federal political centre, the need to expand the reformist base in society, the operationalisation of 'clean slate' politics, and a desire for the further liberalisation and democratisation of Yugoslav self-governing socialism to misunderstandings regarding the decentralisation of financial capital, different political methodologies, and different approaches to Tito. From the Tenth Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia to the Seventeenth Session of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, Marko Nikezić's leadership showed a much higher degree of understanding for the political challenges that were coming from the reformist political leadership in Zagreb compared to the conservatives in Belgrade, who expected that Serbia would return to the role of the key 'guardian' of Yugoslavia. Still, a change in the political course took place when Tito, using the principle of 'democratic centralism', decided to defend the decentralised state through a recentralised, monopolist party. Reformist advocates of a more decisive modernisation of Yugoslav socialism were stigmatised as a disruptive factor. For this reason, at the Twenty-First Session of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in Karađorđevo, Nikezić's leadership remained alone in its disagreement with the forcible removal of leading figures of the Croatian Central Committee, knowing that the suppression of the Croatian Spring would open the way towards a permanent change of course and the re-Stalinisation of political conditions in the country as well as the complication of Croatian-Serbian relations in the future.

Ovaj rad analizira načine na koje se predstavljanje žena promijenilo od partizanki kao revolucionarnih tema, do kućanica i potrošačica u kasnim 60tim godinama. Ova je promjena vezana uz društveno-političke promjene u jugoslavenskom kontekstu i uz napuštanje ideje ženske emancipacije koja je osmišljena i prihvaćena tijekom i nakon rata. Naime, partizanska borba za oslobađanje od nacističke okupacije te socijalistička revolucija dva su temeljna mita Socijalističke Jugoslavije. Žene su igrale aktivne uloge u toj borbi, kao borci ali i daleko od borbenih linija (logistička podrška, špijuniranje, liječenje i dr.). Također, jednakost između muškaraca i žena je bio važan segment službene ideologije države. Ovi su se narativi kasnije i zabilježili u kolektivnoj memoriji kroz književnost, film, glazbu i stripove. U našem radu istražujemo pet načina prikazivanja ženstvenosti u jugoslavenskom filmu: (1) partizanka, (2) žena u pozadini, (3) suradnica, (4) radnica i (5) domaćica, kako bi prikazali načine na koje predstavljanje žena između 1947. i kasnih 60tih korespondira službenoj politici emancipacije te na koji način ovi prikazi korespondiraju svakodnevici tog vremena. Nadalje, ovo predstavlja analizu filma sagledanog kao skup priča koje su jugoslavenski muškarci i žene sami iznosili o sebi. Ovakav pristup ima potencijal ukazati na antagonizme unutar društvenog konteksta u kojem su ovi filmovi nastajali, tako što naglašava nedostižne ideala slobode i emancipacije. Istovremeno, cilj ove analize nije samo otvoriti još jedan vid istraživanja prošlosti, već također ponovno razmotriti emacipacijski potencijal kojeg ovakvo istraživanja pruža danas. ; This paper will analyse ways in which representation of women changed from partisans as revolutionary subjects to housewives and consumers in the late 1960's. This transformation is linked with sociopolitical changes in the Yugoslav context and the abandonment of women's emancipation as it was framed and adopted initially during and after WWII. Namely, the partisan struggle for the liberation from Nazi occupation, as well as the socialist revolution were two foundational myths of Socialist Yugoslavia. Women played an active role in this struggle, both as fighters and through their work behind the lines (as logistical support, spying, nursing, etc.). Likewise, equality between men and women was an important part the country's official ideology. These narratives were later memorialized through literature, cinema, music as well as comic books. In our work, we will explore five tropes of femininity in Yugoslav cinema: (1) the role of the partisan, (2) woman in the background, (3) collaborator, (4) worker and (5) housewife, in order to map out ways in which the representation of women between 1947 and the late 1960's corresponds to official emancipatory politics of the time and how these tropes related with everyday life in this period. Finally, this will lead to an analysis of cinema as a collection of stories Yugoslav women and men told themselves (and others) about themselves.1 This approach has the potential to indicate the antagonisms within the social context in which these films were produced, by highlighting the unattained ideals of freedom and emancipation. Simultaneously, the goal of this analysis is not to merely open up another space for a more complex exploration of the past, but also to reconsider the emancipatory potential this exploration offers us today.

Radom se želi razumjeti velika popularnost filma Joker redatelja Toda Filipsa iz 2019. godine. Film i figura Jokera interpretirana je u okviru filozofije, odnosno estetike i politike resantimana. Rad nudi zaključak da film i figura Jokera ponavljaju osjećaj nejednakosti, kao jedno rašireno osjećanje u svijetu, između njegove estetizacije i politizacije. ; Mit der Arbeit will man die große Popularität des Films Joker von Tod Filips aus dem Jahr 2019 verstehen. Der Film und die Figur Joker wird im Rahmen der Philosophie, bzw. Ästhetik und Politik des Ressentiments interpretiert. Die Arbeit bietet den Schluss, dass der Film und die Figur Jokers das Gefühl der Ungleichheit als ein in der Welt verbreitetes Gefühl zwischen seiner Ästhetisierung und Politisierung wiederholen.

Cilj ovog rada jest analizirati povijesnu pozadinu trenutnih događanja poput kurdske borbe za neovisnost i jačanja feminističke misli, kao i kulturne te političke okolnosti koje su pokrenule niz događaja koji su na posljetku doveli do radikalne promjene u političkoj i društvenoj klimi današnje Sirije. U jeku građanskog rata, Kurdi su iskoristili priliku da započnu borbu za vlastiti suverenitet u sjevernoj Siriji, na kurdskom jeziku poznatoj kao Rojava. Budući da je utemeljena na nadasve progresivnoj ideji demokratskog konfederalizma, osmišljenoj od strane kurdskog nacionalističkog vođe i osnivača PKK-a (Kurdistanske radničke partije) Abdullaha Öcalana, revolucija u Rojavi često se smatra jednim od najvećih društvenih eksperimenata našega vremena. Iako već sama implementacija demokratskog konfederalizma može biti dovoljna kako bi se istaknula važnost ove revolucije u kontekstu današnjeg Bliskog istoka, procvat ženskih prava u Rojavi za trajanja revolucije od još je većeg značaja. Jedna od ključnih ideja Öcalanove filozofije, poznata kao Jineologija (znanost žena), ne postavlja ništa drugo do žene u sam centar revolucije. Promatrajući rad ženske vojske, tako zvane Jedinice ženske zaštite (YPJ) jasno je vidljivo da se spomenuta ideologija očituje u praksi, ne samo na bojištu, već i u svakodnevnom životu. U ovom radu nastojat ću dati pregled povijesnih okolnosti koje su dopustile iskru koja je zapalila vatru ženske revolucije u jednom od najpatrijarhalnijih društava i među jednom od najpotlačenijih manjina u današnjem svijetu te nadalje istražiti značaj sadašnje situacije u Rojavi. ; The following paper aims to analyze the historical background of the current happenings such as the Kurdish endeavors towards independence and the strengthening of feminist thought, as well as cultural and political circumstances which put into motion a series of events that ultimately lead to a radical change in the political and social climate of the present day Syria. In the midst of a civil war, the Kurdish people seized the opportunity to fight for their own sovereignty in northern Syria, or as it is known by the Kurds – Rojava. Rooted in the strongly progressive idea of Democratic Confederalism designed by a Kurdish nationalist leader and the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) founder Abdullah Öcalan, the Rojava Revolution is often deemed one of the greatest social experiments of our time. Even though the implementation of Democratic Confederalism may be in itself enough to highlight the importance of this revolution in the context of today's Middle East, what is of even greater significance is the blossoming of women's rights in Rojava. Another one of Öcalan's pivotal ideas, known as Jineology (the science of women) puts none other than women at the very center of the revolution. By observing the work of the all-female Women's Protection Units (YPJ) it is clearly evident that the aforementioned ideology manifests itself in practice, not only in the battlefield, but in everyday life as well. In this paper I will try to provide an overview of the historical circumstances that allowed for a spark that started the fire of the Women's Revolution within one of the most patriarchal societies and among one of the most repressed minorities in the world today and further examine the significance of the current situation in Rojava.

Rad obuhvaća pregled redatelja i filmova Novoga Hollywooda te društveno-politički kontekst i mijene u američkome načinu života, koje su prethodile nastanku tzv. blockbustera, odnosno novožanrovskih filmova. U radu će biti riječ o svježem autorskom pristupu žanrovskomu filmu generacije školovanih redatelja koji će u svojim djelima uspješno revalorizirati žanr, a od kojih će nekolicina marketinškom stručnošću osigurati nastavke svojih filmova u (i danas vrlo popularnomu) obliku franšize. Kroz analizu opusa novoholivudskih redatelja mlađe, a dijelom i starije, generacije demonstrirat će se njihov odnos prema društvenim i političkim okolnostima, revitalizacija marginaliziranih žanrova kao i stilska obilježja filmova, poput intertekstualnosti, citatnosti, pastiša, hommagea (posvete) itd. ; The paper includes an overview of New Hollywood directors and their films, as well as the sociopolitical context and changes in the American way of life that preceded the arrival of the so-called blockbusters, i.e. new genre films. The paper will discuss a new approach to the genre film by a generation of educated directors who will successfully renew genre in their works and, in some cases, make sequels in the form of (even today very popular) franchise. The analysis of some works made by a younger and partly older generation will show their relation to social and political circumstances, revitalization of marginalized genres, as well as stylistic features such as: intertextuality, citations, pastiche, homage (dedication), etc.

Cilj je rada pomoću analize i interpretacije eseja Tri gvineje Viginije Woolf ukazati na aktualnost ideja i pitanja postavljenih u eseju, koji i u XXI. stoljeću traže odgovor, te podsjetiti na nepravedno zanemareni esejistički opus ove autorice. Pitanje rodnih razlika, hijerarhijski ustroj društva temeljen na patrijarhalnim odnosima, rat i uloga žene u njegovu sprječavanju, fašizam, pacifizam, nacionalizam – teme su koje su u fokusu današnjice, a Woolf, koja je svojim esejom potaknula kontroverze, pokazala je i znatnu relevantnost i svojevrsno vizionarstvo. Esej Tri gvineje u okviru odgovarajućega povijesnog, političkog i društvenoga konteksta ukazuje na žestoku kritiku rata kao i na stalnu borbu žene za ravnopravnost u svim porama današnjega društva. ; Analysis and interpretation of Virginia Woolf's anti-war essay Three Guineas point to the relevance of the ideas and questions placed in the essay, which remain unanswered even today in the 21st century. The unjustly neglected essay-writing of this prolific modernist author is also reaffirmed. The issues of gender, hierarchical social structure based on patriarchy, war and the role of women in preventing it, fascism, pacifism, and nationalism are relevant contemporary topics where Woolf, who initiated controversies, showed relevance and a sense of vision as well. Within the given historical, political and social context, the essay Three Guineas expresses strong anti-war criticism, as well as the constant struggle of women for equality in all segments of contemporary society.

U radu se razmatra odnos spolnog i jezičnog te njihov međusobni utjecaj unutar područja političke filozofije, lingvistike i teorije teksta, u pojedinim djelima Adriane Cavarero. Najprije se polazi od spoznaja poststrukturalističke teorije teksta, psihoanalitičkog feminizma i psiholingvistike, koje se potom proširuju rezultatima iz područja političke filozofije, s posebnim naglaskom na antičke tekstove. Analizom odabranih ulomaka Cavarerina opusa otvorit će se pitanje odnosa rodnog, spolnog i tekstualnog. Na temelju kritičkog čitanja Cavarerinih djela, teorijske literature i rezultata analize polaznih i ciljnih tekstova, donijet će se zaključak o utjecaju spolnosti na jezik i kulturu, odnosno o utjecaju jezika i kulturnih simbola na društvene i rodne uloge. ; The paper examines the relationship between the sexual and linguistic and their mutual influence within the fields of political philosophy, linguistics, and theory of text, in selection from Adriana Cavarero's work. First, we begin from the knowledge of poststructuralist text theory, psychoanalytic feminism and psycholinguistics, which are later expanded with the results from political philosophy with special emphasis on ancient texts. Cavarero's texts are being analysed to describe the features through which the relationship between gender, sex and text is established. Through a critical exploration of Cavarero's texts and previous theoretical discussions and the analysis results, a conclusion about the influence of the sexual on language and culture and the influence of language and cultural symbols on social and gender roles is reached.

U radu se govori o značenju i ulozi Ljudevita Jonkea koji je, kako se to u kroatističkoj standardologiji navodi, dugogodišnji autoritet u standardnojezičnim i jezično-političkim pitanjima u Hrvatskoj. Poseban naglasak stavlja se na njegovu ulogu u kontekstu zbivanja prije potpisivanja Deklaracije o nazivu i položaju hrvatskog književnog jezika kao i na neprihvaćanje tadašnjih vlasti same Deklaracije i osudu njezinih potpisnika. Ljudevit Jonke u tom se smislu nametnuo kao iznimna figura zaslužna za oživotvorenje njezina cilja u borbi za ravnopravnost položaja hrvatskoga jezika osobito 60-ih i 70-ih godina prošloga stoljeća. ; The paper speaks about the role of Ljudevit Jonke, who has been a long-time authority in standard language as well as linguistic and political matters in Croatia according to Croatian standardology. Special emphasis is put on his role in the context of events before signing of the Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language and rejection of the document by the authorities of that time as well as condemnation of its signatories. In this context, Ljudevit Jonke imposed himself as a figure of immeasurable significance, responsible for reviving its aim in fighting for equal status of the Croatian language, especially in the 1960s and 1970s.