Suchergebnisse

Abstrakt

L'analisi dei cambiamenti avvenuti all'interno del repertorio verbale italiano sulla base dei mutamenti del trasmesso filmico di tre produzioni di epoche diverse permette di dare uno sguardo d'insieme allo sviluppo del repertorio linguistico influenzato dalle vicende storiche e sociali. Inoltre, ricorrendo agli strumenti della sociolinguistica, è stato possibile valutare se le scelte linguistiche presenti all'interno del parlato filmico veicolato dai tre film analizzati siano state determinate dalla necessità di caratterizzare i personaggi e le situazioni o se siano piuttosto da ascrivere a un riflesso degli usi e dei comportamenti linguistici reali dei parlanti.

Ewolucja języka włoskiego na podstawie analizy socjolingwistycznej języka mówionego używanego w trzech wybranych filmach

Zmiany, które nastąpiły w języku włoskim zostały poddane analizie na podstawie języka stosowanego w trzech produkcjach filmowych pochodzących z różnych okresów czasowych. Pozwoliło to na szersze spojrzenie na rozwój języka wynikający z uwarunkowań historyczno-społecznych. Analiza socjolingwistyczna pozwoliła ustalić, czy język i styl wypowiedzi używany w wybranych filmach wynikał z potrzeby wiernego oddania charakteru postaci, sytuacji, czy był raczej odzwierciedleniem zwyczajów i zachowań społeczno-językowych mówiących.

Meanders and paradoxes of interwar film censorship in PolandThe article concerns film censorship in Poland in the interwar period. The first detailed rules on censorship appeared in February 1919. Due to the small level of film production, these provisions related primarily to distribution and screenings. The detailed instructions for censors from 1920 cited in the text contain a long list of prohibitions concerning the presentation of scenes and images "contrary to law and public morality." In practice, film was subject to political, moral, military, religious, and also artistic censorship. The article presents the ways to circumvent censorship guidelines used by distributors and cinema owners, as well as a critical evaluation of the activities of this institution in the eyes of film publicists. ; Meanders and paradoxes of interwar fi lm censorship in PolandThe article concerns film censorship in Poland in the interwar period. The first detailed rules on censorship appeared in February 1919. Due to the small level of film production, these provisions related primarily to distribution and screenings. The detailed instructions for censors from 1920 cited in the text contain a long list of prohibitions concerning the presentation of scenes and images "contrary to law and public morality." In practice, film was subject to political, moral, military, religious, and also artistic censorship. The article presents the ways to circumvent censorship guidelines used by distributors and cinema owners, as well as a critical evaluation of the activities of this institution in the eyes of film publicists.

Abstrakt

L'articolo prende in esame l'opera prima del regista Vittorio De Sica, in particolare i suoi primi quattro film: "Rose scarlatte" (1940), "Maddalena zero in condotta" (1941), "Teresa Venerdì" (1941) e "Un Garibaldino in convento" (1942). Oltre a collocare l'opera del regista italiano nel contesto politico, sociale e culturale dell'ultimo decennio del regime fascista, vengono analizzati i messaggi impliciti delle singole pellicole, abilmente nascosti sotto una maschera comica: p.es. l'emancipazione femminile, il carattere repressivo delle istituzioni e la problematica del "Strapaese e Straccittà".

Nie tylko "Złodzieje rowerów" – faszystowskie Włochy w pierwszych filmach Vittoria de Siki

Artykuł analizuje cztery pierwsze filmy Vittoria De Siki: "Szkarłatne róże" (1940), "Magdaleno, dwója ze sprawowania" (1941), "Teresa Venerdì" (1941) oraz "Un Garibladino in convento" (1942), pod kątem ich kontekstu politycznego, społecznego i kulturowego. Analiza poszczególnych dzieł pozwala ukazać ich zawoalowane przesłanie (np. dotyczące emancypacji kobiet, represyjnej natury instytucji oraz problematyki "Strapaese i Straccittà"), ukryte pod maską komizmu.

Ressenya de l'exposició "Feminismes!" (CCCB. Barcelona, 19 de juliol del 2019 – 5 de gener del 2020)

Film actors, theatre actors? The Polish actors' market in recent yearsThe author of the paper analyzes the career paths of Polish film and theater actors in recent years, taking account of social and institutional changes in Polish theater and cinema after 1989. On this basis, current three strategies present in the acting profession are identified: Courtier, Byplay and Celebrity. These three groups are highlighted depending on actors' artistic achievements and accu- mulated symbolic capital. The main thesis of the article is that leading film actors, who are most successful on the big screen, forsake engagement in theater. While describing this regularity, the author provides specific examples of actresses and actors - eg. Magdalena Cielecka, Andrzej Chyra, Jacek Poniedziałek and Agnieszka Grochowska. The article concludes with considerations about the various reasons why Polands market for film actors and the theater market have split in recent years. ; Film actors, theatre actors? The Polish actors' market in recent yearsThe author of the paper analyzes the career paths of Polish film and theater actors in recent years, taking account of social and institutional changes in Polish theater and cinema after 1989. On this basis, current three strategies present in the acting profession are identified: Courtier, Byplay and Celebrity. These three groups are highlighted depending on actors' artistic achievements and accu- mulated symbolic capital. The main thesis of the article is that leading film actors, who are most successful on the big screen, forsake engagement in theater. While describing this regularity, the author provides specific examples of actresses and actors - eg. Magdalena Cielecka, Andrzej Chyra, Jacek Poniedziałek and Agnieszka Grochowska. The article concludes with considerations about the various reasons why Polands market for film actors and the theater market have split in recent years.

The main mission of the Filmoteca de Catalunya is the recovery, conservation, research and dissemination of films and audiovisual works and materials, documents, equipment and any other element of interest to the study of cinema and audiovisual art in general and Catalan cinema in particular. In essence, the conservation and dissemination of film culture. A description is given of the areas that contribute to achieving this objective and a reflection on the need to offer the public, institutions and businesses with interests in the film industry a reliable professional service.

The film is one of few examples of political documentaries produced in Poland after 1989. It is not limited to merely outlining the political argument over General Jaruzelski's decision to impose martial law. Although it concerns events in Polish history, it is not a historical documentary, as it brings forth present-day political conflicts that have arisen around historical events. Trying to reconstruct this current political argument, Zmarz-Koczanowicz reaches for a method developed in the 1970s by the so-called "Kraków School" led by Krzysztof Kieślowski. ^e "talking heads" method was meant to help documentary filmmakers in the Polish People's Republic reach what the person in the street actually thought and avoid the distortions of propaganda. For Kieślowski, however, the overriding aim was conciliation and an attempt to understand both sides of the political barricade - the authorities and the vox popu- li. His attitude, according to the terminology suggested by Chantal Mouffe, was a post-political one striving for an agreement through a rational dialogue. Zmarz-Koczanowicz's aim, however, is different: she is intent on showing a clash of different hegemonies that do not strive for consensus. Their agonistic argument, played out in the political register, rather than a moral one, is a guarantee, according to this Belgian philosopher of politics, that democracy will continue to exist.

"Autorki, korzystając z wielu różnych teorii oraz metodologii wyrastających z nauk społecznych i humanistycznych, demaskują źródła i mechanizmy opresji ze względu na płeć oraz rolę, jaką w reprodukcji nierówności odgrywa sposób opowiadania historii. W swoich esejach dowodzą, że ów sposób nigdy nie jest niewinny politycznie. Praca Autorek uderza w "czułą strunę" wielu osób zajmujących się formalną i nieformalną edukacją historyczną, którzy chcą opowiadać dzieje ludzkości z uwzględnieniem "wszystkich" aktorów życia społecznego. Autorki na wiele sposobów przekazują osobom czytającym ważny metakomunikat - że przemilczanie obecności i aktywności kobiet i dziewcząt w historii, trywializowanie ich roli w dziejach, deprecjonowanie wartości ich pracy, brak uznania dla ich doświadczenia, twórczości, przeżyć i równocześnie podkreślanie dominacji i władzy mężczyzn, interpretowanie jej jako "naturalnej" - uzasadnia podważanie i łamanie praw kobiet także współcześnie. Z recenzji dr hab. Iwony Chmury-Rutkowskiej, prof. UAM Rozważania prowadzone w formie szkiców skupiają się na refleksji o kondycji rozważań nad płcią biologiczną, płcią kulturową, rolą kobiet w kontekście badań naukowych nad przemocą, w nierozerwalnym związku z dyskursem publicznym. Recenzowana monografia jest pracą oryginalną, która w znacznym stopniu opiera się na wynikach własnych dociekań i badań w obszarze nauk społecznych, subtelnie balansując między dyscyplinami: antropologią kulturową oraz naukami o polityce i administracji. [...] Przyjęty schemat konstrukcyjny książki, charakterystyczny dla traktatów filozoficznych - jakim są szkice krytyczne - pozwala Czytelnikom na swobodną podróż po problematyce kobiet i konfliktów zbrojnych, tematyce wciąż aktualnej i na nowo odkrywanej. Z recenzji dr hab. Aleksandry Gasztold, prof. UW Ta ciągła zażarta i nieracjonalna pielęgnacja emocjonalnej kultury romantycznej w Polsce, lubująca się w martyrologii narodowej i idealizująca cierpienie wspólnoty, objawia się patetycznym patriotyzmem, który wynosi na wyżyny zdefiniowaną w męskich kategoriach ideologię "polskości", piętnując jakiekolwiek zachowania i praktyki uchodzące za nienormatywne. To z kolei przekłada się na ksenofobiczne zacietrzewienie i brak szacunku dla kobiet i innych mniejszości. Także iw tym kontekście tak kardynalne znaczenie ma praca nad uwzględnianiem perspektywy kobiet i kobiecego doświadczenia w tworzeniu narracji o wspólnotach politycznych i społecznych - zarówno tych dotyczących przeszłości, jak i tych odnoszących się do teraźniejszości. Kompletne i kompleksowe rozumienie przeszłości może przyczynić się bowiem do kreowania bardziej sprawiedliwej i opartej na wartościach równościowych przyszłości. Z Posłowia dr hab. Doroty Golańskiej, prof. UŁ"--

An introduction to cultural representations of disabled people's sexuality

In the following article, I outline some of the issues and problems that one may encounter while attempting to analyse the pop/cultural representations of disabled people's sexuality. Towards this end, I employ a variety of methodological and theoretical tools, such as e.g. cultural model of disability/cultural analysis, critical theory, elements of ethnographical research and crip theory.
Keywords: sexuality, disability, culture, representations, film, cultural artefacts

Some people say that creative industries have little to do with aging and old age. The words "creativity" and "creativity" are increasingly used almost as synonyms for the characteristics of young people and youth as a stage of life. Meanwhile, we all use certain other people-made technologies to perform a variety of daily activities. In addition, regardless of age, we use products developed in the field of craftsmanship, design / design or in the software production sector. Contemporary societies are also faced with an excess of content from, inter alia, from the music, publishing, and film and video industries.

Latin America has played at all times a significant part in the foreign policy of the United States. Its geographical proximity, colonial descent, as well as common interests of all American countries toward the policy of the European colonial powers - these are historically primordial factors that have determined their relations. In course of time, as USA investments in Latin America grew, and the system of the political-military relations consolidated, also with respect to the USA global policy, the countries of Latin America got interrelated in a peculiar way with their northern neighbour. At present their mutual relations are noticeable at the arena of culture and propaganda. The present work perceives the cultural policy and foreign propaganda pursued by the United States as a broad complex of phenomena involving both the passage of wealth, values, and standars of culture, and the political purposeful persvasive actions, affecting the views, attitudes, and conduct of the pe.ople, as an instrument applied to put into effect the strategical aims of the. USA foreign polioy. At the same time it represents a stable integrator of the western hemisphere. The two decades (1960s and 1970s) of cultural policy and foreign propaganda discussed in the present work are' a period that allows to trace the characteristic manifestations, and to regard the trends appearing as the regularities of this sphere of social activity. The conception of tjie culture and propaganda influence, elaborated in the beginning of the 1960s has been modified in accordance with new occurrences taking place in Latin America, and with their perception by the particular administrations. The political function of this influencing, its aims,¡contents and implementing methods have not undergone any change. The work is composed of three fundamental sections - chapters. The first one "The determinants, and the programmatic directions of the USA culture-propaganda influence in Latin America" attempts to present the foreign policy programmes, and their stageB to define the place and role of the culture-propaganda influence in the USA strategies adopted to Latin America. Chapter two "The organization of the administration machinery" illustrates the extremely complex, multisectorial, and hierarchical system of the state and non-state organizations programming, coordinating, and implementing the actions under discussion. The third chapter "The forms, and techniques of the culture-propaganda influencing" describes the big business activity in Latin America in the field of mass-communication, its dominance at the information market, and its impact on the mass culture and education. Moreover the author discusses the state institutions activity in the field of radio, TV and film propaganda, face-to-face communication, bi-national centres and military schooling stations, as well as public utilities operation. Latin America constitutes too differentiated area to adopt preferential techniques to the entire region. Nevertheless the preference is noticeable. This refers to the radio-TV propaganda, face-to-face communication, bi-national centres operation, and arises from the influencies directing mainly onto middle classes predestinated to adopt foreign standards and values.

Representatives of the Polish punk-rock scene were careful observers of political, social and economic unrest in the world since the late 1970s and in the 1980s. A large part of the texts, written at that time, aptly commented on the tragic events in the world. Unfortunately, some of them haven't lost their validity, like the song by KSU entitled 'Liban' ['Lebanon'], or by the band 'Brak' ['The Lack'] entitled 'Na Bliskim Wschodzie wszystko w porządku' ['In the Middle East Everything's All Right']. After 1989, more songs, referring to various old or new threats in the world, were written. Songs, produced within the punk scene, describe the problems of political, economic and social nature, which remain unresolved. Authors, such as Maciej Augustyn, Krzysztof Grabowski, Kazik Staszewski not only point to the genesis of security problems in the world, but sometimes predict the consequences of such events in a broader perspective. Surprisingly, anticipations of some authors who are not political scientists or sociologists, come true more frequently than scientific analyses made by security experts. Suffice it to say that almost at the same time when Fukuyma guaranteed that happiness of humanity would be manifested in liberal democracy, Staszewski and Grabowski warned people of imminent wars, crises, a new division of the world and exploitation. ; Representatives of the Polish punk-rock scene were careful observers of political, social and economic unrest in the world since the late 1970s and in the 1980s. A large part of the texts, written at that time, aptly commented on the tragic events in the world. Unfortunately, some of them haven't lost their validity, like the song by KSU entitled 'Liban' ['Lebanon'], or by the band 'Brak' ['The Lack'] entitled 'Na Bliskim Wschodzie wszystko w porządku' ['In the Middle East Everything's All Right']. After 1989, more songs, referring to various old or new threats in the world, were written. Songs, produced within the punk scene, describe the problems of political, economic and social nature, which remain unresolved. Authors, such as Maciej Augustyn, Krzysztof Grabowski, Kazik Staszewski not only point to the genesis of security problems in the world, but sometimes predict the consequences of such events in a broader perspective. Surprisingly, anticipations of some authors who are not political scientists or sociologists, come true more frequently than scientific analyses made by security experts. Suffice it to say that almost at the same time when Fukuyma guaranteed that happiness of humanity would be manifested in liberal democracy, Staszewski and Grabowski warned people of imminent wars, crises, a new division of the world and exploitation.

The study of political activity among the elderly has prompted some American researchers to take up research on "political gerontology" in the late 1970s. One of the effects of the increasing political activity of seniors, but also the growing number of 65+ voters was the emergence a new type of party that uniquely identified with senior citizens and in the wider sense ‒ the elderly, focusing both on demands typical for this electorate. The first party of its kind in Europe was the Italian Pensioners' Party, founded in October 1987. The Balkan pensioners' parties in the majority of cases were among the typical post-communist "demanding parties", expressing the frustration of people, who lost social prestige and financial stability during the economic transformation. Some of them noted significant success by entering into the ruling coalitions (Serbia, Slovenia). Their successes generated the creation of new pensioners' parties in Kosovo and Macedonia. The programs of Balkan pensioners' parties are directed to the entire society, expressing sensitivity to the interests of excluding groups but it is hard to find visible references to elderly problems understood as a social and demographic challenge. The political activity of the Balkan "grey parties" does not seem as a form of elders' emancipation but only as a defense of the pensions and social privileges inherited from the communist times. ; The study of political activity among the elderly has prompted some American researchers to take up research on "political gerontology" in the late 1970s. One of the effects of the increasing political activity of seniors, but also the growing number of 65+ voters was the emergence a new type of party that uniquely identified with senior citizens and in the wider sense ‒ the elderly, focusing both on demands typical for this electorate. The first party of its kind in Europe was the Italian Pensioners' Party, founded in October 1987. The Balkan pensioners' parties in the majority of cases were among the typical post-communist "demanding parties", expressing the frustration of people, who lost social prestige and financial stability during the economic transformation. Some of them noted significant success by entering into the ruling coalitions (Serbia, Slovenia). Their successes generated the creation of new pensioners' parties in Kosovo and Macedonia. The programs of Balkan pensioners' parties are directed to the entire society, expressing sensitivity to the interests of excluding groups but it is hard to find visible references to elderly problems understood as a social and demographic challenge. The political activity of the Balkan "grey parties" does not seem as a form of elders' emancipation but only as a defense of the pensions and social privileges inherited from the communist times.

*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.

*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.