Suchergebnisse

U kontekstu političkih, gospodarskih i društvenih promjena sredinom XX. stoljeća sustavno se ostvaruju temeljni ciljevi Komunističke partije Jugoslavije na svim razinama te dolazi do strukturnih promjena u društvu. Zadane promjene može se pratiti i preko mjera poduzetih za smanjenje broja nepismenih, što je izravno proizlazilo iz potrebe rješavanja temeljnih društvenih i gospodarskih problema. U radu se problematizira borba protiv nepismenosti u Hrvatskoj nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata. Akcijski planovi opismenjavanja stanovništva koje su sustavno provodili državni organi pokazuju da se korjenito mijenjala slika društva. Odgojno-obrazovne teme i povijest školstva XX. stoljeća u hrvatskoj historiografiji, uz određene iznimke, neistražene su kao primjerice u historiografiji XIX. stoljeća. Autori su analizom izvora i literature uspostavili tri faze odgojno-obrazovnih promjena. U ovom će se radu pratiti problem rješavanja nepismenosti preko promjena odgojno-obrazovnoga sustava i akcijskih planova opismenjavanja od 1945. do završne faze 1974., kada je donesena odluka o osnivanju Komisije za borbu protiv nepismenosti. Namjera je ovim radom doprinijeti istraživanju povijesti obrazovanja u hrvatskoj historiografiji. ; In the context of the political, economic, and social changes in the mid-20th century, a systematic implementation of the core goals of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia/ League of Communists of Yugoslavia was conducted on all levels, resulting in structural changes in society. Among other things, these changes were the result of the measures implemented in order to reduce the number of illiterates, and this was directly related to the need to resolve basic social and economic problems. In this paper, the authors examine the struggle against illiteracy in Croatia after World War II. The literacy action plans that were systematically conducted by state authorities indicate that the image of society underwent profound changes. Thus, from a bottom-up perspective, society became subject to long-lasting changes. With certain exceptions, educational topics and the history of education in the 20th century remain unresearched in Croatian historiography, especially when compared to, say, the same topics in the 19th century. Therefore, this topic represents a new beginning in research and, due to its nature, also enters the frame of social history in the second half of the 20th century. Through source and literature analysis, the authors have determined three phases of educational changes. This paper shall examine the problem of combating illiteracy through changes in the educational system and literacy action plans in the period from 1945 to 1974, when the decision to form the Commission for Combatting Illiteracy was made. The aim of this paper and this approach to the topic and problem of illiteracy through literacy action plans is to contribute to history of education research in Croatian historiography.

Inspiriran radom Erica Santnera (1996, 2011) o političkoj teologiji i kraljeva dva tijela, u ovom radu propitujem političku teologiju filma, tj. kako drugo tijelo kralja, tijelo njegove moći, migrira u novo tijelo, tijelo naroda, te sablasno, u raznim tragovima, prati filmski način proizvodnje koji je obilježio dvadeseto stoljeće. U radu dovodim u imaginarnu vezu dva lika (jedan stvarni, drugi fiktivni) koji na određeni način utjelovljuju to migriranje: (1) sudca Daniela Paula Schrebera (čiji je autobiografski zapis mentalne bolesti, od trenutka kada je objavljen 1903., okupirao pažnju ne samo psihijatara i psihoanalitičara nego i raznih teoretičara), i (2) doktora Caligarija, hipnotizera u filmu Kabinet doktora Caligarija (red. Robert Wiene, 1920.), jednog od najpoznatijih junaka njemačkog ekspresionističkog filma, kako bih analizirao kako njihovi slučajevi utjelovljuju »sublimno rojalističko meso« u nacionalnim fantazmagorijama dvadesetoga stoljeća (koje se sve više vraćaju i u naše vrijeme u doba rastućeg populizma i brojnih teorija zavjere). ; Inspired by the work of Eric Santner (1996, 2011) on political theology and the king's two bodies, in this paper, I question the political theology of film. I analyze how the carnal dimension of sovereignty (or king's second body, the body of his power), migrates into a new body, the body of the people, and in various traces appears in the filmic mode of production that marked the twentieth century. I analyse or instead bring into imaginary connection two characters (one real, the other fictional) who in a way embody this migration: (1) Judge Daniel Paul Schreber (whose autobiographical record of mental illness, from the moment it was published (in 1903), occupied the attention not only of psychiatrists and psychoanalysts but also of various theorists) and (2) Dr. Caligari, a hypnotist in the film The Office of Dr. Caligari (dir. Robert Wiene, 1920), one of the most famous characters of German expressionist film.

Uvođenje mjesnih zajednica kao samoupravnih jedinica unutar općine bilo je oblik jačanja društvenoga samoupravljanja i socijalističke izravne demokracije u Jugoslaviji te, prema marksističkoj teoriji, dio procesa odumiranja države. Začetke donosi Ustav iz 1963., no tek Ustavom iz 1974. mjesne su zajednice postale obavezan oblik samoupravnoga organiziranja građana. Zamišljene kao svojevrsne proširene obitelji, umnogome su ovisile o inicijativi odozdo i djelovanju aktivista. Rad donosi teorijske pretpostavke i praktične aspekte aktivističkoga djelovanja u mjesnim zajednicama u raznim dijelovima Jugoslavije, a na temelju analize uspostavljaju se karakteristični tipovi aktivista koji su određeni generacijskim, klasnim i interesnim odnosima. Podaci se ponajviše crpe iz onodobne literature, specijaliziranoga lista Mjesna zajednica i arhivskoga gradiva. ; After the experience with people's committees, small municipalities, and residential communities, socialist Yugoslavia began introducing local communities as self-governing units and communities of citizens within the new, larger municipalities. They were a way of strengthening social self-management and socialist direct democracy and, according to Marxist theory, envisioned as part of the withering away of the state, and therefore part of the process of de-bureaucratisation and humanisation of social relations. The foundations of the new socio-political organisation were set down by the 1963 Constitution, but it was only the 1974 Constitution that established local communities as one of the core parts of the socio-political system and a compulsory form of citizens' self-government organisation. Envisioned as something akin to extended families, they were greatly dependent on initiatives from below, on the energy, enthusiasm, and free time of interested citizens. Therefore, this paper attempts to answer the following questions: how was the concept of local communities envisioned; did citizens' interest reach the expected level, and who were the activists among them; what prompted their enthusiasm, and how did they understand their activities? Based on our analysis, we establish the characteristic types of activists determined by generational, class, and interest relations. In defining the theoretical and practical aspects of social self-government in local communities, the paper refers to the Programme of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, constitutional and legal provisions, and the theoretical tenets of the actors of that period. Our approach also considers the then and current papers from the field of administrative sciences. The everyday and practical activities in local communities are analysed based on the writings published in Mjesna zajednica (Local Community), the specialised monthly of the Conference for the Development of Local Communities, which acted as part of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia, as well as archival data from the fond of the Republican Conference of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Croatia.

U radu se analizira koncepcija etnografskog filma iz rakursa dviju institucija s početka 20. stoljeća: Etnološkog seminara pri Filozofskom fakultetu zagrebačkog Sveučilišta i Škole narodnog zdravlja. Pritom se poseban naglasak u analizi stavlja na etnografičnost filmskih proizvoda dviju različitih institucija koje u svojim filmovima direktno i indirektno reprezentiraju kulturu sela. Raznolika filmska produkcija, nerijetko nekritički svedena pod zajednički nazivnik etnografskog filma, preispitat će se analizom filmskog sadržaja te problematiziranjem naknadnih preispisivanja njihova značenja i recepcije u onodobnom društveno-političkom kontekstu. ; This paper analyses the concept of ethnographic film from the position of two institutions from the beginning of the 20th century: Ethnological Seminar at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of the University of Zagreb and the School of Public Health. This analysis explains the importance of ethnographic qualities of films made by these two different institutions that (in)directly represent the culture of the village. Diverse film production, very often uncritically brought under the common denominator of ethnographic film, will be reassessed by analysing the content of the film and discussing additional rewritings of their meaning and reception in the social and political context of the time.

Članak razmatra dva filma Haruna Farockija – Ein Bild (1983.) i Nicht löschbares Feuer (1969.) – te ih dovodi u vezu s teorijskim postavkama Mirzoeffove kontrapovijesti vizualnosti i Rancièreovim argumentima koji se tiču emancipiranog gledatelja. Temeljna je teza da eksperimentalna, semantički nejasna ili nedovršena slika može u epistemološkom smislu biti od vrijednosti gledatelju za političko djelovanje. Rad predlaže nazivlje kapitalna slika i kapilarna slika u svrhe ocrtavanja sličnosti i razlika među različitim oblicima proizvodnje slike. Istraživanje se zaključuje uvidom u emancipacijsku snagu filmske slike u trenucima kada se može vidjeti struktura proizvodnje same slike na ekranu. Objelodanjeni rad koji je sadržan u slici postaje rad gledatelja u demistifikaciji homogenosti njezinih značenjskih kodova. ; This paper discusses two films by Harun Farocki – Ein Bild (1983) and Nicht löschbares Feuer (1969) – and relates them to the theoretical arguments of Mirzoeff's counterhistory of visuality and Rancière's emancipated spectator. The main thesis is that experimental, semantically unclear or incomplete image can be of purpose to the spectator in an epistemological sense. The paper suggests the use of notions capital image and capillary image for the purpose of understanding similarities and differences between historically divergent forms of image production. The research concludes by reiterating the possibility of spectatorial emancipation from the dominant image in strategies of showing the structure of production of the image on the screen. The work seen in the image becomes the work of the spectator in trying to demystify the homogeneity of its semantic codes.

Ovaj rad analizira načine na koje se predstavljanje žena promijenilo od partizanki kao revolucionarnih tema, do kućanica i potrošačica u kasnim 60tim godinama. Ova je promjena vezana uz društveno-političke promjene u jugoslavenskom kontekstu i uz napuštanje ideje ženske emancipacije koja je osmišljena i prihvaćena tijekom i nakon rata. Naime, partizanska borba za oslobađanje od nacističke okupacije te socijalistička revolucija dva su temeljna mita Socijalističke Jugoslavije. Žene su igrale aktivne uloge u toj borbi, kao borci ali i daleko od borbenih linija (logistička podrška, špijuniranje, liječenje i dr.). Također, jednakost između muškaraca i žena je bio važan segment službene ideologije države. Ovi su se narativi kasnije i zabilježili u kolektivnoj memoriji kroz književnost, film, glazbu i stripove. U našem radu istražujemo pet načina prikazivanja ženstvenosti u jugoslavenskom filmu: (1) partizanka, (2) žena u pozadini, (3) suradnica, (4) radnica i (5) domaćica, kako bi prikazali načine na koje predstavljanje žena između 1947. i kasnih 60tih korespondira službenoj politici emancipacije te na koji način ovi prikazi korespondiraju svakodnevici tog vremena. Nadalje, ovo predstavlja analizu filma sagledanog kao skup priča koje su jugoslavenski muškarci i žene sami iznosili o sebi. Ovakav pristup ima potencijal ukazati na antagonizme unutar društvenog konteksta u kojem su ovi filmovi nastajali, tako što naglašava nedostižne ideala slobode i emancipacije. Istovremeno, cilj ove analize nije samo otvoriti još jedan vid istraživanja prošlosti, već također ponovno razmotriti emacipacijski potencijal kojeg ovakvo istraživanja pruža danas. ; This paper will analyse ways in which representation of women changed from partisans as revolutionary subjects to housewives and consumers in the late 1960's. This transformation is linked with sociopolitical changes in the Yugoslav context and the abandonment of women's emancipation as it was framed and adopted initially during and after WWII. Namely, the partisan struggle for the liberation from Nazi occupation, as well as the socialist revolution were two foundational myths of Socialist Yugoslavia. Women played an active role in this struggle, both as fighters and through their work behind the lines (as logistical support, spying, nursing, etc.). Likewise, equality between men and women was an important part the country's official ideology. These narratives were later memorialized through literature, cinema, music as well as comic books. In our work, we will explore five tropes of femininity in Yugoslav cinema: (1) the role of the partisan, (2) woman in the background, (3) collaborator, (4) worker and (5) housewife, in order to map out ways in which the representation of women between 1947 and the late 1960's corresponds to official emancipatory politics of the time and how these tropes related with everyday life in this period. Finally, this will lead to an analysis of cinema as a collection of stories Yugoslav women and men told themselves (and others) about themselves.1 This approach has the potential to indicate the antagonisms within the social context in which these films were produced, by highlighting the unattained ideals of freedom and emancipation. Simultaneously, the goal of this analysis is not to merely open up another space for a more complex exploration of the past, but also to reconsider the emancipatory potential this exploration offers us today.

In this paper the author presents and interprets two versions of Coppola's classic Apocalypse Now. The film ending air-strike is the difference between the two versions, the air-strike which disappeared in the latter versions. The author focuses on the "missing" scene and argues that it is fundamental for the coherent interpretation of the movie. He uses Arendt's interpretation of Conrad's Heart of Darkness on which Coppola's film is based and tries to show how Coppola's film unknowingly expresses the concept of radical evil. Kurelic also argues that Kurtz represents an evildoer which is neither demonic nor thoughtless, exactly the type missing in Arendt's confrontation between radical evil and banal evil. The author wants to show how the film made in 1979, which was mainly understood as the film about the Viet Nam war, actually unintentionally represents an apocalyptic warning that the wars based on the clash of cultures and civilizations can produce the same outcome as Arendt's totalitarianism -- radical evil. Adapted from the source document.

Radom se želi razumjeti velika popularnost filma Joker redatelja Toda Filipsa iz 2019. godine. Film i figura Jokera interpretirana je u okviru filozofije, odnosno estetike i politike resantimana. Rad nudi zaključak da film i figura Jokera ponavljaju osjećaj nejednakosti, kao jedno rašireno osjećanje u svijetu, između njegove estetizacije i politizacije. ; Mit der Arbeit will man die große Popularität des Films Joker von Tod Filips aus dem Jahr 2019 verstehen. Der Film und die Figur Joker wird im Rahmen der Philosophie, bzw. Ästhetik und Politik des Ressentiments interpretiert. Die Arbeit bietet den Schluss, dass der Film und die Figur Jokers das Gefühl der Ungleichheit als ein in der Welt verbreitetes Gefühl zwischen seiner Ästhetisierung und Politisierung wiederholen.

Cilj ovog rada jest analizirati povijesnu pozadinu trenutnih događanja poput kurdske borbe za neovisnost i jačanja feminističke misli, kao i kulturne te političke okolnosti koje su pokrenule niz događaja koji su na posljetku doveli do radikalne promjene u političkoj i društvenoj klimi današnje Sirije. U jeku građanskog rata, Kurdi su iskoristili priliku da započnu borbu za vlastiti suverenitet u sjevernoj Siriji, na kurdskom jeziku poznatoj kao Rojava. Budući da je utemeljena na nadasve progresivnoj ideji demokratskog konfederalizma, osmišljenoj od strane kurdskog nacionalističkog vođe i osnivača PKK-a (Kurdistanske radničke partije) Abdullaha Öcalana, revolucija u Rojavi često se smatra jednim od najvećih društvenih eksperimenata našega vremena. Iako već sama implementacija demokratskog konfederalizma može biti dovoljna kako bi se istaknula važnost ove revolucije u kontekstu današnjeg Bliskog istoka, procvat ženskih prava u Rojavi za trajanja revolucije od još je većeg značaja. Jedna od ključnih ideja Öcalanove filozofije, poznata kao Jineologija (znanost žena), ne postavlja ništa drugo do žene u sam centar revolucije. Promatrajući rad ženske vojske, tako zvane Jedinice ženske zaštite (YPJ) jasno je vidljivo da se spomenuta ideologija očituje u praksi, ne samo na bojištu, već i u svakodnevnom životu. U ovom radu nastojat ću dati pregled povijesnih okolnosti koje su dopustile iskru koja je zapalila vatru ženske revolucije u jednom od najpatrijarhalnijih društava i među jednom od najpotlačenijih manjina u današnjem svijetu te nadalje istražiti značaj sadašnje situacije u Rojavi. ; The following paper aims to analyze the historical background of the current happenings such as the Kurdish endeavors towards independence and the strengthening of feminist thought, as well as cultural and political circumstances which put into motion a series of events that ultimately lead to a radical change in the political and social climate of the present day Syria. In the midst of a civil war, the Kurdish people seized the opportunity to fight for their own sovereignty in northern Syria, or as it is known by the Kurds – Rojava. Rooted in the strongly progressive idea of Democratic Confederalism designed by a Kurdish nationalist leader and the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) founder Abdullah Öcalan, the Rojava Revolution is often deemed one of the greatest social experiments of our time. Even though the implementation of Democratic Confederalism may be in itself enough to highlight the importance of this revolution in the context of today's Middle East, what is of even greater significance is the blossoming of women's rights in Rojava. Another one of Öcalan's pivotal ideas, known as Jineology (the science of women) puts none other than women at the very center of the revolution. By observing the work of the all-female Women's Protection Units (YPJ) it is clearly evident that the aforementioned ideology manifests itself in practice, not only in the battlefield, but in everyday life as well. In this paper I will try to provide an overview of the historical circumstances that allowed for a spark that started the fire of the Women's Revolution within one of the most patriarchal societies and among one of the most repressed minorities in the world today and further examine the significance of the current situation in Rojava.

The changes in the social position of women in transitional countries is the consequence of the latest economic & political changes in the countries of Central & Eastern Europe. Croatians think that the social position of women today is worse than in the former regime; in this, women are more critical than men, particularly well-educated women, working outside the home (modernists). Those who believe that the position of women today is better than it used to comprise a smaller group; they believe that a woman's place is primarily in the home, that the church should have a decisive say in the position of women, that women are not born for politics, & that pro-choice attitudes should not be tolerated. Women should resolve their dissatisfaction with their lives & social position by choosing either the modern or the traditional variant, or a middle path, which has been suggested by the logic of the newly created living conditions. 8 Tables, 2 Graphs, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.