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The power of movies are believed to be able to change the perception of international public towards particular country. Movies then became a popular thing as part of a country's cultural diplomacy because of its huge influence nowadays. A number of countries put movies as part of their cultural diplomacy. Likewise with Europe, which began to use Europe on Screen (EoS) as part of its cultural diplomacy. However, the debate about cultural diplomacy appears to be related to the objectives of cultural diplomacy itself. Some academicians believe that diplomacy is always related to the political goals of the state, while others believe that cultural diplomacy must be distinguished from other diplomatic activities because the aim is merely to foster mutual understanding and harmony through the introduction of culture. This article was written to understand the concept of cultural diplomacy and to know whether a movie can be part of cultural diplomacy, especially activities organized by Europe on Screen. This article will be presented by tracing back what is meant by cultural diplomacy and how the practice of cultural diplomacy through movies by a number of countries. By referring to the conception of cultural diplomacy and the practice of using movies by a number of countries, this article puts Europe on Screen as part of cultural diplomacy not because of the movies itself but from the overall project activities of the EoS. ; The power of movies are believed to be able to change the perception of international public towards particular country. Movies then became a popular thing as part of a country's cultural diplomacy because of its huge influence nowadays. A number of countries put movies as part of their cultural diplomacy. Likewise with Europe, which began to use Europe on Screen (EoS) as part of its cultural diplomacy. However, the debate about cultural diplomacy appears to be related to the objectives of cultural diplomacy itself. Some academicians believe that diplomacy is always related to the political goals of the state, while others believe that cultural diplomacy must be distinguished from other diplomatic activities because the aim is merely to foster mutual understanding and harmony through the introduction of culture. This article was written to understand the concept of cultural diplomacy and to know whether a movie can be part of cultural diplomacy, especially activities organized by Europe on Screen. This article will be presented by tracing back what is meant by cultural diplomacy and how the practice of cultural diplomacy through movies by a number of countries. By referring to the conception of cultural diplomacy and the practice of using movies by a number of countries, this article puts Europe on Screen as part of cultural diplomacy not because of the movies itself but from the overall project activities of the EoS.

The article addresses the early years of film in iceland, where the goal is to deepen our knowledge of the main participants in introducing and promoting cinema in iceland at the turn of the 19th century. Two years spanning a three-year period mark the beginnings of the age of film in iceland. The former is 1901 when the Dutch filmmaker F. A. Nöggerath came to film iceland and icelanders for an English film company. The latter year is 1903, when the Norwegian, Rasmus Hallseth and the Swede David Fernander, traveled around the country to screen films for the first time in iceland. These two visits mark the emergence of cinema in iceland. iceland-ers had little prior knowledge of the new medium, which was getting to be widely known around the world, apart from the coverage of newspapers and stories of lucky icelanders who had experienced film screenings abroad. Shows using a predecessor of film, the magic lantern, were held by Sigfús Eymundsson and Þorlákur ó. Jo-hnson in the 19th century. After the introduction of films in 1903, several people put together funds to buy Hallseth's and Fernanders' equipment and began to exhibit films on their own. However, daily performances did not happen until Reykjavik Biograftheater (later ,,Gamla Bíó") was established in 1906. After several attempts by various parties to hold regular screenings in Reykjavik, one could say that cinema did not properly settle in iceland until the establishment of Nýja Bíó in 1913.

This essay offers a succinct but comprehensive overview of Icelandic cinema from its early 20th-century emergence to the present day. Split into two parts, the first half focusses on filmmaking in Iceland prior to the founding of the Icelandic Film Fund in 1978, which was to establish a continuous local film production for the first time. Prior to that filmmaking in Iceland boiled down to the occasional efforts of local amateurs, albeit often quite skilled ones, and professional filmmakers visiting from abroad. Indeed, the few silent feature films made in the country all stemmed from foreign filmmakers adapting Icelandic literature and taking advantage of its photogenic landscapes. The first Icelandic feature was not made until 1948 and although immensely popular, like those that followed in its wake, the national audience was simply too small to sustain filmmaking without financial support. Although this changed fundamentally with the Icelandic Film Fund, which instigated contemporary Icelandic cinema and the subject of the essay's second half, the Fund's support proved insufficient as the novelty of Icelandic cinema began to wear off at the local box office in the late 1980s. The rescue came from outside sources, in the form of nordic and European film funds, whose support was to transnationalize Icelandic cinema in terms of not only financing and production but also themes and subject material. These changes are most apparent in Icelandic cinema of the 1990s which also began to garner interest at the international film festival circuit. In the first decade of the twenty first century, however, American genre cinema began to replace the European art film as the typical model for Icelandic filmmakers. Hollywood itself also began to show extensive interest in Icelandic landscapes for its runaway productions, as did many other foreign film crews. In this way Icelandic cinema is increasingly characterized by not only national and transnational elements but also international ones.

The regulation of film exhibition in Iceland has closely shadowed the history of cinema exhibition itself. Although regulation practices have undergone various shifts and realignments throughout the twentieth century, they retained certain core concerns and a basic ideological imperative having to do with child protection and child welfare. Movies were thought to have a disproportionate impact on children, with "impressionable minds" often being invoked. Their interior lives and successful journey towards maturity were put at risk each and every time they encountered unsuitable filmic materials. Thus, while assuming that adults could fend for them-selves among the limited number of theaters in Reykjavík, children were a whole another matter and required protection. Civic bodies were consequently formed and empowered to evaluate and regulate films. But even in the context of fairly rigorous surveillance and codification, the turn taken by regulatory authorities in the 1980s strikes one as exceptional and unprecedented. The Film Certification Board (TFCB) was, for the first time, authorized to prohibit and suppress from distribution films deemed especially malignant and harmful. Motivating this vast expansion of the powers of the regulatory body were concerns about a variety of exploitation and horror films that were being distributed on video, films that were thought to transgress so erroneously in terms of on-screen violence that their mere existence posed a grave threat to children. Two years after finding its role so radical-ly enlarged, TFCB put together a list of 67 "video-nasties", to borrow a term from the very similar but later moral panic that occurred in Britain. Police raids were conducted and every video store in the country was visited in a nation-wide effort to remove the now illegal films from rental stores. This article posits that the icelandic nasties list can be viewed as something of a unique testament to the extent to which the meaning, aesthetic coherence and the affect of cultural objects is constructed in the process of reception, while also main-taining that the process of reception is thoroughly shaped by historical discourses, social class, embedded moral codes and a social system of values, as well as techno-logical progress. in what amounts to a perfect storm of moralizing, political games-manship and the sheer panic of a certain segment of the population, the governing institutions in iceland managed in the span of months to overturn constitutionally protected rights to free speech and privacy, as well as undermine central principles of the republic. Two decades would pass before these setbacks were recuperated, and then only on a legal and institutional level. While analyzing the history of the icelandic video nasties, the article also attempts to grapple with and articulate the symbolic register of the ban, how it speaks to the status of cinema in Iceland at the close of the twentieth century, and what ideological strains, morals and/or values were being put into play and funneled into this particular debate. Then, to close, the role of the most notorious of the nasties, Cannibal Holocaust (Ruggero Deodato, 1980), is examined in the context of media coverage and parliamentary debates at the time.

A haunted house can either be a monster or the habitat of monsters, or even both. These houses have a unique attraction and a variety of methods to catch their prey. The scariest haunted house in the film Rökkur by Erlingur Óttar Thoroddsen (2017) does not provide shelter from wind and weather as it is not made of wood, concrete or stone. The ghosts in Rökkur are lurking online instead. By using the premises of the horror genre, Erlingur focuses specifically on the dangers that young homosexual men can be facing today. Chat rooms and social media are like hunting grounds for the monsters stalking the main characters. The film also focuses on the staggering silence of survivors of sexual violence, as studies have indicated that male victims are less likely to report the crimes they have suffered.

Perempuan dalam konflik / Adinda Tenriangke Muchtar -- Perdamaian dari sudut pandang feminis / A.A. Sg. Dwinta Kuntaladara -- Perkosaan perempuan dalam konflik / Fitri Bintang Timur -- Migrasi internasional dan ketidaksetaraan global / Pande K. Trimayuni -- Peningkatan arus migrasi TKW-PRT ke PEA / Mita Yesyca -- Perkawinan dalam kajian ekopolin ilmu hubungan internasional / Andy Yentriyani -- Hak perempuan adalah hak asasi manusia, perjuangan di benua Afrika / Witania Larasati dan A.A. Sg. Dwinta Kuntaladara -- Konvensi perempuan, sebuah peluang menggugat ketidakadilan berbasis gender di Iran / Septi Shilawati.

Feminism point of view - as a modern deliberation of IXth century, coming from western is not a peculiar entity for eastern (read : Islam). The figure of Rasululloh SAW presents that Islam messenger has shown humanist characteristics for females particularly on behalf of wives and Islamic females in earlier era of Islam by respecting gender equality therefore the rights of politics, economy and social between males and females are regarded same, there are no discriminations just by the differences in sex and gender. Perspectives and morality characters shown by Rasululloh SAW to females in this writing is completed by performing explorations through historical and hadists texts concerning females around the Prophet and his best friends. Based on the analysis, it can be concluded that the Holy Prophet Muhammad SAW is a profile of Prophet having feminist, non discriminative, humanist and universal ways of thinking.

Húsið (1983) or The House, directed by Egill Eðvarðsson, was the first icelandic fea-ture-length horror film. it follows the tradition of the haunted house genre which was popular between the Seventies and Eighties. The haunted house is a graveyard of gothic secrets but also the place where buried secrets come alive. The haunted house is often a traumatic location or a manifestation of the trauma haunting its inhabitants' minds. Thus, the haunted house horror is usually first and foremost dealing with the horror within the brain of the inhabitants. This article explores how the haunted house in Húsið manifests the protagonist's trauma in terms of recent studies by the psychiatrists Bessel van der Kolk and Onno van der Hart.

The purpose of this study is to explain how ASEAN solved problems in stabilizing their territory. As we know the formation of ASEAN as a regional organization of Southeast Asia is to liberate countries in Southeast Asia from the influence of The Great Powers. This is in line with the realism that deeply bound within ASEAN. Ahead of the 15th anniversary of the formation of ASEAN, there was a major conflict between Vietnam and Cambodia, precisely in the 1970s. This is one of the catalysts that destabilize the ASEAN's stances to avoid various types of multilateral relations. The method used in this research is qualitative with historical analysis from various literatures. After successfully resolving the conflict, in 1994 ASEAN established ARF as a workplace to discuss security in Asia, in order to facilitate such conflicts to occur again. ARF members are not only ASEAN countries but also superpowers. This is contrary to the foundation of ASEAN itself. In essence it shows that realism is willing to subdue with liberalism.