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What is feminism today? Why are we pluralizing it more and more? Why do we talk about feminisms? These questions might seem elementary, or even superfluous, but they confer a certain sense to a conglomerate of debates and positions linked to the multiple dimensions of a worldwide political and filosophical formulation.

During the 1970s, Spanish comics began to reflect gender questioning as a consequence of the Spanish Feminist Movement that arose after the death of Francisco Franco. This gender questioning lead to several transformations in the female characters, until that moment mostly subaltern, passive and sexually objectified. In the first part, this article investigates the position of women in the comic before the Feminist Movement, focusing on Francoism and the Democratic Transition and revealing the cultural construction behind themes and stereotypes. Secondly, I consider the work of pioneer women authors who broke with misogynist stereotypes and were open to innovation both in terms of graphics and content. Research for this paper is based on the analysis of original comics, both published and unpublished illustrations, interviews and private archives. ; Durante los años setenta, el cómic español empieza a reflejar un cuestionamiento de género como consecuencia del movimiento feminista español que se había hecho visible después de la muerte de Francisco Franco. Este cuestionamiento de género determina una serie de transformaciones en el personaje femenino hasta entonces relegado a un rol subalterno, pasivo y como objeto sexual. El presente artículo investiga, en su primera parte, el papel de la mujer en el cómic antes de la eclosión del movimiento feminista, centrándose en el franquismo y en la Transición, estudiando la construcción cultural de sus tópicos y estereotipos. En su segunda parte se estudia la obra hecha por las dibujantes españolas que rompen los estereotipos machistas del cómic y abren a una innovación gráfica y de contenido. Para llevar a cabo esta investigación se han empleado revistas de cómics originales, ilustraciones ya publicadas y algunas inéditas, entrevistas y archivos privados.

Durante los años setenta, el cómic español empieza a reflejar un cuestionamiento de género como consecuencia del movimiento feminista español que se había hecho visible después de la muerte de Francisco Franco. Este cuestionamiento de género determina una serie de transformaciones en el personaje femenino hasta entonces relegado a un rol subalterno, pasivo y como objeto sexual. El presente artículo investiga, en su primera parte, el papel de la mujer en el cómic antes de la eclosión del movimiento feminista, centrándose en el franquismo y en la Transición, estudiando la construcción cultural de sus tópicos y estereotipos. En su segunda parte se estudia la obra hecha por las dibujantes españolas que rompen los estereotipos machistas del cómic y abren a una innovación gráfica y de contenido. Para llevar a cabo esta investigación se han empleado revistas de cómics originales, ilustraciones ya publicadas y algunas inéditas, entrevistas y archivos privados ; During the 1970s, Spanish comics began to reflect gender questioning as a consequence of the Spanish Feminist Movement that arose after the death of Francisco Franco. This gender questioning lead to several transformations in the female characters, until that moment mostly subaltern, passive and sexually objectified. In the first part, this article investigates the position of women in the comic before the Feminist Movement, focusing on Francoism and the Democratic Transition and revealing the cultural construction behind themes and stereotypes. Secondly, I consider the work of pioneer women authors who broke with misogynist stereotypes and were open to innovation both in terms of graphics and content. Research for this paper is based on the analysis of original comics, both published and unpublished illustrations, interviews and private archives

Cecilia Bartolomé´s Margarita y el lobo (1969) and Vámonos, Bárbara (1978) are key pieces of work that help us understand the resistance practices that were ongoing in the sixties and seventies against the Franco regime. Both pieces point out the complexity of gender relations and detail class relations and the power that some institutions, such as the Church, had on Spanish society as a whole and, particularly, on the lives of women. Margarita y el lobo and Vámonos, Bárbara were the starting points of a new brave filmography that influenced important aspects of the emancipation of women and they remain key references in order to understand the difficulties that female movements found during the Spanish dictatorship and during the early years of the Transition period. The aim of the article is to show how Cecilia Bartolomé fought for the emancipation of women and the democratization of the Spanish society in the last years of the Spanish Dictatorship and the first years of the Democracy through her films. In these years, the end of the sixties and beginning of the seventies, women's associations were timidly being formed, most of them in secret, and they were advocating for legislative and labor reforms in favor of women's rights. We can venture the hypothesis that Cecilia Bartolome was not oblivious to the profound changes taking place in Spanish society at the time and, therefore, her works were influenced by the feminist assumptions that were in vogue at the time.

Montiel, A. (2001). Film ideology (what weight!). The mattress. (39): 51-52. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/41972. ; 51 52 39 ; Montiel, A. (2001). Film ideology (what weight!). The mattress. (39): 51-52. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/41972. ; Importación Masiva ; Montiel, A. (2001). Film ideology (what weight!). The mattress. (39): 51-52. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/41972. ; Montiel, A. (2001). La ideología del film (¡qué pesadez!). La madriguera. (39):51-52. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/41972.

In this essay I propose a political-conceptual grammar, an interpretive framework to rethink the changing dynamics of what wenormally call "social movements," emphasizingfeminisms in movement and seeking to understand their recent expressions of / in protest. My reflections are mainly based on my immersion in activism and the feminist academy in Brazil, as well as in the longitudinal and virtual ethnographic work that I have been doing for several years on various feminisms, social movements, NGOs, activism networks, anti-globalizationmovements, and protests in the last decade in Brazil and other parts of LatinAmerica. ; En este ensayo propongo una gramática político-conceptual, un marco interpretativo para repensar las dinámicas cambiantes de lo que normalmente denominamos "movimientos sociales," haciendo énfasis en los feminismos en movimiento y buscando entender sus recientes expresiones de/en protesta. Mis reflexiones se basan principalmente en mi inmersión en el activismo y la academia feminista en Brasil, así como en el trabajo etnográfico longitudinal y virtual que vengo realizando hace varios años sobre diversos feminismos, movimientos sociales, ONGs, redes de activismo, movimientos antiglobalización, y protestas en la última década en Brasil y otras partes de América Latina.

The article analyzes film discourse, both informative and fiction, in the United States during the First World War. The article places "the division of films" in the framework of the complex campaign of institutional communication started by W. Wilson's government after the war declaration by analyzing "publicity" and "propaganda" strategies deployed by the Committee on Public Information, which was created ad hoc for the military campaign. On the one hand, the paper explores the film stories, both documentary and fiction, distribution apparatus in both the United States and the international markets, the administration policies and the involved agencies, especially in the international distribution. On the other hand, it examines the model of production concerning the contracts signing with film companies and the organization adopted by the Committee on Public Information to create its own productions and participate in joint projects with film companies. The paper places emphasis on the "theory" developed by the Committee on Public Information about script-writing and film staging, particulary on the case of documentary stories, which were based in a model, hybridized with fiction stories, in order to stimulate demand for "educational", "propaganda" film-making, to which the exhibitors initially showed signs of resistence. The paper also highlights, in overall terms, how iconical representation was categorized and, in particular, the assessment on the role silent cinema can play in the Committee's development of communicative strategies. In spite of the Comittee's avoidance of the "propaganda" category, as its own name shows, iconical representation was given "highest propaganda value" and was granted a place of privilege, particularly, in the international campaign's call to spread "the gospel of americanism" around the globe ; El artículo analiza el discurso cinematográfico norteamericano, informativo y de ficción, del periodo de la Primera Guerra Mundial. Inscribe el trabajo de "the division of films" en el marco de la compleja campaña de comunicación institucional desplegada por el gobierno de W. Wilson tras la declaración de guerra, analizando las estrategias "publicitarias" y "de propaganda" del Committee on Public Information, creado ad hoc para la campaña bélica. Se estudia, por una parte, el aparato de distribución de los relatos cinematográficos documentales y de ficción tanto en el mercado norteamericano como en el mercado internacional, las medidas administrativas y los organismos implicados, especialmente en la distribución internacional. Por otra, se estudia el modelo de producción tanto en lo relativo a los contratos firmados con las principales productoras norteamericanas como en lo relativo a la organización de la que se dotó el Committee on Public Information para realizar sus propias producciones y participar en proyectos de coproducción con las empresas cinematográficas. Se prestará especial atención a la "teoría" desarrollada por el Committee on Public Information, en lo relativo a la escritura del guión y en lo relativo a la puesta en escena de los films, sobre todo en el caso de los relatos documentales, para los que se habilitó un modelo, basado en su hibridación con los relatos de ficción, que perseguía estimular la demanda de un cine "educativo", de "propaganda", frente al que los exhibidores mostraron en un principio no pocas resistencias. El estudio prestará especial atención a la categorización de que es objeto la representación icónica, en términos generales, y, en particular, la valoración que se hace del papel que puede desempeñar el silent cinema en el desarrollo de las estragegias comunicativas del Committe on Public Information. A pesar de la prevención con que el Comité utiliza la categoría de "propaganda", como lo atestigua su propia denominación, a la representación icónica se le reconocerá el "máximo valor propagandístico", concediéndole lugar de privilegio, en especial, en la campaña internacional llamada a difundir por todo el planeta "the gospel of americanism".

In the article I present a reflection around the radical democratic project proposed by Chantal Mouffe & Ernesto Laclau. Specifically, I examine the application of the project in the context of the 'new social movements' & especially, of feminist movement. I state the need of drawing attention to universalism & essentialism as the main obstacles to generate a collective proposal without margins. Nevertheless, doubts remind about the possibility of building up a feminism tailored by the radical democratic project, in a stage in which the political action of such a movement is characterized by categories that are closed & crystallized.

In times of great feminist effervescence, the political claims of the movement are intermingled with the dangerous reappropriations that neoliberalism makes of its struggle nuclei. The tensions that appear in this context are many and varied, some obvious and some invisible, but all of them contribute to the torsion of feminism. This article will address some of the tensions that arise from the intersection between feminism and neoliberalism: from advertising as a possible feminist tool, to speeches on entrepreneurship and employment, through the design of public policies, and the commodification of female bodies. Some of the possible re-articulations and feminist political responses to this reality will be addressed, showing the great complexity of the challenges that feminisms face today. ; En un momento de gran efervescencia feminista, se entremezclan las reclamaciones políticas del movimiento con las peligrosas reapropiaciones que de sus núcleos de lucha hace el neoliberalismo. Las tensiones que se presentan en este contexto son muchas y variadas, algunas evidentes y otras invisibles, pero todas contribuyen a la torsión actual del feminismo. En el presente artículo se abordarán algunas de estas tensiones que nacen en la intersección entre feminismo y neoliberalismo: desde la publicidad como posible herramienta feminista hasta los discursos sobre el emprendimiento y el empleo, pasando por el diseño de políticas públicas, y la mercantilización de los cuerpos femeninos. También se abordarán algunas de las posibles rearticulaciones y respuestas políticas feministas ante esta realidad, mostrando la complejidad de los retos a los que tienen que hacer frente los feminismos hoy. ; Este trabajo se enmarca en el Proyecto de Investigación Científica y Desarrollo Tecnológico FFI2016- 76753-C2-2-P, financiado por el Ministerio Español de Economía y Competitividad y el Proyecto de Investigación Científica y Desarrollo Tecnológico del Plan de Promoción de la Investigación de la Universitat Jaume I para el año 2016 ...

Los autores exponen las bases fundamentales de lo que denominan como "el feminismo puta": reivindicación de la libertad y del derecho a realizar trabajo sexual, a llevar a cabo actos sexuales por interés económico; reconocimiento de la prostitución como un trabajo, con la protección estatal que ello conlleva; descriminalización de los intercambios de sexo por dinero; lucha contra la putofobia y contra cualquier forma de violencia en el ámbito del trabajo sexual; apropiación del insulto puta, para, así, anular su función estigmatizadora y poder estar orgullosas de ser putas; organización política y sindical de las trabajadoras del sexo; generación de una voz propia, de un discurso propio, por parte de las prostitutas. Además, los autores analizan críticamente los términos que se utilizan para hablar sobre la prostitución, y establecen un paralelismo entre la homofobia, la transfobia y la putofobia abolicionista. Muestran cómo esas formas de aversión hacia distintos colectivos comparten argumentaciones y prácticas (procedimientos de estigmatización, incriminación, exclusión, infantilización, confiscación de la palabra, negación de derechos, privación de libertades…) del mismo tipo. ; The authors expose the fundamental bases of what they call "whore feminism": vindication of freedom and the right to carry out sex work, to carry out sexual acts for economic interest; recognition of prostitution as a job, with the state protection that this entails; decriminalization of sex-for-money exchanges; fight against putophobia and against any form of violence in the field of sex work; appropriation of the slut insult, so as to cancel its stigmatizing function and be able to be proud of being sluts; union and political organization of sex workers; generation of their own voice, of their own discourse, by prostitutes. Furthermore, the authors critically analyze the terms used to speak about prostitution, and draw a parallel between homophobia, transphobia and abolitionist putophobia. They show how these forms of aversion towards different groups share arguments and practices (procedures of stigmatization, incrimination, exclusion, infantilization, confiscation of the word, denial of rights, deprivation of liberties .) of the same type. ; Grupo de investigación Antropología y Filosofía (SEJ-126). Universidad de Granada. Departamento de Antropología, Geografía e Historia. Universidad de Jaén. Departamento de Filosofía II. Universidad de Granada.

Europe's leading film-producing countries are France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the United Kingdom. They were all hit by the global economic crisis, which had a particularly severe impact on Europe in 2010–2012. The consequences of this crisis for film policies and the film industry are understudied. Spain is a unique case for this study because it had to ask the European Union for a financial assistance programme. What changes were made to State film policies as a result of the crisis? How did those changes reflect on the feature film production? This article aims to answer these questions. The method used includes an analysis of film-industry policy documents and official data, and in-depth interviews. The period studied is 2007–2017. The results refer to topics such as State aid for film production; tax incentives; value-added tax (VAT); the obligation to provide advance funding for European audiovisual production, and the number, genre, and mean cost of the feature films produced.

The purpose of this article is to address the modernization process of public administration in Portugal from the 1950s to 1970s, a period largely characterised by policies created and implemented by Salazar as President of the Council of Ministers, during 36 years of government (1932-1968). This paper is based on empirical evidence collected from various sources and written from the perspective of a practitioner. It derives from the professional experience of the author, who from 1970 onwards was personally involved in public management, policy formulation and implementation.