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Purpose. Critical attitudes towards same-sex sexual behaviour are common in various cultural domains. Such attitudes vary significantly – from legal counteractions to prevent changes in marriage and adoption legislation to cases of violence against homosexual individuals. Regardless of its forms and origins such attitudes are frequently referred to as "homophobia" in scientific and popular science literature. From the other side, this term raises questions about adequacy, accuracy and objectivity. The aim of the present study is to analyze (a) the origins of the term «homophobia»; (b) the adequacy of its application; (c) the political motives for the application; (d) concepts that describe the biological causes of critical attitudes towards same-sex sexual activity.Methodology. The basis of the research is the phenomenological, descriptive and comparative methods, and the principle of systematization and synthesis of theoretical and practical research dataResults. The term "homophobia" arose in the early 1970s among the homophile movement of the United States. Applied use of the term «homophobia» is biased due to several fundamental reasons. The use of the term «homophobia» in public rhetoric is prejudiced and political in nature. There are different models explaining the reasons for the critical perception of same-sex sexual behavior, the least discussed model of behavioral immune system is of particular interest. The use of the term "homophobia" to designate the entire spectrum of critical attitudes towards same-sex sexual activity in scientific literature has no objective justification and therefore is incorrect. In addition, the use of the term «homophobia» blurs the line between conscious critical attitudes based on beliefs and manifestation of aggression, and shifts the associative perception towards aggression and psychopathology. For use in the national Russian scientific literature, in studies devoted to wide spectrum of negative societal perception of same-sex sexual activity, the terms "critical attitudes", "negativism" or "skepticism" are proposed to completely replace the term «homophobia».Practical implications. The results of the research can be applied in the socio-political discourse aimed at protecting and developing basic moral and social values. ; Цель. Среди значительной части общества наблюдается критическое отношение к однополой сексуальной активности, степень выражения которого варьирует от поддержки юридического противодействия попыткам изменить институт брака с целью включить в него однополые партнёрства до единичных случаев насилия в отношении представителей гомосексуального сообщества. Подобное критическое отношение, в независимости от степени его проявления и причин, иногда обозначается как т.н. «гомофобия». С другой стороны, употребление подобного термина вызывает вопросы по поводу адекватности, точности и непредвзятости. Целью данного исследования является анализ (а) происхождения термина «гомофобия»; (б) адекватности его прикладного использования; (в) политических мотивов применения; (г) концепций, описывающих биологические причины критического отношения к однополой активности.Метод и методология работы. Основу исследования образуют феноменологический, описательный (дескриптивный) и сравнительный (компаративистский) методы, а также принцип систематизации и обобщения данных теоретических и практических исследований.Результаты. Термин «гомофобия» возник в начале 1970-х гг. в среде гомосексуального движения Соединённых Штатов. Прикладное использование термина «гомофобия» является необъективным по нескольким фундаментальным причинам. Употребление термина «гомофобия» в общественной риторике носит предвзятый, политический характер. Существуют различные модели, объясняющие причины критического восприятия однополого поведения, интерес представляет собой модель поведенческой иммунной системы. Использование термина «гомофобия» в научной деятельности для обозначения всего спектра критического отношения к однополой активности не имеет научного обоснования и является некорректным. Кроме того, использование термина «гомофобия» размывает грань между сознательным критическим отношением к гомосексуализму, основанном на убеждениях, и формами проявления агрессии, смещая ассоциативное восприятие в сторону агрессии и психопатологии. Для использования в отечественной научной литературе, посвященной изучению данного вопроса предлагаются термины «критическое отношение», «негативизм» или «скептицизм».Область применения результатов. Результаты исследования могут быть применены в общественно-политическом дискурсе, направленном на защиту и развитие базовых нравственных и социальных ценностей.

Sivil toplumun ortaya çıkması, devlet alanını etkilemesi, sivil alanda belirlenen ihtiyaçların devletin düzenlemelerinde kendini bulabilmesi uzun ve karmaşık bir tarihsel sürecin ürünüdür. Tarihsel süreç içinde toplumsal sorunların değişmesi devlet ile sivil toplum arasındaki ilişkide tarafların rollerinin de farklılaşmasına yol açmıştır. Özellikle ilk çağlardan itibaren ticaret ile uğraşan kesim, devlet politikalarının sınırlandırıcı olması nedeni ile giderek devlet yönetimini eleştirmeye başlamış ve devletin yetkilerinin sınırlandırılması gerektiğini savunmuştur. Tüm bu gelişmeler ve küreselleşme süreci ile birlikte devlet ve sivil toplum ilişkileri dönüşüm geçirmiş ve sivil toplum örgütleri ile devlet yönetimleri denetim altına alınmak istenmiştir. 1970'li yıllardan sonra iletişim ve teknoloji alanındaki gelişmeler ile birlikte dünya sınırların kalktığı küresel köy halini almıştır. 1990'lı yıllarda Sovyetler Birliği'nin dağılması ile birlikte ulus devlet anlayışı giderek zayıflamış, neo-liberal politikalar işlerlik kazanmış ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarının sayısı giderek artmıştır. Bu gelişmeler yönetim anlayışını da etkilemiş ve yönetimden, katılımcılığın esas alındığı çok aktörlü yönetişime geçiş başlamıştır. Bu noktada üçüncü sektör olarak devlet ve özel sektör arasında köprü görevi alan sivil toplum kuruluşları hemen hemen her alanda aktif rol oynamaya ve önemli bir aktör olmaya başlamıştır. Dünyada Sanayi Devrimi sonrasında çevre sorunlarının giderek artması, bu sorunlarla mücadele etme gereğini beraberinde getirmiştir. Sanayi Devrimi'nin yarattığı olumsuz etkilere tepki olarak, ilk çevre hareketleri 19. yüzyılda korumacı hareketler olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. 1971 yılında, dünyanın çevre suçlarıyla mücadele eden en büyük sivil toplum örgütü olan Greenpeace kurulmuştur. Bu çalışmada sivil toplum ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarının geçirmiş olduğu değişim ortaya konularak, gelişen teknoloji ve küreselleşmenin de etkisi ile artan çevre sorunları karşısında Greenpeace'in faaliyetleri ele alınacaktır. ; The emergence of civil society, its impact on the state, the inclusion of their needs in the state's regulations are the outcomes of a long and complex historical process. In the historical process, the changing social problems lead to the diversification of roles between the state and the civil society. Especially, from the earliest times, the dealing with trade has begun to criticize the state administration with the grounds that state policies are restrictive and argues that the authorities of the state should be limited. Along with all these developments and globalization process, state and civil society relations have transformed and civil society organizations and state governments have been under control After the 1970s, with the developments in communication and technology, the world became a global village where the borders are left. With the disintegration of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, the understanding of the nation-state became weaker, the neoliberal policies became operative and the number of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) increased steadily. These developments also affected the management approach and the transition from management to multi-actor governance on which participation was based. At this point, NGOs which act as a bridge between the state and the private sector as the third sector, play an active role in almost every field and become an important actor. After Industrialization Revolution in the world, the increase of environmental problems has brought the necessity of struggling with these problems. In reaction to negative effects of Industrialization Revolution, the first environmentalist movements have emerged in 19th century as protectionist movements. In year 1971, Greenpeace, the largest NGO of the world struggling with environmental crimes, has been established. In this study, Greenpeace's activities will be dealt with in the face of increasing environmental problems caused by the impact of developing technology and globalization, by revealing the change that civil society and non-governmental organizations have undergone.

Sivil toplumun ortaya çıkması, devlet alanını etkilemesi, sivil alanda belirlenen ihtiyaçların devletin düzenlemelerinde kendini bulabilmesi uzun ve karmaşık bir tarihsel sürecin ürünüdür. Tarihsel süreç içinde toplumsal sorunların değişmesi devlet ile sivil toplum arasındaki ilişkide tarafların rollerinin de farklılaşmasına yol açmıştır. Özellikle ilk çağlardan itibaren ticaret ile uğraşan kesim, devlet politikalarının sınırlandırıcı olması nedeni ile giderek devlet yönetimini eleştirmeye başlamış ve devletin yetkilerinin sınırlandırılması gerektiğini savunmuştur. Tüm bu gelişmeler ve küreselleşme süreci ile birlikte devlet ve sivil toplum ilişkileri dönüşüm geçirmiş ve sivil toplum örgütleri ile devlet yönetimleri denetim altına alınmak istenmiştir. 1970'li yıllardan sonra iletişim ve teknoloji alanındaki gelişmeler ile birlikte dünya sınırların kalktığı küresel köy halini almıştır. 1990'lı yıllarda Sovyetler Birliği'nin dağılması ile birlikte ulus devlet anlayışı giderek zayıflamış, neo-liberal politikalar işlerlik kazanmış ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarının sayısı giderek artmıştır. Bu gelişmeler yönetim anlayışını da etkilemiş ve yönetimden, katılımcılığın esas alındığı çok aktörlü yönetişime geçiş başlamıştır. Bu noktada üçüncü sektör olarak devlet ve özel sektör arasında köprü görevi alan sivil toplum kuruluşları hemen hemen her alanda aktif rol oynamaya ve önemli bir aktör olmaya başlamıştır. Dünyada Sanayi Devrimi sonrasında çevre sorunlarının giderek artması, bu sorunlarla mücadele etme gereğini beraberinde getirmiştir. Sanayi Devrimi'nin yarattığı olumsuz etkilere tepki olarak, ilk çevre hareketleri 19. yüzyılda korumacı hareketler olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. 1971 yılında, dünyanın çevre suçlarıyla mücadele eden en büyük sivil toplum örgütü olan Greenpeace kurulmuştur. Bu çalışmada sivil toplum ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarının geçirmiş olduğu değişim ortaya konularak, gelişen teknoloji ve küreselleşmenin de etkisi ile artan çevre sorunları karşısında Greenpeace'in faaliyetleri ele alınacaktır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Sivil Toplum, Küreselleşme, Sivil Toplum Örgütleri, Çevre Sorunları, Greenpeace ; The emergence of civil society, its impact on the state, the inclusion of their needs in the state's regulations are the outcomes of a long and complex historical process. In the historical process, the changing social problems lead to the diversification of roles between the state and the civil society. Especially, from the earliest times, the dealing with trade has begun to criticize the state administration with the grounds that state policies are restrictive and argues that the authorities of the state should be limited. Along with all these developments and globalization process, state and civil society relations have transformed and civil society organizations and state governments have been under control After the 1970s, with the developments in communication and technology, the world became a global village where the borders are left. With the disintegration of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, the understanding of the nation-state became weaker, the neoliberal policies became operative and the number of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) increased steadily. These developments also affected the management approach and the transition from management to multi-actor governance on which participation was based. At this point, NGOs which act as a bridge between the state and the private sector as the third sector, play an active role in almost every field and become an important actor. After Industrialization Revolution in the world, the increase of environmental problems has brought the necessity of struggling with these problems. In reaction to negative effects of Industrialization Revolution, the first environmentalist movements have emerged in 19th century as protectionist movements. In year 1971, Greenpeace, the largest NGO of the world struggling with environmental crimes, has been established. In this study, Greenpeace's activities will be dealt with in the face of increasing environmental problems caused by the impact of developing technology and globalization, by revealing the change that civil society and non-governmental organizations have undergone Key Words: Civil society, globalization, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), environmental problems, Greenpeace

Türkiye, Cumhuriyet tarihinin en yoğun zorunlu göç dalgasını 2011 yılından bu yana süren Suriye Savaşı ile yaşamaktadır. Suriye vatandaşlarının geçici koruma statüsü altında Türkiye toplumuna her açıdan entegrasyonları günümüzün ve geleceğin politika öncelikleri arasında düşünülmelidir. Öte yandan ülkeye kabul edilen sığınmacıların kendi kültürel kimliğini kaybetmeden içinde yaşadığı ev sahibi topluma uyumu, ortak yaşam kültürünün gelişmesi açısından önem arz etmektedir. Bu makalede, "misafir" olarak kabul edilen Suriyeli vatandaşların Türk toplumunca kabul edilmeleri ve dışlanma risklerinin azaltılmasına yönelik devlet politikaları ortaya konularak, üye ve aday ülkelere göçmenlerin dışlanmasını önlemek için Avrupa Birliği (AB) tarafından sunulan hukuki yapı ve kamu hizmeti inisiyatifleri incelenmekte, birlikte yaşam kültürü çerçevesinde Suriyeli vatandaşlara yönelik toplumsal kabul düzeyleri ele alınmaktadır. Çalışma iki ana bölümden oluşmaktadır: göçmen ve sığınmacılara karşı toplumsal dışlanmayı engellemek için benimsenen yasa ve uygulamaların etkisi ve İstanbul-Sultanbeyli bölgesinde Suriyeli sığınmacılarla ilgili toplumsal algı çalışmasının sonuçları. Bölgede ikamet eden Suriyelilere yönelik toplumsal kabul düzeyinin yüksek olduğu görülürken, halkın Suriyelileri kendilerine kültürel ve dini olarak yakın hissetmesi toplumsal kabul düzeyini olumlu etkilemektedir. ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHAn evaluation of the European Union and Turkish policies regarding the culture of living togetherThis article aims to determine the level of social acceptance towards Syrians within the context of cohabitation culture by evaluating EU's legal structure and public service initiatives in order to prevent Syrian refugees from being excluded in member and candidate countries and by revealing government policies on acceptance of Syrians as "guest" by Turkish society and minimizing the exclusion risks of them. This article consists of two main parts, one of which is based on the effects of law and practices preventing refugees and asylum seekers from social exclusion, and the other is on the results of social perception on Syrians in Sultanbeyli district of Istanbul. At the end of 5-years taking in Syrian War, it is obvious that most of more than 3 million Syrian with unregistered ones in Turkey are "here to stay". From this point of view, the primary scope of policies should be specified in order to remove side effects of refugee phenomenon seen as weighty matter by bottoming out the exclusion towards those people. To avoid possible large-scale conflicts or civil wars in the future, the struggle with exclusion phenomenon plays a crucial role regarding Turkey's sociological situation and developing policies. In the meaning of forming a model for Turkey, a subtitle in this article is about public services for European-wide legal acquis and practices carried out since 1970s in order to prevent any exclusion from the society. On the other hand, other subtitles are about legal infrastructure and practices like Common European Asylum and Immigration Policies presented in 2005, and Law on Foreigners and International Protection introduced in 2013. In the last part of the article, the results of a field survey carried out in a district of Istanbul were used to analyze the exclusion towards refugees in Turkey. A face-to-face survey was randomly conducted with 200 settled refugees in Sultanbeyli district of Istanbul, and their perceptions towards Syrian people under temporary protection were evaluated. According to the results, the level of acceptance for Syrians living in this district seems relatively high. The fact that Turkish people living in the same district feel close to Syrian refugees culturally and religiously affect their perception in a positive way: however, it is strikingly seen and understood that local residents cop an attitude on the refugees' becoming Turkish citizens.

In the 1990s, Australia set up a ten-year policy of reconciliation aiming at developing a better relationship between Indigenous people and the wider Australian community. This policy was based on the recognition of the enduring dichotomy between both communities despite an increasing acknowledgement of the place of Indigenous people in Australia since the 1970s. The complex relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians – and especially 'white' Anglo-Celtic Australians – is the result of the process of colonisation, of the subsequent policies designed to control Indigenous people, and of the historical domination of 'white' Australia over Indigenous people. As a result of discriminatory policies, many Indigenous families decided to hide their heritage and 'passed' into 'white' society. Many mixed-race and fair-skinned children were taken from their families and lost their connection with their Indigenous relatives. Today, an increasing number of Australians choose to identify as Indigenous and to reclaim a heritage they were deprived of. But although having Indigenous heritage is no longer regarded as shameful, the road back to Indigeneity can be a difficult one. This study is the analysis of the identity journeys of eleven Australians who were raised in a 'white', Anglo-Celtic Australian culture and who have Indigenous heritage. Their perceptions of Indigeneity are analysed to reveal the dominance of 'white' discourses about Indigeneity in today's Australia, but also the presence of restricting essentialist discourses now used by the Indigenous community to keep control over the definition of Indigenous identity. The analysis of the oppositional relationship between Indigenous and 'white' Australians in contemporary Australia reveals the difficulty of embracing both 'white' and 'black' heritages and of claiming multiple identities. ; Dans les années 1990, l'Australie met en place une politique de réconciliation s'étalant sur dix ans et visant à développer une meilleure relation entre Australiens aborigènes et non-aborigènes. Cette politique est fondée sur la reconnaissance de l'existence continue de tensions entre les deux communautés, et ce malgré une plus grande reconnaissance de la place des Aborigènes en Australie depuis les années 1970. La relation complexe entre Australiens aborigènes et non-aborigènes – en particulier "blancs" et dont les origines sont anglo-celtes – est le résultat du processus de colonisation, des politiques ultérieures conçues pour contrôler la population aborigène, et de la domination des Aborigènes par l'Australie "blanche" au cours de l'histoire. Du fait des politiques discriminatoires, de nombreuses familles aborigènes décidèrent de cacher leurs origines et de se faire passer pour blanches. De nombreux enfants métisses à la peau claire furent enlevés à leurs familles et perdirent leurs liens avec leurs familles aborigènes. Aujourd'hui, un nombre grandissant d'Australiens choisissent de revendiquer leur identité Aborigène et de reprendre possession d'un héritage dont ils ont été privés. Mais si avoir des origines aborigènes n'est plus source de honte, en revanche, le chemin à parcourir pour retrouver son identité aborigène peut être difficile. Cette étude analyse les parcours identitaires de onze Australiens élevés dans une culture "blanche" anglo-celte et qui ont des origines aborigènes. L'analyse de leurs perceptions de l'identité aborigène révèle la prédominance des discours "blancs" sur les Aborigènes en Australie aujourd'hui, mais aussi la présence de discours essentialistes restreignant la définition de l'identité aborigène, et maintenant utilisés par la communauté aborigène afin de contrôler cette définition. L'analyse de la relation d'opposition entre Aborigènes et Australiens "blancs" dans l'Australie contemporaine révèle la difficulté à revendiquer à la fois des origines "blanches" et "noires", ainsi que des identités multiples.

In previous research we were dealing with the national interest as an analytical concept, where we gave a detailed review of different relevant authors' perspectives about the concept of national interest, and provided with suggestions for the analysis of the national interests of the Republic of Serbia, through analysis of the National Security Strategy, analysis of keynote addresses of Prime Minister nominees, and analysis of statements from official Government representatives. We also gave a review of two most common tools for analysis of national interests – matrices developed by Joseph Frankel and Donald E. Nuechterlein in 1970s, and we focused on Nuechterlein's division of national interest by two criteria. The first one identifies basic interests of one state (defense, economy, world order, and ideology), and the second one identifies the intensity of the former (existential, vital, major, and peripheral). In this paper, we analyzed the national interest of the Republic of Serbia in a manner stated through keynote addresses (Government programmes) of Prime Minister Nominees from 2071 to 2017, which included eight Programmes overall. The main objective of this paper was to test the cognitive potential of the national interest, with the basic hypothesis that the national interest of small states is linked with the so-called "hard core of national interest" as implied by the Realists (Morgenthau), which is related to the issues of survival. First we gave a review of the thematization of small states in Realist literature, where we recognized the key period when small states became a focus of research for several theorists (Robert Rothstein, Annette B. Fox, Robert O. Keohane, Peter R. Baehr, Miriam F. Elman, and Kenneth Waltz). Then we gave a brief recapitulation of the importance of national interest as an analytical concept, with an end view of Frankel's and Nuechterlein's contribution to the development of its analytical potential. We have chosen the Nuechterlein's matrix, so that our scope for analysis was the Adjusted Nuechterlein's matrix – the world order interests for great powers were reduced to the level of regions for small states. In case of Serbia, it is the "Western Balkans" and Europe. The Adjusted Nuechterlein matrix was then applied to operationalized structure of these addresses (Programmes). We conducted the qualitative analysis of the Keynote addresses' content, firstly through the list of priorities given, then through the analysis of how the author of the Programme labeled specific issue ("of high priority", "of utmost importance", etc.), and lastly, in what context the expression "national interest" have been used. In the analysis of the national interest of the Republic of Serbia through Government programmes, we considered the following conditions: the state strength through small states concept in International Relations theories, and the specificities of the Republic of Serbia in relation to immediate ("Western Balkans") and wider (European) environment. Our findings showed us that there are two regularly mentioned priorities of the highest intensity (existential interests): Kosovo and Metohija, and the process of accession to the European Union, with a few more priorities only once mentioned as the highest ones – demographical issue and energy security. Combined existential and vital included the fight against organized crime and corruption, economic recovery, and the improvement of relations with neighboring countries. Our conclusion is that existential interests are primarily focused on values related to survival, which is in accordance with the Realist "hard core of international relations".

In the past 15 years, a large amount of public-domain lidar data has been collected over the Southeastern United States. Most of these acquisitions were undertaken by government agencies, primarily for non-forestry purposes. That is, they were collected mostly to aid in the creation of digital terrain models and to support hydrological and engineering assessments. Such data is not ideal for forestry purposes mainly due to the low pulse density per square meter, the high scan angles and low swath overlaps associated with these acquisitions. Nevertheless, the large area of coverage involved motivated this work. In this dissertation, I first look at how such lidar data (from non-forestry acquisitions) can be combined with National Forest Inventory tree height data to generate a large-area canopy height model. A simple linear regression model was developed using two lidar-based metrics as predictors: the 85th percentile of heights of canopy first returns and the coefficient of variation of the heights of canopy first returns. This model had good predictive ability over 76 disparate lidar projects, covering an area of approximately 297,000 square kilometers between them. Factors leading to the residual lack-of-fit of the model were also analyzed and quantified. For example, predictive ability was found to be better for softwood forests, forests with more homogeneous vegetation structure and for terrains with gentler slopes. Given that as much as 30% of the US is covered by public domain non-forestry lidar acquisitions, this is a first step for constructing a national wall-to-wall vertical vegetation structure map, which can then be used to ask important questions regarding forest inventories, carbon sequestration, wildlife habitat suitability and fire risk mitigation. Then, I examined whether such lidar data could be further used to predict understory shrub presence over disparate forest types. The predictability of classification model was low (accuracy = 62%, kappa = 0.23). Canopy occlusion factors and the heterogeneity of the understory layer were implicated as the main reasons for this poor performance. An analysis of the metrics chosen by the modeling framework highlighted the importance of non-understory metrics (metrics related to canopy openness and topographic aspect) in influencing shrub presence. As the proposed set of metrics were developed over a wide range of temperate forest types and topographic conditions of Southeastern US, it is expected that it will be useful for more localized future studies. Lastly, I explored the possibility of combining lidar-derived canopy height maps with Landsat-derived stand-age maps to predict plantation pine site index over large areas (site index is a measure of forest productivity). The model performance was assessed using a Monte Carlo technique (RMSE = 3.8 meters, relative RMSE = 19%). A sample site index map for large areas of Virginia and South Carolina was generated (map coverage area: 832 sq. km) and implications were discussed. Analysis of the resulting map revealed the following: (1) there is an increase in site index in most areas, compared to the 1970s, and (2) approximately 83% of the area surveyed had low levels of productivity (defined as site index < 22.0 meters for base age of 25 years). This work highlights the efficacy of combining lidar-based canopy height maps with other similar remote sensing based datasets to understand aspects of forest productivity over large areas, and to help make policy-relevant recommendations. ; Ph. D.

Статья посвящена анализу электорального поведения населения Республики Бурятия и Забайкальского края в рамках рационально-инструментального подхода. Особое внимание уделяется пониманию сущности рационально-инструментального подхода в изучении электорального поведения, влиянию данного подхода на формирование электоральных предпочтений населения исследуемых регионов. Рациональноинструментальный подход базируется на теориях и подходах, которые появились на рубеже 1960-1970-х гг. В первую очередь авторы обращаются к наиболее популярным у социологов подходам к интерпретации рационально-инструментального подхода, представленным в работах таких социологов, как Э. Даунс, М. Флорина, Х. Химмельвейт и др. Рассмотрены две оси голосования эгоцентричное-социотропное и ретроспективное-перспективное. В результате модернизации общества, высоких темпов урбанизации, индустриализации, миграционных, идеологических и других ассимиляционных региональных процессов в Республике Бурятия и Забайкальском крае усилились тенденции снижения уровня избирательной активности населения. Это проявляется в снижении стремления населения проявить свою гражданскую позицию на очередных выборах, что оказывает значительное влияние на изменение и трансформацию политической ситуации в исследуемых регионах. Анализируются электоральные предпочтения населения Республики Бурятия и Забайкальского края. В 2016 г. проведены социологические исследования: «Рационально-инструментальный подход в анализе электорального поведения населения Республики Бурятия» и «Социологический анализ предвыборной ситуации в Забайкальском крае». В основе социологического исследования электорального поведения населения исследуемых регионов заложен бихевиористский подход, сформированный Дж. Хомансом, Дж. Уотсоном, и перенесенный на электоральную составляющую П. Лазарсфельдом, Б. Берельсоном. Бихевиористский метод позволил изучить электоральное поведение граждан, так как в основе политического поведения личности лежит мотив, побудивший его к действию. При помощи бихевиористского подхода структурируется электоральное поведение. В качестве основного метода, с помощью которого исследовалось электоральное поведение населения Республики Бурятия и Забайкальского края, является анкетный опрос ; This article analyzes the electoral behavior of the population in Buryatia and Zabaykalsky Kray in the framework of rational-instrumental approach. Particular attention is paid to understanding the essence of the rational-instrumental approach in studying electoral behavior, the impact of this approach on the formation of electoral preferences of the population in Buryatia and Zabaykalsky Kray. The rationalinstrumental approach is based on the theories and approaches that emerged at the turn of the 1960s and 1970s. First of all the authors refer to the most popular among sociologists approach to the interpretation of the rational-instrumental approach, which is presented in the works of sociologists such as the E. Downs, M. Fiorina, Himmelweit H. and others. There are two axes of voting egocentric-sociotropic and retrospective-perspective. As a result of modernization of the society, high rates of urbanization, industrialization, migration, ideological and other assimilation regional processes in the Republic of Buryatia and Zabaykalsky Kray, tendencies in reducing the level of electoral activity of the population have intensified. This is manifested in a decrease in the population's desire to demonstrate their civic position in the next election, which has a significant impact on the changing and transforming of the political situation in the regions studied. The article analyzes the electoral preferences of the population in Buryatia and Zabaykalsky Kray. In 2016, the sociological research was conducted: «Rational-instrumental approach in the analysis of electoral behavior of the population of the Republic of Buryatia» and «Sociological analysis of the pre-election situation in the Zabaykalsky Kray». The basis for the sociological study of the electoral behavior of the population of the regions studied is the be-haviorist approach, formed by J. Homans, J. Watson and transferred to the electoral component by P. Larsfeld, B. Berelson. Behavioral method has allowed to study the electoral behavior of citizens, because the basis of the political behavior of the individual is the motive that led him to action. With the help of the behaviourist approach, electoral behavior is structured. As the main method by which the electoral behavior of the population of the Republic of Buryatia and the Zabaykalsky Kray was investigated is the questionnaire survey method

[EN] This paper analyses the psychiatric content of the novel Los Renglones Torcidos de Dios [The Twisted Lines of God] (1979), by Torcuato Luca de Tena, so as to assess in what way this was capable of reflecting the reality of care in 1970s Spain, within a context of deep cultural changes concerning the concept of madness. The novel reflects a conservative position of resistance and criticizes new developments (psychoanalysis, the anti-psychiatric movement) brought about by a new 'psy culture' in Spain during its transition to democracy. ; [ES] El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar los contenidos psiquiátricos de la novela de Torcuato Luca de Tena Los renglones torcidos de Dios (1979), con el fin de valorar de qué manera esta obra de ficción fue capaz de reflejar la realidad asistencial en la España de los años setenta en un contexto de profundos cambios culturales en torno a la locura. La novela refleja una posición conservadora de resistencia y critica a las novedades (el psicoanálisis, el movimiento antipsiquiátrico) que estaban propiciando un cambio de la "cultura psi" en la España de la Transición democrática. [PT] O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar os conteúdos psiquiátricos do romance Los renglones torcidos de Dios [As linhas tortas de Deus] (1979), de Torcuato Luca de Tena, a fim de avaliar de que forma essa obra de ficção foi capaz de espelhar a realidade assistencial na Espanha dos anos 1970 em um contexto de profundas transformações culturais no âmbito da loucura. O romance reflete uma posição conservadora de resistência e critica as novidades (a psicanálise, o movimento antipsiquiátrico) que estavam a propiciar uma nova "cultura psi" na Espanha da transição democrática. [FR] L'article qui suit vise à analyser les contenus psychiatriques du roman de Torcuato Luca de Tena Los renglones torcidos de Dios [Les lignes tordues de Dieu] (1979) afin d'analyser de quelle façon cet ouvrage de fiction réussit à rapporter la réalité des services psychiatriques dans l'Espagne des années 1970, dans un contexte de profonds changements culturels dans le domaine de la folie. Le roman dénonce une position conservatrice de résistance et critique par rapport aux nouveautés (la pschanalyse, le mouvement antipsychiatrique) qui encourageaient une nouvelle «culture psy » en Espagne pendant la transition démocratique. [DE] Das Ziel dieser Arbeit besteht darin, die psychiatrischen Inhalte des 1979 von Torcuato Luca de Tena geschriebenen Romans Los renglones torcidos de Dios (Die schiefen Zeilen Gottes) zu analysieren, um zu beurteilen inwiefern es diesem Roman gelungen ist, die Situation des spanischen Gesundheitswesens in den siebziger Jahren widerzuspiegeln, dass zu dieser Zeit bedeutende kulturelle Veränderungen bezüglich des Wahnsinns erfuhr. Der Roman vertritt eine konservative Widerstandshaltung und kritisiert die Neuerungen (Psychoanalyse, Antipsychiatrie-Bewegung), welche die sogenannte "Psy-Kultur" während der demokratischen Transition in Spanien förderten. [JA] 本文分析了西班牙作家 Torcuato Luca de Tena 的小说《上帝的笔误》(Los renglones torcidos de Dios) (1979)中的精神分析的描述。该小说在精神病理念发生深度文化变革的背景之下,如实反映 20 世纪 70 年代西班牙的医疗护理现实。小说以一种保守的立场,抵制和批评民主过渡时期西班牙新的"精神分析文化"带来的新变化(心理分析法、反精神分析运动)。 ; Este trabajo ha sido realizado en el marco del Proyecto de investigación "Psiquiatría y cambio social en España. 1960-1985" (HAR2015-66374-R) financiado por Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (MINECO) de España y el Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER)

After the Cuban Revolution in 1959, Latin America became a crucial point of the "Cold War for the ideas", generating a growing interest of both United States and Soviet Union. Concerning USSR, social transformation of Cuba encouraged the Kremlin to have an attentive eye on the Caribbean island, a country that will become, after a phase of divergences (1962-1968), a faithful Moscow's ally. But the rapprochement between USSR and Havana also foster a specific doctrine with regard to other Latin American countries. It was the case of Chile, a state that during Eduardo Frei's administration (1964-1970) signed ambitious agreements with the East, encouraging bilateral exchanges. This trend, brutally interrupted by Pinochet's coup d'état in September 1973, strengthened after the election of Salvador Allende in 1970. Beyond the growth of political and economic relations, Khrushchev's administration made an effort to consolidate a powerful cultural diplomacy, which will result in increasing interactions with Castro's Cuba and Chile of the 1960s and the early 1970s. While in Santiago, Soviet culture was supposed to unveil a positive facet of a largely ignored country, in Cuba, it became rapidly a mark of the privileged links built between two states belonging to the same "ideological camp". Nonetheless, the effect of cultural exchanges was not the same in the different areas analyzed, engendering heterogeneous and even ambivalent social representations that were deeply associated to each context. On the basis of a comparative approach, focused on Soviet priorities in Cuba and Chile, it is possible to measure the nature of Kremlin's foreign policy in Latin America, as well as the various consequences of the new international proximity. This standpoint also allows us to remark that relations with one state may determine the policy towards other nations, configuring a "triangular articulation" of Soviet-Chilean-Cuban relations. ; Après l'arrivée au pouvoir des révolutionnaires cubains en 1959, l'Amérique latine s'insère de plain-pied dans la« guerre froide pour les idées», suscitant un intérêt croissant de la part des deux superpuissances : les États-Unis et l'Union soviétique. Quant à cette dernière, le bouleversement social à Cuba incite le Kremlin à porter un regard intéressé sur l'île des Caraïbes, un pays qui deviendra plus tard, après une phase de divergences (1962-1968), un allié fidèle de Moscou. Mais le rapprochement de l'URSS avec La Havane entraîne également une doctrine spécifique envers d'autres pays du continent latino-américain. C'est le cas du Chili, un État qui, sous la présidence d'Eduardo Frei (1964-1970), noue des accords ambitieux avec l'Est, encourageant des échanges accrus. Cette tendance, interrompue tragiquement suite au coup d'État de Pinochet en septembre 1973, se renforcera après la victoire électorale de Salvador Allende en 197 0. Outre l'essor des relations politiques ou économiques, l'administration soviétique à l'ère de Nikita Khrouchtchev s'efforce de mettre en place une vigoureuse diplomatie culturelle, ce qui se traduira par des interactions grandissantes avec la Cuba castriste et le Chili des années 1960 et 1970. Alors qu'à Santiago, la culture soviétique est appelée à dévoiler un côté positif d'un pays méconnu, à Cuba, elle devient vite un indice des liens privilégiés tissés entre deux États qui font désormais partie du même« camp idéologique». Cependant, les effets que les échanges culturelles produisent ne sont pas les mêmes dans les deux régions analysées, engendrant des représentations sociales hétérogènes, voire ambivalentes, indissociables de chaque contexte. Par le biais d'une perspective comparative, fondée sur les priorités soviétiques à Cuba et au Chili, il est possible de prendre la mesure des spécificités de la politique extérieure du Kremlin en Amérique latine ainsi que des effets variés que la nouvelle proximité provoque. Cette approche nous autorise aussi à constater que les rapports à l'égard d'un État conditionnent souvent la politique menée envers l'autre, érigeant une « logique triangulaire» des relations URSS-Chili-Cuba.

El sistema internacional ha sufrido cambios profundos. Muchos de esos cambios han permitido visibilizar a actores no estatales; que en el pasado tenían espacios limitados por el control territorial y de flujos ejercido por los gobiernos. De igual manera en el caso de Centroamérica los conflictos político-militares de las décadas de 1970 y 1980 incrementaron la invisibilización de esos actores. Esos cambios generaron nuevos espacios de acción, que antes estaban copados por los gobiernos. A ello se suma el desarrollo del mundo virtual que favoreció la comunicación y el incremento de la presencia mediática de los actores no estatales. Esto posibilitó que distintos grupos criminales pudieran tener mayor influencia en las dinámicas sociales, económicas y políticas, repercutiendo en la cuestión de seguridad. Se agregan dos factores claves: un incremento de la violencia y una pérdida de legitimidad y credibilidad de las autoridades. De ahí que cada vez aparezcan más espacios en donde la gestión pública se debilita y hasta desaparece; lo cual fue aprovechado por los grupos del crimen transnacional organizado. El desarrollo de estos grupos en el Istmo les ha permitido comenzar a asumir roles sociales e incluso a legitimarse en algunas comunidades y sectores sociales, al extremo que buscan influenciar las estructuras de poder. Por ello es que se trata de "insurgencia no política". ; The international system has undergone profound changes. Many of those changes have visible non-state actors; which in the past were limited by the territorial control and flow control exercised by governments. In addition, in the case of Central America's political-military conflicts of the 1970s and 1980s the invisibility of those actors was increased. These changes created new spaces for action that were controlled by the government. On the other hand, the virtual development favored communication and increased media presence of non-state actors. This enabled different groups to have more influence on social, economic and political dynamics, affecting the security issue. Two key factors are added: an increase in violence and a loss of legitimacy and credibility of the authorities. Hence, increasingly areas where governance is weakened and even disappeared; which is then exploited by transnational organized crime groups. The development of these groups in Central America has allowed them to begin to assume social roles and even be legitimized in some communities and social sectors. That is why it is "a non-political insurgency." ; O sistema internacional tem sofrido mudanças profundas. Muitas dessas mudanças têm permitido visibilizar a atores não estatais, que no passado tinham espaços limitados pelo controle territorial e de fluxos exercidos pelos governos. De igual maneira no caso da Centro-América os conflitos político-militares das décadas de 1970 e 1980 incrementaram a invisibilidade destes atores. Essas mudanças geraram novos espaços de ação, que antes estavam copados pelos governos. A isso soma-se o desenvolvimento do mundo virtual que favoreceu a comunicação e o incremento da presença mediática dos atores não estatais. Isto possibilitou que distintos grupos criminais puderam ter maior influência nas dinâmicas sociais, económicas e políticas, repercutindo na questão de segurança. Adicionam-se dois fatores chave: um incremento da violência e uma perda de legitimidade e credibilidade das autoridades. Daí que cada vez apareçam mais espaços onde a questão pública se debilita e até desaparece, o qual foi aproveitado pelos grupos do crime transnacional organizado. O desenvolvimento destes grupos no Istmo lhes tem permitido começar a assumir papeis sociais e inclusive a legitimar-se em algumas comunidades e setores sociais, ao extremo que buscam influenciar as estruturas de poder. Por isso é que se trata de "insurgência não política".

Path independence and the establishment of effective forms of agricultural cooperative education Poland demonstrated quick and competitive transformation of the socialist economic system, the political transformation of society and integration into the European economy market. In terms of scientific and theoretical study of foreign cooperative experience will enable the objective to detect patterns and certain features of its development, it is important to understand the historical process as a whole. From a practical point of importance is the possibility of using the experience to find effective ways to reform and overcome the crisis in agriculture in Ukraine are conditioned not only holding ATO, as well as underlying economic processes. The purpose of the study is that by analyzing statistical information, government documents published sources, periodicals highlight the complex forms, methods of implementation and practice implementation of agricultural cooperatives in Poland in the years 1990-2000, the period of transition from a socialist to a market economy. The acquired knowledge should not try to mechanically move on Ukrainian soil, be sure to take into account the specifics of national history, psychology and ethnic mentality and only then create your own model using the potential of the cooperative movement as a carrier of patriotic ideas and the way to forming a national community conscious of solid patriotic principles. Author chosen topic has not yet been the object of special scientific study. Therefore there is a need in its development from the Polish government documents and published sources with the latest approaches to research. Agricultural transformation in Poland took place on fundamentally different principles than many post-socialist countries. Since the 1970s, the Polish government pursued a deliberate policy to increase private farms. Therefore, in 1990 adopted the Law on land not turn brought the country's protest and social tensions. Special development came cooperative movement. Poland has gained exceptional experience of effective cooperation. Implementation here almost every innovation in the organization of agrarian economy began to implement a series of pilot projects and following extensive propaganda received positive learning experience and on this basis all concerned. Thus, the protection and use of the environment are considered an integral connection with issues of agricultural economy that includes fisheries, marine products, forestry and forestry raw materials. Polish historical experience has shown that the main engine of economic growth with the integration of agricultural production should be no large and numerous private equity or commodity agricultural enterprises, and small number of mutual cooperatives, which experience can learn the results of a Polish peasants and Ukrainian during the introduction of the NEP in the 20 years of the twentieth century. Mobility, interest in their activities, participate in the distribution of profits, strategy development, government support as local, regional, national and European level were key to the rapid integration of Polish peasants in the global market economy. ; Путь обретения независимости и создания эффективных форм сельскохозяйственных кооперативных образований Польши продемонстрировали возможность быстрой и конкурентоспособной трансформации социалистической системы хозяйствования, политического преобразования общества и интеграция в рыночную общеевропейскую экономику. Автор на основе статистических и нормативно-правовых документов осуществила попытку обобщить опыт польских кооперативов в сельском хозяйстве и определить закономерности, тенденции и исторические особенности. ; Шлях здобуття незалежності та створення ефективних форм сільсько- господарських кооперативних утворень Польщі продемонстрували можливість швидкої і конкурентоспроможної трансформації соціалістичної системи господарювання, політичного інтегрування суспільства в ринкову загальноєвропейську економіку. Авторка на основі статистичних та нормативно-правових документів здійснила спробу узагальнити досвід польських кооперативів в сільському господарстві та визначити закономірності, тенденції та історичні особливості

This essay is a contribution to the forthcoming Oxford University Press Handbook of Corporate Law and Governance edited by Jeffery Gordon and Georg Ringe. In the 1960s and 1970s, corporate law and finance scholars recognized that neither discipline was doing a very good job of explaining how corporations were really structured and performed. For legal scholars, Yale Law School professor and then Stanford Law School dean Bayless Manning confessed that corporate law has "nothing left but our great empty corporation statutes – towering skyscrapers of rusted girders, internally welded together and containing nothing but wind." Michael Jensen and William Meckling made a similar comment with respect to finance. The theory of the firm was an "empty box" or a "black box" that provided no theory about "how the conflicting objectives of the individual participants are brought into equilibrium." The result of Jensen and Meckling's seminal reframing of corporate law in agency cost terms, and so into something far broader than disputes over statutory language, was that both Manning's empty skyscrapers and Jensen and Meckling's empty box began to be filled. The essay proceeds by tracking how corporate law became corporate governance – from legal rules standing alone to legal rules interacting with non-legal processes and institutions – through three somewhat idiosyncratically chosen but nonetheless related examples of how we have come to usefully complicate the inquiry into the structures that bear on corporate decision-making and performance. Part I frames the first level of complication in moving from law to governance by defining governance broadly as the company's operating system, a braided framework encompassing legal and non-legal elements. Part II then adds a second level of complication by treating corporate governance dynamically: corporate governance becomes a path dependent outcome of the tools available when a national governance system begins taking shape, and the process by which elements are added to the governance system going forward – driven by what Paul Milgrom and John Roberts call "supermodularity." That characteristic reads importantly on both the difficulty of corporate governance, as opposed to corporate law, reform and the non-intuitive pattern of the results of reform: significant reform leads to things getting worse before they get better. Part II then further complicates corporate governance by expanding it beyond the boundaries of the corporation, treating particular governance regimes as complementary to other social structures – for example, the labor market, the capital market and the political structure – that together define different varieties of capitalism. Next, Part III considers commonplace, but I will suggest misguided, efforts to take a different tack from Parts I and II: to simplify rather than complicate corporate governance analysis by recourse to now familiar single factor analytic models: stakeholder theory, team production, director primacy, and shareholder primacy. Part III suggests that these reductions are neither models nor particularly helpful; they neither bridge the contextual specificity of most corporate governance analysis nor address the necessary interaction in allocating responsibilities among shareholders, teams and directors. As well, these "models" are static rather than dynamic, a serious failing in an era in which the second derivative of change is positive in many business environments and Schumpeter seems to be getting the better of Burke. Part IV concludes by examining the importance of a corporate governance system's capacity to respond to changes in the business environment: the greater the rate of change, the more important is a governance system's capacity to adapt and the less important its ability to support long-term firm-specific investment.

While research on episodes of transnational activism has advanced substantially in recent years, our knowledge about how long-term trajectories of cross-border activism affect the formation of national social movements and their capacity to influence domestic institutional change is still limited. This paper addresses this gap by analyzing transnational mobilization around the political and economic rights of indigenous groups in Brazil. We show that early pathways of transnational mobilization generated a set of ideational, organizational and institutional outcomes that enabled previously marginalized actors to shape the directions of institutional change within the country at the time of the Brazilian democratic transition. We identify three initially uncoordinated trajectories of transnational mobilization taking place in the late 1960s and 1970s and show how they converged over time through two social mechanisms – institutional cross-referencing and social networking – to form an increasingly tightly knit inter-sectoral social movement that was capable of influencing institution-building during the period of the National Constitutional Assembly (1987-1988). We conclude with a discussion of the linkages between transnational activism and national social movement formation. ; Mientras la investigación de episodios de activismo transnacional ha avanzado significativamente en los últimos años, nuestro conocimiento acerca de cómo las trayectorias a largo plazo de activismo transfronterizo afectan la formación de movimientos sociales nacionales y su capacidad de influir en el cambio institucional aún es limitado. El presente artículo trata esta laguna al analizar la movilización transnacional en torno a los derechos políticos y económicos de grupos indígenas en Brasil. Mostramos que salidas tempranas de movilización transnacional generaron un conjunto de resultados de ideas, organizacionales e institucionales que permitieron que actores marginalizados previamente le dieran forma a los rumbos del cambio institucional dentro del país en la época de la transición democrática brasileña. Identificamos tres trayectorias inicialmente descoordinadas de movilización transnacional transcurriendo a fines de la década de 1960 y 1970 y mostramos cómo convergieron con el paso del tiempo a través de dos mecanismos sociales (referencia cruzada institucional y redes sociales) para formar un movimiento social intersectorial cada vez más compacto capaz de influir en la formación de la institución durante el período de la Asamblea Constitucional Nacional (1987-1988). Concluimos con un debate de los vínculos entre activismo transnacional y la formación de movimientos sociales nacionales. ; Embora as pesquisas sobre episódios de ativismo transnacional tenham avançado substancialmente nos últimos anos, nosso conhecimento acerca de como as trajetórias de longo prazo do ativismo transfronteiriço afetam a formação de movimentos sociais nacionais, bem como de sua capacidade de influenciar mudanças institucionais domésticas, ainda é limitado. Este artigo aborda esta lacuna ao analisar a mobilização transnacional em torno dos direitos políticos e econômicos de grupos indígenas no Brasil. Mostramos que os caminhos iniciais da mobilização transnacional geraram um conjunto de resultados ideacionais, organizacionais e institucionais, os quais permitiram que atores anteriormente marginalizados moldassem as direções das mudanças institucionais dentro do país no período da transição democrática brasileira. Identificamos três trajetórias inicialmente não coordenadas de mobilização transnacional ocorrendo no final dos anos 1960 e 1970, e mostramos como elas convergiram, com o tempo, através de dois mecanismos sociais – o cruzamento de referências institucionais e a formação de redes sociais – para formar um movimento social intersetorial cada vez mais fortemente entrelaçado, o qual foi capaz de influenciar a formação de instituições durante o período da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (1987-1988). Encerramos o artigo com uma discussão sobre as ligações entre o ativismo transnacional e a formação de movimentos sociais nacionais.

Introduction: An overall ambition with the gender equality objectives of Swedish sports is that gender mainstreaming should permeate every decision, in all activities, and at every level of the sports movement. Despite the fact that modern sports, to a large extent, have privileged (some) men and (some) masculinities, increasing female participation has, since the 1970s, also characterized Swedish modern sports. However, in the county of Örebro, male participation in associative sports, among 7- to 25-year-olds, is approximately 67 per cent according to LOK-statistics (Lokalt aktivitetsstöd – Local Activity Support). This unequal representation has initiated a work of that includes structural as well as individual factors. Aim and Theoretical Frames: This paper presents an ongoing gender equality project enacting a double-focus on, firstly, recruiting and empowering women/girls in sports and secondly, making visible privileges for men and masculinities in sports and educating participative clubs (i.e. coaches, leaders and board members) in issues concerning gender, norms and masculine domination. Theoretically the project is inspired from critical perspectives on gender, men and masculinities and the hegemonic masculinity thesis (HMT). Method: Methodologically this project draws on mixed governing methods which explores the dilemma of implementing a policy in a self-autonomous, voluntary culture. More precisely, participating clubs has applied for economical backing (from Idrottslyftet) for one-year, financing gender equality projects aiming to, on one hand, empower or recruit a disadvantaged social group or, on the other hand, to raise awareness of the existing norms in club's culture (e.g. masculinity or heterosexual norms). The clubs' specific projects vary greatly depending on sport genre, number of members/volunteers in the club and other conditions regarding work efforts and access to sport facilities etcetera. Diverse cooperation with local governments in the county of Örebro has also been employed involving financial support and other "structural" target areas. Since knowledge of gender equality and gender awareness is vital for a change management, the participating clubs must partake in educational meetings and, at the end of the year, also give a presentation for all participative clubs at joint forum about their project and its concrete results. Beside these strategical efforts, interviews and observations have also been utilized. Findings: Changing a rigid structure, such as sports, is a challenge and must, as a suggestion, involve several institutions as well as motivated agents. One central finding is the importance of raising awareness about budgets, facilities and investments from a gender perspective. In some cases, these kind of questions have not been raised before. In other words, the motivation among politicians and club members vary, which causes a reproductive potential of the gender gap. In the work, we have also found different techniques for reproducing men's power advantage through, for example, the planning and placing of training sessions, the non-encouragement for girls to become "professional" athletes but also how women, themselves, support structures that discriminate themselves. Discussion: Tentatively, the discussion focuses on dilemmas and the complexities of measuring and managing sports' gender equality. Several issues for discussion return throughout the project, such as: what should be measured and how and why? Identifying such essential factors leads to the issue of how to manage a change of these factors. What institutions should be involved? What demands could, on one hand, be placed on a local club (with a right of self-determination) and, on the other hand, the governing sports bodies (that should implement government policies)? ; Unga satsar jämt