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Abstract It is essential for democracy that political parties should act within their promulgated policy frameworks, which are formally represented in election programmes. If political parties deviate from this principle, the election would lose its meaning, jeopardising democracy. In this respect, planning in Groningen in the 1970s, which realised progressive plans like the traffic circulation plan, was democratic, although it was criticised for lacking public participation. However, planning in the 1980s casts serious doubt on its democratic nature. Various large-scale projects were promoted, and they caused harsh criticism even within the government party, Labour Party. This paper focuses on four projects, that is, the PTT (office development), Brink (residential towers), Casino and Museum, all of which were planned in or next to the inner city of Groningen in the 1980s. This paper will examine these projects in terms of the policy frameworks of the Labour Party, which were created in the 1970s. These projects brought about drastic change of historical landscape, and were clearly contrary to the party frameworks or those measures that were introduced to guarantee the frameworks, such as the local land use plan. As a result, they gave rise to not only strong opposition among citizens, but also criticism of party members who still cherished those party frameworks.

A comparison of the social security systems developed since WWII in 10 European nations: Austria, Belgium, GB, France, West Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark, Italy, Norway, & Sweden. Differences in the systems that reflect ideology & social forces have often been more controversial than the amount of social expenditure. It is argued that the labor movement had a particular vision of social security, which was legislated where labor had the political majority & defeated elsewhere. Postwar developments have been shaped primarily by this factor, which has become more evident in the current crisis than in the period of general expansion in the 1960s to 1970s. 1 Table, 1 Schema. Modified HA

It is argued that Max Weber's concept of charismatic leadership is useful in better understanding current political developments, using the example of the rise of the Ayatollah Khomeini & the religious establishment to revolutionary power in Iran during the 1960s & 1970s. Most analyses fall short in explaining the breakdown of the Iranian monarchy by relying too much on social factors that were characteristic of Iranian society long before it entered the revolutionary decades, & by failing to recognize the interrelationship among revolutionary developments. If the charismatic character of Khomeini's leadership is acknowledged, charisma reveals itself as the most central element in the revolution & the social, political, economic, & religious causes of the revolution become explicable as a by-product of this single fact. 4 Tables, 35 References. Modified AA

Reading the news about Iran today one can hardly imagine that relations between the Netherlands and Iran were excellent until 1979. Mohammed-Reza Pahlavi, the last shah of Persia, was known in The Netherlands as a visionary and reformer. Persia was represented as a mythical land with an ancient civilization. The Dutch royal family enjoyed visiting the shah, and large and small Dutch companies were successful in Iran.

When in the 1970s awareness spread about repression under the shah, the Dutch government was faced with difficult choices. How could these relations be continued, now that public opinion had turned against it? The Dutch government decided to ignore the criticisms, and firmly held on to the idea of the shah as an enlightened despot. As such, it did not see the Iranian Revolution coming, and suffered the consequences.

In a test of an earlier study (Cleymans, A., "De niet-aanwezige burger midden de jaren zeventig" [The Non-Present Citizen in the Mid-1970s] in Res Publica, 1985, 1, 140), the structure & selectivity of political participation in the Netherlands & Belgium are compared. Overall political participation since 1973 appears to remain at the same level for a range of ten activities, eg, trying to contact politicians & joining a demonstration. However at the macrolevel, the stability of participation is combined with a constant or slowly rising passive political involvement. The relationship of political involvement & participation with individual & social background characteristics is not very strong in the 1980s. The better educated, leftists, & public employees have the highest participation rates during 1973-1986. Differences between the sexes seems to decrease over time. In Belgium, working outside the home does not appear to stimulate the participation of women; however, in the Netherlands, this factor is of utmost importance. 5 Tables. Modified HA

The increased tensions surrounding radical Muslims and radical movements in the political Islam are not only manifested in the Western countries but also in the Muslim world itself. Tendencies and political movements that undermine the status quo have proliferated since the 1970s. They plead for a far-reaching islamization: funding politics, law and society on Islamic foundations. This study of the Netherlands Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR) analyses the developments in Islamic beliefs, political activism, society and law since the 1970s. To what extent has islamization been successful? What are its consequences for attempts in and outside the Muslim world to come to extend democratization and respect for human rights? And what can the Netherlands and the European Union contribute to support developments towards democratization and human rights? This study is, among others, based on "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=33">extensive research of experts on the change of Islamic thinking and to the dynamics of law in twelve different Muslim countries. This is the Dutch language edition! This study is also available in English "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053569184&l=2">Dynamism in islamic activism - De toegenomen spanningen rondom radicale moslims en radicale stromingen binnen de politieke islam manifesteren zich niet alleen in het Westen maar vooral ook binnen de moslimwereld zelf. Al sinds de jaren '70 komen stromingen en politieke bewegingen op die zich richten tegen de status quo. Zij pleiten voor vergaande islamisering: het funderen van de politiek, het recht en de samenleving op islamitische grondslagen. Deze studie van de WRR analyseert de ontwikkelingen in het islamitisch denken, het politiek activisme, de samenleving en het recht sinds de jaren zeventig. In hoeverre is er sprake van een succesvolle islamisering? Welke gevolgen heeft dat voor de pogingen binnen en buiten de moslimwereld om te komen tot (verdere) democratisering en meer respect voor mensenrechten? En wat kunnen Nederland en de Europese Unie doen om ontwikkelingen in die richting te bevorderen? De studie baseert zich onder meer op uitvoerige "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=33">empirische studies van deskundigen naar de verandering van het islamitisch denken en naar de rechtsdynamiek in twaalf verschillende moslimlanden. Ook verschenen in het Engels: "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053569184&l=2">Dynamism in islamic activism

Social mechanisms that have generated the social construction of threatening immigrants in Europe are described, focusing on the situation in Flanders, Belgium, using Pierre Bourdieu's (eg, 1985 [see abstract 86Q6505]) semiotic-praxiological theory of the construction of social space & the genesis of social groups as a theoretical framework. Similarities between historical & socioeconomic conditions in the 1930s & 1980s are related to the repeated emergence of the theme of the "migrant problem" in political discourse; at the end of the 1930s, it referred exclusively to the Jews who had migrated from Eastern Europe & Germany, whereas in the 1980s, it was used for Muslim (Turkish & Moroccan) guest workers hired in the 1970s. It is argued that, in both cases, the discourse of the threatening immigrant attempts to redraw the social space by targeting the economic, & hence, the cultural & social, capital of the target groups. Socioeconomic change is used to legitimize anti-Judaism/-Islamism, resulting in a (cultural) racism that fuels ethnonationalism. 35 References. Adapted from the source document.

Phenomenography: describing the world from a second order perspective
Phenomenography: describing the world from a second order perspective
In the 1970s a Swedish group of educational phenomena researchers developed a new methodology to access individuals' perceptions of various concepts in learning. This approach, phenomenography, focused on collecting sets of hierarchically related conceptions of a variety of concepts, so-called categories of description through empathic qualitative analysis of interviews or in our case written responses. The categories of description provide an access to the world as it is perceived by the researched, the second order perspective. Using research into learning and teaching conceptions (Van Rossum & Hamer, 2010), the characteristics of the methodology, the data collection through a phenomenographic interview or email conversation as well as the outcomes are illustrated. Two commonly used analysis approaches, the pool of meanings (Marton, 1986) as well as the whole of transcript approach (Bowden & Green, 2007), are discussed and multiple common measures of reliability and validity are presented. Finally the phenomenographic method is compared to phenomenology and grounded theory approach.

In the 1970s and '80s residents and architects in Amsterdam worked together to shape the renewal of their neighbourhood. Working outside traditional planning constraints they initiated a process for designing 'neighbourhood plans' that gave priority to affordable housing and minimized disruption to the existing social and urban design structure. Although these neighbourhood plans stood in stark contrast to prevailing political and urban planning ideas, they formed the basis on which urban renewal was realized from the middle of the 1970s. While the focus in the historiography of urban renewal is usually on politics and policy, this article provides insight into the design process itself and the ideas behind urban renewal architecture based on numerous consultation documents generated by the collaboration between local residents and architects. The Dapperbuurt area serves as an exemplary case study. The example of the Dapperbuurt shows that locals and architects formed energetic and effective coalitions. After the residents of the Dapperbuurt had won far-reaching control over the design process, including a say in the choice of architect, they entered into a collaboration with the architects Hans Borkent, Rob Blom van Assendelft and Hein de Haan. During the extensive consultation process the architects acted as equal discussion partners rather than all-knowing experts, while local residents provided creativity and spontaneous initiatives and had the final say. Together they designed with 'direct democracy'. In this article those collaborative arrangements are referred to as 'creative housing coalitions'. This term expresses both their main aim and their greatest strength. It also shows who initiated the urban renewal housing projects and how grass-roots initiatives were ultimately translated into policy. In the course of the design process, local residents and their architects sought creative ways of reconciling the apparent antithesis between the historically evolved city and modern architecture and urban design. Instead of taking a blank slate as their starting point, they proceeded on the basis of the qualities of the existing environment and the interests and wishes of the residents. This resulted in the retention of the existing morphology and functional diversity. However, the housing projects were on a much larger scale than the individual buildings that had previously made up the neighbourhood, because while the local residents were unwilling to give up their familiar living environment, they did want modern home comforts. This study has revealed that the replacement construction was required to combine the best of both worlds. In order to suggest a smaller scale, the external walls were vertically articulated, and their height demarcated by means of balconies, bay windows, hoisting beams, eaves and staggered building lines. So both contrast to and compatibility with the context are relevant criteria for evaluating urban renewal architecture. In addition, it turns out that a key merit of this urban renewal was its function, namely to deliver affordable and comfortable housing on centrally located sites with high land values. The architecture gives expression to that function. ; In de jaren zeventig en tachtig gaven in Amsterdam bewoners en architecten samen vorm aan de vernieuwing van hun buurt. Buiten de reguliere kaders om initieerden zij een proces voor het ontwerpen van zogenaamde 'buurtplannen', waarin prioriteit werd gegeven aan betaalbaar wonen en zo min mogelijk verstoring van de bestaande sociale en stedenbouwkundige structuur. Hoewel deze buurtplannen in schril contrast stonden met de heersende politieke en stedenbouwkundige opvattingen, vormden ze de basis waarop de stadsvernieuwing vanaf midden jaren zeventig werd gerealiseerd. In de historiografie van de stadsvernieuwing ligt de focus op politiek en beleid. Dit artikel geeft daarentegen inzicht in het ontwerpproces en de ideeën achter de stadsvernieuwingsarchitectuur aan de hand van velerlei overlegdocumenten die voortkwamen uit de samenwerking tussen buurtbewoners en architecten. Hierbij dient de Dapperbuurt als exemplarische casestudy.Het voorbeeld van de Dapperbuurt laat zien dat buurtbewoners en architecten daadkrachtige coalities vormden. Nadat bewoners van de Dapperbuurt verregaande controle op het ontwerpproces hadden bevochten, inclusief zeggenschap over de architectenkeuze, gingen zij een samenwerking aan met de architecten Hans Borkent, Rob Blom van Assendelft en Hein de Haan. Deze stelden zich in uitgebreide inspraakprocedures op als gelijkwaardige gesprekspartners in plaats van alwetende experts, terwijl buurtbewoners zorgden voor creativiteit en spontane initiatieven en een doorslaggevende stem hadden. Gezamenlijk ontwierpen zij met 'direkte demokratie'. Deze samenwerkingsverbanden worden in dit artikel geduid als creatieve wooncoalities. Dit idee geeft zowel uitdrukking aan hun belangrijkste doelstelling als aan hun grootste kracht. Daarnaast laat het zien wie de woningbouwprojecten van de stadsvernieuwing initieerden en hoe burgerinitiatieven uiteindelijk werden omgezet in beleid. In het ontwerpproces zochten de Dapperbuurters en hun architecten naar creatieve oplossingen om de schijnbare tegenstelling tussen de historisch gegroeide stad en moderne architectuur en stedenbouw te overbruggen. In plaats van een blanco blad als uitgangspunt te nemen, gingen ze uit van de kwaliteiten van de bestaande omgeving en de belangen en wensen van de bewoners. Dit resulteerde in behoud van de bestaande morfologie en functiemenging. De woningbouwprojecten kregen echter een beduidend grotere schaal dan de individuele panden waaruit de buurt tot dan toe bestond, omdat de buurtbewoners hun vertrouwde leefomgeving niet wilden opgeven maar wel behoefte hadden aan modern wooncomfort. Uit dit onderzoek blijkt dat de nieuwbouw het beste van beide moest combineren. Om toch de suggestie van kleinschaligheid te wekken, werden de gevelwanden verticaal geleed en in hoogte afgebakend door middel van balkons, erkers, hijsbalken, dakoverstekken en verspringende rooilijnen. Zowel contrast met als aansluiting op de context zijn aldus relevante criteria voor de waardering van de stadsvernieuwingsarchitectuur. Bovendien blijkt dat een wezenlijke waarde van de stadsvernieuwing haar functie is, namelijk betaalbaar en comfortabel wonen op centrale locaties met hoge grondwaarden. De architectuur geeft uitdrukking aan die functie.