Suchergebnisse

Można postawić tezę, że wybory z 4 czerwca 1989 r. miały dla przyszłości Polski znaczenie zasadnicze. Porozumienie zawarte przy Okrągłym Stole umożliwiało opozycji demokratycznej jedynie obecność w parlamencie i tym samym kontrolę aparatu władzy. Miało też przerzucić na opozycję część odpowiedzialności za państwo. Wynik wyborów spowodował, że obóz komunistyczny musiał władzę oddać w ręce dotychczasowej opozycji. W artykule przedstawiono wysiłki przedstawicieli Komitetu Obywatelskiego w Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej zmierzające do zabezpieczenia rzetelności wyborów. Jest to jednocześnie obraz powstawania w Polsce prawa wyborczego charakteryzującego demokratyczne państwo oraz tworzenia się kultury prawnej społeczeństwa. ; It might be argued that the election of 4 June 1989 was of essential importance for the future of Poland. The agreement reached at the 'Round Table' merely provided for the presence of democratic opposition in Parliament, allowing it to exercise some control of the apparatus of power. The intention of that concession was to pass onto the opposition a share of responsibility for the state. However, as a result of the election that followed, the ruling communists had to actually hand down power to their opponents. This paper describes the efforts that the Citizens' Committee in the State Election Commission made to protect the integrity of the election. It also describes the process of electoral law formation in Poland, as well as the development of the legal culture of society.

The article presents the specifics of French security policy and its cooperation within the European Union and The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The aim of the article will be to show the democratic character of the French security policy and to show that the undoubted influence on France's security policy is exerted on the one hand by its historical and political tradition, and on the other, by its geopolitical position. The article presents as well a certain inconsistency in French strategy that is associated with evolution of creating its own security policy, and the question: to create it on its own or perhaps with cooperation with the Union? In France, despite the introduction of significant changes after 1989, the very clear accent seems to be continued, which is related to maintaining the strong position of Paris in whole Europe and beyond. France wants to take the leading positions in European organizations, such as the EU or the Council of Europe and actively participates in the meetings of the United Nations Security Council where is insisting of pushing the important strategies for Europe. At the same time, Paris does not agree to US dominance in these institutions believing them to be unnecessary in creating peace in Europe as the Community itself can best take care of its own issues. After taking over the office of the president by Jacques Chirac, the visible desire to strengthen cooperation with the Organization and return to its integrated military structures, implemented only in 2009, can be noticed. France also attaches a great importance to the activities of the United Nation. As a "representative" of Europe in the Security Council, together with Great Britain, it has a right of vote at its meetings. Additionally, in the last years, Paris vote for granting the greater voice in leading institutions for certain European countries and inviting new members to the Security Council. At the same time, France makes a tremendous effort to preserve the traditions of its cultural heritage.Key words: Security, NATO, France, the European Union, The Council of the EU ; The article presents the specifics of French security policy and its cooperation within the European Union and The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The aim of the article will be to show the democratic character of the French security policy and to show that the undoubted influence on France's security policy is exerted on the one hand by its historical and political tradition, and on the other, by its geopolitical position. The article presents as well a certain inconsistency in French strategy that is associated with evolution of creating its own security policy, and the question: to create it on its own or perhaps with cooperation with the Union? In France, despite the introduction of significant changes after 1989, the very clear accent seems to be continued, which is related to maintaining the strong position of Paris in whole Europe and beyond. France wants to take the leading positions in European organizations, such as the EU or the Council of Europe and actively participates in the meetings of the United Nations Security Council where is insisting of pushing the important strategies for Europe. At the same time, Paris does not agree to US dominance in these institutions believing them to be unnecessary in creating peace in Europe as the Community itself can best take care of its own issues. After taking over the office of the president by Jacques Chirac, the visible desire to strengthen cooperation with the Organization and return to its integrated military structures, implemented only in 2009, can be noticed. France also attaches a great importance to the activities of the United Nation. As a "representative" of Europe in the Security Council, together with Great Britain, it has a right of vote at its meetings. Additionally, in the last years, Paris vote for granting the greater voice in leading institutions for certain European countries and inviting new members to the Security Council. At the same time, France makes a tremendous effort to preserve the traditions of its cultural heritage.Key words: Security, NATO, France, the European Union, The Council of the EU ; В статті представлена специфіка французької політики безпеки, а також співпраця Франції з країнами в межах Європейського Союзу та НАТО. Стаття демонструє демократичний характер французької політики безпеки, на який впливає з одного боку історичні та політичні традицій, а з іншого геополітичне положення. У статті наголошується про дилему перед країною: організовувати політику безпеки самостійно чи за допомогою співпраці з іншими країнами Європейського Союзу. У Франції, незважаючи на значні зміни після 1989, прослідковується міцна позиція Парижа в усій Європі та за її межами. Франція хоче займати лідируючу позицію в європейських організаціях, таких як Європейський союз, Рада Європи, вона бере активну участь у зустрічах Ради Безпеки ООН, просуваючи важливі стратегії у Європі. Париж не підтримує втручання США у внутрішні справи європейських інституцій, вважаючи це не доцільним. За президентства Жака Ширака були помітні прагнення до зміцнення співпраці з Союзом, а також повернення до інтегрованих військових структур, які були впровадженні тільки у 2009 році. Франція вважає роботу ООН надзвичайно важливою. Як представник Європи в Раді Безпеки разом з Великою Британією, вона має право голосу. Протягом останніх років, Париж голосував за надання більших повноважень окремим європейським країнам у лідируючих інституціях , а також запрошував нових членів до Ради Європи. В той самий час Франція не забуває про свій культурний спадок і докладає великих зусиль для його збереження.Ключові слова: безпека, НАТО, Франція, Європейський Союз, Рада Європи

The author presents changes which to the Polish political system brought the Law of April 7, 1989 on Amendment to the Constitution of the Polish People's Republic (Off. Gazz. No. 19, item 101). The most important changes introduced by the said Law concern: 1) the Diet of the Polish People's Republic; 2) a newly created organ — the Senate of the Polish People's Republic; 3) another newly created chief organ — the President of the Polish People's Republic, with the simultaneous elimination of the hitherto existing chief organ — the Council of State of the Polish People's Republic. The above changes are discussed in three chapters (II, III, IV). The autor paints to their position in the system of chief State organs and sketches their characteristics, competence, the way of appointing these organs, their internal organization and mode of functioning. In the first place, however, the author points to mutual dependencies between these organ?. The author proves that the position of the Diet — which in the Constitution is still defined as the supreme organ of State power, the supreme utterer of the will of the people, the organ realizing sovereign rights of the nation, the legislator and the decision maker who determines the directions of the activity of the State — has to a considerable extent been weakened in favour of the Senate and especially the President. In his concluding remarks the author points to the need of adopting a new constitution. The present one is full of internal contradictions due to numerous amendments going in various directions, depending on periods when those amendments were made. A future constitution should be built along uniform and internally consistent conception based on democratic principles. The author is for a constitution based on the principle of uniformity of power concentrated in the superior representative organ of the nation. He points to the system of Swiss Confederation and rejects the system of distribution of power. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016