Suchergebnisse

Fundamental controversy concerning policy of transition of post-socialist economies to a market economy is discussed by the authors of this article. The controversy is related to a dispute between supporters of "big-bang" (the so-called "shock therapy") and those who support an evolutionary approach. The authors argue that: — "big-bang" policy was necessary in Polish circumstances but, the same time, it proved to be insufficient because it ignored - to a considerable degree - both institutional and structural levels of the transformation and focused mainly on macro level; — conceptions of evolutionary policy which focus on institutional transformation are not an alternative for stabilization policy and they take no account of restructurization problem; — there is a need for complex and harmonious policy of transition for to assure a stabilization and an institutional milieu favouring market transformation; such a policy should also stimulate restructuring processes on all levels of the economic system; — in the advanced phase of transition, the centre of gravity of respective policy slides from macro and mezo levels to incitement of adjustment processes issuing "from the tanks" - on micro and micro-micro levels. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

In May and June 1996, at the end of the last term of office, interviews were conducted with 11 rectors of higher education institutions. The interviewers were interested in finding out the direction in which higher schools in Poland have moved in the last six years. Was this progress or regression? Which factors were conducive to progress? Which ones were obstacles to it? In order to obtain a detailed answer, the rectors were asked about their greatest accomplishments and greatest setbacks, about the three greatest problems of Polish higher education and how they are manifested in individual institutions. The interviewers were interested in an assessment of the existing legal acts and the possibilities which they offer for effective management of a higher education institution. Finally, the rectors were asked about the policy of the state towards higher education institutions and who should determine it. The responses of the rectors provide a fascinating picture of Polish higher education 6 years after the introduction of the Higher Education Act. The general conclusion is that the reforms are moving ahead, but too slowly and in the face of strong resistance from the academic community, with catastrophic shortages of funds and lack of an overall vision and policy of the state towards higher education institutions. ; W maju i czerwcu 1996 r., pod koniec minionej kadencji, przeprowadzono wywiady z 11 rektorami szkół wyższych. Osoby przeprowadzające wywiady interesowało, w jakim kierunku zmierzał rozwój szkół wyższych w Polsce w ciągu ostatnich sześciu lat. Czy był to postęp, czy regres? Co sprzyjało postępowi? Co było dla niego przeszkodą? Aby uzyskać rozwiniętą odpowiedź, pytano rektorów o ich największe osiągnięcia i największe porażki, 0 trzy największe problemy polskiego szkolnictwa wyższego, a także o to, jak się przejawiają te problemy na poszczególnych uczelniach. Interesowano się oceną istniejących aktów prawnych, także w aspekcie możliwości sprawnego zarządzania uczelnią. Dodano też wiele pytań szczegółowych w rodzaju: jaki sens ma pojęcie "europeizacji" w kierowanej przez rektora uczelni, kogo ta uczelnia kształci, jakie zmiany wprowadzono w programach 1 organizacji studiów. Na zakończenie pytano o opinię na temat polityki państwa względem uczelni, o to, czy ta polityka rzeczywiście istnieje i kto powinien ją określać? Odpowiedzi rektorów dają fascynujący obraz polskiego szkolnictwa wyższego w 6 lat po wprowadzeniu Ustawy o szkolnictwie wyższym. Nie sposób ich streścić w kilku zdaniach. Ogólna konkluzja jest taka, że wprawdzie reformy są przeprowadzane, ale proces ten przebiega za wolno, przy silnym oporze środowiska akademickiego, katastrofalnych brakach finansowych oraz nieistnieniu systemowej wizji i polityki władz państwa w stosunku do szkół wyższych.

In the first part of the article, the author deals with the question of the functions of the Ukrainian Parliament, which include constitutional, legislative, budgetary and financial, controlling and creative functions. Then, there are attempts to clarify the meaning of these functions. The author pays particular attention to the importance of the legislative functions of the Verkhovna Rada [Supreme Council]. The next part deals with the issues concerning the structure of the Parliament, including specific responsibilities of various bodies and their functioning. Next, the author refers to the mode of Parliament's operating, sessions, as well as meetings of committees and commissions. He pays special attention to the fact that the competences of the standing committees of the Ukrainian Parliament cover the entirety of public life in this country. The parliamentary factions are also important for the functioning of the Verkhovna Rada. Further, the author examines the status of Members of Parliament, including the issues of formal and substantive immunity. Next, the subject of the consideration includes the duties and powers arising under the mandate of a people's deputy. Another topic touches upon the incompatibility of a deputy's mandate with execution of other public functions. The article is concluded with general remarks which imply that the Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada relies on the parliamentary rules used elsewhere. However, what distinguishes the Verkhovna Rada is its unicameralism and corruption problems connected with the functioning of a young democracy. ; In the first part of the article, the author deals with the question of the functions of the Ukrainian Parliament, which include constitutional, legislative, budgetary and financial, controlling and creative functions. Then, there are attempts to clarify the meaning of these functions. The author pays particular attention to the importance of the legislative functions of the Verkhovna Rada [Supreme Council]. The next part deals with the issues concerning the structure of the Parliament, including specific responsibilities of various bodies and their functioning. Next, the author refers to the mode of Parliament's operating, sessions, as well as meetings of committees and commissions. He pays special attention to the fact that the competences of the standing committees of the Ukrainian Parliament cover the entirety of public life in this country. The parliamentary factions are also important for the functioning of the Verkhovna Rada. Further, the author examines the status of Members of Parliament, including the issues of formal and substantive immunity. Next, the subject of the consideration includes the duties and powers arising under the mandate of a people's deputy. Another topic touches upon the incompatibility of a deputy's mandate with execution of other public functions. The article is concluded with general remarks which imply that the Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada relies on the parliamentary rules used elsewhere. However, what distinguishes the Verkhovna Rada is its unicameralism and corruption problems connected with the functioning of a young democracy.

The subject of the article are the opinions of the USSR and Russia experts published in the magazine "The Ark" in the years 1991–1995 and concerning the future of Russian Federation. The authors of those publications attempted to answer the question which direction will the internal development of Russia take, when it comes to its politics, economy and social relations. Also they discussed about the tactics that the Russian state will choose for its relations with neighbors, and particularly Ukraine, Belarus and the Baltic States. Most of the publicists expressed an opinion that Russia will not develop in the direction of liberal democracy and will become a formally democratic, but actually authoritarian rule state instead, with a strong position of the officials-business class. As far foreign policy is concerned there will be attempts at rebuilding the position of a superpower that was forfeited as the results of loss in the Cold War conflict with the United States and Western Europe. ; Tematem artykułu są opinie znawców ZSRR i Rosji zamieszczane na łamach czasopisma "Arka" w latach 1991–1995, dotyczące przyszłości Federacji Rosyjskiej. Autorzy publikacji próbowali odpowiedzieć na pytanie, w jakim kierunku będzie zmierzał rozwój wewnętrzny Rosji zarówno w dziedzinie polityki, gospodarki, jak i stosunków społecznych. Zastanawiano się także nad taktyką, jaką podejmie państwo rosyjskie w stosunkach z sąsiadami, szczególnie z Ukrainą, Białorusią i państwami nadbałtyckimi. Większość publicystów wyrażało opinię, że Rosja nie będzie się rozwijać w kierunku zachodniego modelu demokracji liberalnej, lecz stanie się państwem formalnie demokratycznym, ale faktycznie rządzonym w sposób autorytarny z silną pozycją warstwy urzędniczo-biznesowej. W wymiarze polityki zagranicznej będą natomiast podejmowane próby odbudowy pozycji mocarstwowej utraconej w wyniku porażki w konflikcie zimnowojennym ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi i z Europą Zachodnią.