The article analyzes the text of the «Canada's Arctic and Northern Policy Framework», published in September 2019. The author conducted a comparative analysis with a comparable document «Canada's Northern Strategy: Our North, Our Heritage, Our Future» of 2009. As a result, new approaches to the development of Canada's Northern policy were revealed. There were detected unchanged priorities and goals, as well as emphases of the Canadian government in the shaping of Arctic and Northern policy on addressing the socio-economic problems of indigenous peoples and residents of the North of Canada.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the socio-political transformation of the Arab world in the 2010s. The author analyses its changes through the concept of neo-modernity, which was already developed in a number of his earlier publications. The key thesis is the idea of a new turn of society to metanarratives, or "big stories" after postmodern relativism led to attempts to abandon them. In the first part of the article, the problem of metanarratives is considered at the theoretical level. The author proposes a methodology for studying socio-political processes and determines the influence of the condition of neo-modernity on political reality. The second part of the article highlights the main modern (liberal, left, nationalist, conservative) and premodern (tribal, Islamist) "big stories". These "stories" determine the content and nature of public and political life in the Arab world in the 2010s and problematize new aspects of social relations. It shows how the actualization of metanarratives affected the course of the political process in Arab countries, as well as the organization of political systems, building new relations between societies and states. The third part of the article is devoted to the analysis of international political processes in the region. The influence of "big stories" on the configuration of the regional subsystem, armed conflicts, the composition of key actors, the specifics of their strategies, their identity and the identity of the region as a whole is revealed. In conclusion, the author shows a possibility of gradual harmonization of the system of regional relations in the case of the formation of hypertext, which makes it possible for the coexistence of actors guided by different narrative strategies.
The article provides an analysis of political party system of the Republic of Estonia in the mid-2010s. The analysis is based on the works of Moris Duverger. As one might expect, the establishment of proportionate electoral system in Estonia has resulted in the formation of a multi-party system, in which no single party dominates in the parliament even in a short run. The article demonstrates that though Estonian political party system develops in line with the tendencies typical to political party systems of most European countries, some of its elements are more common to postcommunist countries. It indicates that the political party system in Estonia has stabilized throughout the past decade. Today, five sixths of voters support one of the four main political parties. A minority of voters does not consider any of the four dominant parties as a representative of their interests; thus, they vote for parties that had not been previously represented in the parliament. This allowed for two minor political parties to pass into the parliament at 2015 elections: the Estonian Conservative People's Party, and Free Party. In the long run the minor parties will be able to keep parliamentary seats depending on their ability to build coalitions, either with the three governing parties - Reform Party, Pro Patria and Republic Union, and Social-Democratic Party, or with opposition Centre Party. The article considers the impact of the split in the Estonian society between ethnic Estonians and Russophonic people on political party system. It demonstrates that the majority of Russophonic voters in Estonia support the Centre Party, every major political party in the country has its Russophonic voters, while Estonian United Left Party, which promotes itself as a particular representative of the country's Russophonic minority, remains a marginal political force.
The article provides an analysis of political party system of the Republic of Estonia in the mid-2010s. The analysis is based on the works of Moris Duverger. As one might expect, the establishment of proportionate electoral system in Estonia has resulted in the formation of a multi-party system, in which no single party dominates in the Parliament even in a short run. The article demonstrates that though the Estonian political party system develops in line with the tendencies typical of political party systems of most European countries, some of its elements are more common to post-communist countries. It indicates that the political party system in Estonia has stabilized throughout the past decade. Today, five sixths of voters support one of the four main political parties. A minority of voters does not consider any of the four dominant parties as a representative of their interests; thus, they vote for parties that were previously represented in the Parliament. This allowed the two minor political parties to pass into the Parliament at the 2015 elections: the Estonian Conservative People's Party, and Free Party. In the long run the minor parties will be able to keep parliamentary seats depending on their ability to build coalitions, either with the three governing parties the Reform Party, the Pro Patria and Republic Union, and the Social-Democratic Party, or with opposition Centre Party. The article considers the impact of the split in the Estonian society between ethnic Estonians and Russophonic people on the political party system. It demonstrates that the majority of Russophonic voters in Estonia support the Centre Party, every major political party in the country has its Russophonic voters, while Estonian United Left Party, which promotes itself as a particular representative of the country's Russophonic minority, remains a marginal political force.
Introduction. The article examines the image of artificial intelligence in the media and its reflection in 2010s. Coverage of the fast development of technology in the mass media requires careful analysis and systematic monitoring due to not fully determined socio-ethical ideas about the place and role of artificial intelligence in human life. The paper attempts to study what media had about artificial intelligence in the second decade of the 21st century.Methodology and sources. Based on the results of quantitative and qualitative studies of the texts of Russian and foreign media, semantic changes in the representation of artificial intelligence are analyzed. To collect empirical informa tion, we used the analysis of documents (reports and preparatory notes of UNESCO for the development of an ethical code of artificial intelligence), public opinion polls, content analysis of Russian and foreign media.Results and discussion. According to the results of the study, correlation between intensity of references to artificial intelligence on political and economic phenomena was noted. In particular, there is a connection with the growth of economic activity of investors in advanced technologies, the launch of innovative technologies in the sphere of consumption by large companies and the strategic programs of states.Conclusion. At the moment, artificial intelligence is seen as positive technology. Implementation of AI into social and professional spheres is irreversible. The negative consequences of the development of AI are considering as an unobvious hypothetical future. By the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, the media discourse around AI expanded to such a state of uncertainty that it took action to establish an ethical framework for the development of technology.
Die Inhalte der verlinkten Blogs und Blog Beiträge unterliegen in vielen Fällen keiner redaktionellen Kontrolle.
Warnung zur Verfügbarkeit
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Blogbetreiber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie einen Blog Beitrag zitieren möchten.
In a recent and updated post, I reviewed the evidence clearly showing that there was and is not a so-called "loneliness epidemic." (Surprise! Despite my post, the epidemic of epidemic alarms continues.) Many media stories about loneliness (e.g., here, here, here) also assert that American adults have fewer friends or weaker friendships than they did […]
The aim of this article is to give an overview of gender equality policy in Sweden from the 1970s until today. A number of political measures and whether these measures individually, as well as combined, have promoted gender equality and the dual-earner/dual-carer model are described and analyzed. The conclusion is that the right to part-time work, publicly financed child care, parental leave, and tax deductions for domestic services make it easier for mothers to reconcile work and family, but do not challenge the distribution of family responsibilities between women and men. However, the individual right for fathers to 2 months of parental leave does challenge the gender order, to a certain extent, and fathers today participate more in care and domestic work than earlier. The dual-earner/dual-carer family is closer at hand when women have a higher education and earnings and thereby greater bargaining power. Employed work is more conditional among women with a lower education level, i.e., they may be employed but under the constraint that they are still responsible for care and domestic work in the family. Another constraint in this group where many work part-time is the lack of available full-time positions in the labor market.
The aim of this article is to give an overview of gender equality policy in Sweden from the 1970s until today. A number of political measures and whether these measures individually, as well as combined, have promoted gender equality and the dual-earner/dual-carer model are described and analyzed. The conclusion is that the right to part-time work, publicly financed child care, parental leave, and tax deductions for domestic services make it easier for mothers to reconcile work and family, but do not challenge the distribution of family responsibilities between women and men. However, the individual right for fathers to 2 months of parental leave does challenge the gender order, to a certain extent, and fathers today participate more in care and domestic work than earlier. The dual-earner/dual-carer family is closer at hand when women have a higher education and earnings and thereby greater bargaining power. Employed work is more conditional among women with a lower education level, i.e., they may be employed but under the constraint that they are still responsible for care and domestic work in the family. Another constraint in this group where many work part-time is the lack of available full-time positions in the labor market.
This is Who We Were: In the 2010s provides the reader with a deeper understanding of day-to-day life in America from 2010 to 2019. This new volume in the This is Who We Were series is sure to be of value as both a serious research tool for students of American history as well as an intriguing climb up America's family tree. The richly illustrated text provides an interesting way to study a truly unique time in American history. Personal Profiles: Over 25 in-depth Personal Profiles examine the lives of individuals and families who lived during the decade. Each profile details life at home, at work and in the community. Profiles also include original tables from the 2010 Census, reprinted exactly as they appeared decades ago. Historical Snapshots: This section includes lists of important "firsts" for America, from technical advances and political events to new products and top-selling books. Combining serious American history with fun facts, these snapshots present, in chronological categories, an easy-to-read overview of what happened in the 2010s. Economy of the Times: This section looks at a wide range of economic data, including food, clothing, transportation, housing and other selected prices, with reprints of actual advertisements for products and services of the time. It includes figures for three years in the following categories: Consumer Expenditures, Annual Income, Selected Prices and a Value of the Dollar from 1860 to 2010. A fascinating look at the economic picture of 1950 and how the engine that drives our economy has changed. All Around Us: What We Saw, Wrote, Read & Listened To: This section includes reprints of newspaper and magazine articles, letters, posters, and others items designed to help the reader focus on what was on the minds of Americans in the 2010s. These printed pieces show how popular opinion was formed, and how American life was affected in this decade. 2010 Census Summary & Comparison Data: This section includes actual Census material, including a comprehensive U.S. report that summarizes individual responses along with a Comparison of Principal Cities charts population characteristics in 2010 for many cities, in 26 different interesting population characteristics. This dynamic new title will benefit a wide range of academic and personal research and curriculum needs. A truly unique and interesting look at what American life was like in 2010, this volume will be an important acquisition for high school, public and academic libraries as well as social science and history reference collections. - Publisher
In this lectio praecursoria, which I presented as part of my doctoral defense at the University of Eastern Finland on 5 November 2021, I delve deep into the Brazilian anti-mining movement to understand the context in which activism take place, their main strategies and course of actions, and their ability to influence the overall mining debate in Brazil in the 2010s. It sheds light on the key challenges faced by groups fighting for more environmental and social justice in mining conflictual situations. More specific, the research covers the 2013–2017 time frame, when discussions on the mining framework and a severe tailings dam failure happened. These two cases are analyzed and their effects on anti-mining activism are explored through a twofold focus on social movements and environmental justice studies. The study contributes to scientific discussions on mining and society by seeking conceptual bridges across political-ecologically oriented studies on social movements against mineral extraction. It also expands, significantly, analyses of social movements in Brazil by contributing to the international comparative literature on the social and environmental impacts of mining, Brazilian and Latin American studies, studies on mining history, sociology of mining, and mining policy.