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The article deals with resonance, development, and changes in various forms of atheism in the works of Czech, especially Marxist, intellectuals in the second half of the 20th century. Attention is also paid to their influence on public opinion, especially in connection with a rise in negative attitude of a large part of the Czech public towards religion. The study is based primarily on historical and discursive analyses of the works of principal authors from the 1950s to 1989. Among the authors discussed are important figures such as Ivan Sviták, Milan Machovec, and Vítězslav Gardavský.

Sąjūdis (Lithuanian independence movement) as an object of scholarly investigation has a certain history or maybe even a historiographic tradition. One of the first who started to investigate this problem was the representative of lithuanian diaspora in the US, professor of the University of Wisconsin Alfred Eric Senn. The changes of Lithuanian political life during the revival period were analyzed also by the Sąjūdis members themselves: Bronislavas Genzelis and Virgilijus Juozas Čepaitis. However, they often fail to avoid subjective views of certain personalities, their data is not always based on sources. Only at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries Sąjūdis received proper attention from historians. The society at large was presented with scholarly publications, collections of articles and sources on particular subjects. Among these publications one can distinguish the one written by Česlovas Laurinavičius and Vladas Sirutavičius which deals with the political history of Lithuania in 1988–1990. After the careful analysis of scholarly publications dealing with the topic of Sąjūdis, one may notice the tendency to restrict the investigations of the events only prior to the restoration of lithuanian independence in March 1990. However, the process of transformation of spontaneous social renewal movement into a public organization is still remaining a white spot in history. There are several reasons for this, the most important of which is, to my mind, political. Historians are not willing to confuse their scientific investigations with their political preferences. In the Lithuanian historiography one might notice a tendency for historical investigations of Sąjūdis to intensify prior to the anniversaries of Lithuanian independence restoration. Historians usually restricted their works to the analysis of the national revival period events taking place in the country's capital. [.]

Sąjūdis (Lithuanian independence movement) as an object of scholarly investigation has a certain history or maybe even a historiographic tradition. One of the first who started to investigate this problem was the representative of lithuanian diaspora in the US, professor of the University of Wisconsin Alfred Eric Senn. The changes of Lithuanian political life during the revival period were analyzed also by the Sąjūdis members themselves: Bronislavas Genzelis and Virgilijus Juozas Čepaitis. However, they often fail to avoid subjective views of certain personalities, their data is not always based on sources. Only at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries Sąjūdis received proper attention from historians. The society at large was presented with scholarly publications, collections of articles and sources on particular subjects. Among these publications one can distinguish the one written by Česlovas Laurinavičius and Vladas Sirutavičius which deals with the political history of Lithuania in 1988–1990. After the careful analysis of scholarly publications dealing with the topic of Sąjūdis, one may notice the tendency to restrict the investigations of the events only prior to the restoration of lithuanian independence in March 1990. However, the process of transformation of spontaneous social renewal movement into a public organization is still remaining a white spot in history. There are several reasons for this, the most important of which is, to my mind, political. Historians are not willing to confuse their scientific investigations with their political preferences. In the Lithuanian historiography one might notice a tendency for historical investigations of Sąjūdis to intensify prior to the anniversaries of Lithuanian independence restoration. Historians usually restricted their works to the analysis of the national revival period events taking place in the country's capital. [.]

The declining years of the communist regimes towards the end of the 80s as well as the on-going process of a thaw in political relations was also reflected in the Vatican's policy towards Christians in Eastern Europe. The task was not easy as the hierarchs of the Orthodox Church in Russia were afraid of ecumenical slogans propagated by the pope. They even presented their own, competitive ideas, whose aim was to discredit John Paul II's diplomatic efforts. The Pope's policy towards churches in other European countries (Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland) did not assume a common approach as the fate of Christians there was shaped independently from each other and even with certain respect granted by the Kremlin towards the uniqueness of each country. The key aspect of John Paul II's policy towards the countries of Eastern Europe was the pursuit of spiritual renewal of Christianity in the East, which was supposed to be started with the pilgrimage to the USSR (Ukraine, Moscow and Lithuania). ; The declining years of the communist regimes towards the end of the 80s as well as the on-going process of a thaw in political relations was also reflected in the Vatican's policy towards Christians in Eastern Europe. The task was not easy as the hierarchs of the Orthodox Church in Russia were afraid of ecumenical slogans propagated by the pope. They even presented their own, competitive ideas, whose aim was to discredit John Paul II's diplomatic efforts. The Pope's policy towards churches in other European countries (Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland) did not assume a common approach as the fate of Christians there was shaped independently from each other and even with certain respect granted by the Kremlin towards the uniqueness of each country. The key aspect of John Paul II's policy towards the countries of Eastern Europe was the pursuit of spiritual renewal of Christianity in the East, which was supposed to be started with the pilgrimage to the USSR (Ukraine, Moscow and Lithuania).

At the turn of the 20th century, the Palace of Westminster became the witness to one of the most significant and long-lasting power struggles between the Houses of Parliament regarding the influence of each chamber on the implementation of the legislative function in the parliamentary procedure. This paper, written as part of broader studies on the internal transformations of the British Parliament, presents the social and political background of the supremacy war that was openly waged between two political forces, i.e., the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party, reinforced by their respective tactical allies. An attempt is also made to discuss the legal result of the dispute, which notably came in the form of "The Parliament Act 1911", as well as to trace – based on the current state of knowledge and the preserved shorthand notes and transcripts of parliamentary speeches – the general climate of this conflict and its social and political contours. ; Na przełomie XIX i XX wieku w parlamencie westminsterskim rozegrał się jeden z najważniejszych, trwający wiele lat akt konkurencji między obydwoma izbami parlamentu o wpływ na realizację funkcji ustawodawczej w procedurze parlamentarnej. W niniejszym artykule, będącym wynikiem znacznie szerszych studiów nad przekształceniami wewnętrznymi parlamentaryzmu brytyjskiego, przedstawiono społeczne i polityczne tło tej walki toczącej się na forum obydwu izb między dwiema siłami politycznymi: Partią Konserwatywną i Partią Liberalną, wzmocnioną przez taktycznych sojuszników. W tekście starano się przedstawić prawny wynik tego sporu w postaci słynnego Parliament Act 1911, ale także – na podstawie dzisiejszego stanu wiedzy opartego również na zachowanych stenogramach wystąpień parlamentarnych – klimat tego sporu oraz jego społeczne i polityczne tło.

At the turn of the 20th century, the Palace of Westminster became the witness to one of the most significant and long-lasting power struggles between the Houses of Parliament regarding the influence of each chamber on the implementation of the legislative function in the parliamentary procedure. This paper, written as part of broader studies on the internal transformations of the British Parliament, presents the social and political background of the supremacy war that was openly waged between two political forces, i.e., the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party, reinforced by their respective tactical allies. An attempt is also made to discuss the legal result of the dispute, which notably came in the form of "The Parliament Act 1911", as well as to trace – based on the current state of knowledge and the preserved shorthand notes and transcripts of parliamentary speeches – the general climate of this conflict and its social and political contours. ; Na przełomie XIX i XX wieku w parlamencie westminsterskim rozegrał się jeden z najważniejszych, trwający wiele lat akt konkurencji między obydwoma izbami parlamentu o wpływ na realizację funkcji ustawodawczej w procedurze parlamentarnej. W niniejszym artykule, będącym wynikiem znacznie szerszych studiów nad przekształceniami wewnętrznymi parlamentaryzmu brytyjskiego, przedstawiono społeczne i polityczne tło tej walki toczącej się na forum obydwu izb między dwiema siłami politycznymi: Partią Konserwatywną i Partią Liberalną, wzmocnioną przez taktycznych sojuszników. W tekście starano się przedstawić prawny wynik tego sporu w postaci słynnego Parliament Act 1911, ale także – na podstawie dzisiejszego stanu wiedzy opartego również na zachowanych stenogramach wystąpień parlamentarnych – klimat tego sporu oraz jego społeczne i polityczne tło.