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This paper reveals how love and marriage were interpreted, negotiated and maintained by a young couple during the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), by analyzing 200 love letters. It first introduces the letter authors, their experiences of being 'sent-down' to work at separate state-owned farms, and the comrade-style love they developed by following the Mao-era injunction to prioritize revolutionary politics over personal matters. It then shows how class struggle politics and associated political thought movements inhibited youth dating and romance. Many young adults had to choose between personal matters and political revolution, which led to the paradoxical existence of expressions of 'self-restraint' and 'self-indulgence' in sexual affairs. After China's universities reopened in 1970, the couple pursued tertiary education and put their romance on hold. This period was accompanied by a weakening tie between 'personal matters' (love) and political revolution and a rising tension between personal matters and personal development (education and career). With China's abandonment of the 'send-down' policy in 1978, the couple returned to Harbin, the capital city of Heilongjiang province in northeast China. They married after a decade of separation and correspondence about their tumultuous experiences. Analyzing their letters demonstrates the impact of Mao-era policies, ideas and practices in shaping love and family formation processes for the sent-down generation.

Between 1807-1824, thousands of enslaved people were rescued and resettled in British colonies under the Slave Trade Act of 1807 and the Order in Council of 1808. These instruments gave power to colonial collectors, inter alia, to apprentice liberated Africans to private masters for up to fourteen years. However, as we demonstrate here, they left many basic questions surrounding the regulation and protection of liberated Africans unresolved. In this article, we use the archives generated by commissioners of inquiry in the 1820s to explore key gaps and fissures in the abolition regime. Doing so highlights widespread uncertainty about the legal status of liberated Africans; the role of liberated African activism in exposing legal gaps; and the different ways these gaps played out in the Indian-Ocean, Caribbean and West African colonies. Most importantly, this exploration demonstrates the willingness of the Crown to overlook issues in the system of apprenticeship, a move that followed and shaped proliferating meanings of freedom in the lead up to the emancipation of slaves throughout the British Empire.

Melville Shavelson's Cast a Giant Shadow (1966) stands alongside Otto Preminger's Exodus (1960) as one of the most notable Hollywood films to center on the founding of Israel. In this paper I argue that Cast a Giant Shadow is less concerned with the peculiarities of the nascent stages of the Arab–Israeli conflict, and instead functions as an unabashed endorsement of American military interventionism in foreign conflicts at a time in which the United States was dramatically escalating its military presence in Vietnam. The film is positioned as the second installment in an unofficial trilogy of overtly propagandistic pro-interventionist cinema produced by John Wayne's production company Batjac in the 1960s, alongside The Alamo (1960), Wayne's directing debut, and the notoriously jingoistic pro-Vietnam War film The Green Berets (1968). My analysis of this largely overlooked entry in the Wayne oeuvre ultimately reveals how Israel enabled Wayne to effectively put his art at the service of his political beliefs.

© 2019, © 2019 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. This paper considers the parallels and disconnections between leftist thought in Australia and India at a key moment in the interwar era, as the Comintern transitioned from its Second to its Third Period, eschewing the united front with nationalist and parliamentary parties. It does this by tracing the movements of the Australian communist Jack Ryan, who visited India in 1928 representing the Pan-Pacific Trade Union (PPTU), a Comintern organisation that sought to build solidarities between workers in the Asia Pacific region. Arriving in Bombay at a critical time when leftist organisation in India was on the rise, Ryan was trailed by government intelligence organisations that monitored his activities, letters and speeches. Although the formal purpose of his visit–to affiliate Indian Trade Unions with the PPTU–failed, Ryan's journey to India had a substantial political impact. Coinciding with the interventions of a number of other foreign communists in India, it escalated attempts to legislate against the movement of political dissidents in the empire, by launching the Meerut Conspiracy Case. Back in Sydney, Ryan's transnational movement gave him an international prominence that fired domestic communist jealousies, contributing to his expulsion from the Communist Party of Australia, in 1930. Finally, by highlighting the inability of Australian Trade Unions to form lasting solidarities across boundaries of race, Ryan's politics revealed a substantial faultline in Australian leftist thought.

© The Author 2016. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the German History Society. All rights reserved. Using a case study of the Protestant churches in the British zone in occupied Germany after the Second World War, the article explores church responses to an often-neglected aspect of the Allies' purge of post-Nazi Germany: their mass internment of German civilians. Whereas the literature is critical of church support for former Nazis and opposition to Allied measures, the article argues for differentiation. Church assistance for internees was even more extensive than previously recognized and erred on the side of assisting undeserving former Nazis, while also being somewhat selective and discerning. Much church activity was in opposition to the British, yet there was also a degree of cooperation and negotiation. The article argues that ecclesiastical criticism of civilian internment was not merely a symptom of a refusal to confront the past or an expression of nationalist ideology. Internment was a genuine object of criticism in its own right and a source of wider church objections to denazification. Ultimately, Allied internment policy, pressure from below, interconfessional rivalry, national solidarity and the lack of a German government all contributed to the Protestant churches becoming outspoken critics of the Allies and advocates for those members of the German people who found themselves in civilian internment camps.

Despite the significance of the German invasion of Greece in 1941 withinthe international history of the Second World War, relatively little researchhas yet been conducted into many of its operational aspects. As a consequence,over the last seventy years a number of serious misconceptionshave developed and been used to explain (or explain-away) British defeatwithin this campaign. One of the most enduring is the notion that British andDominion troops were let down by the military failure of their Greek allies.More specifically, Greek strategic "stubbornness" prior to the Germaninvasion, and a series of disorderly Greek defeats on the flanks of the Britishexpeditionary force confounded the British defensive effort and necessitatedthe hasty evacuation of Imperial troops. This is a dominant English-languageinterpretation and it is incorrect. This article demonstrates why.

This paper explores the origins of Sydney from the perspective of the convict and ex-convict majority by examining the townscape of the early Rocks where they appropriated land and built houses from the earliest years of white settlement. Instead of the orderly outpost of empire presented by governors, artists and map-makers, or the gaol town or 'gulag' portrayed in some historiography, the Sydney the Rocks represented was built and occupied largely according to the tastes, priorities and inclinations of the people, with relatively little official interference. Early Sydney emerged through a constant dialogue between people and government, one that encompassed signs and rituals of deference and obligation, pragmatic negotiations, everyday subversion and, more occasionally, outright defiance.

A history of teen combatants in war needs to take into account the role of the Hitler Youth (Hitlerjugend or HJ) in the Second World War. This article traces the history of the HJ from youth movement to conduit for wartime personnel. Germany had a long and proud tradition of youth movements – the place of the HJ in this was distinctive. Hitler had stated at the Nuremberg Party Rally in September 1935 that: 'In our eyes, the German youth of the future must be slim and slender, swift as the greyhound, tough as leather, and hard as Krupp steel'.Swiftness, toughness and hardness were Hitler's three ideal values for Germany's youth. An overtly military ethos came to be exemplified in the Hitler Youth, encompassing a hard, military masculinity much different from other types of maleness embodied in traditional institutions such as the family, school and church. This article begins with an initial exploration of the history of the HJ, in order to put the wartime period into context. It then explores HJ training and wartime experiences and the transformation of HJ boys from youth group members into soldiers. At the height of the war, German boys (and girls) were drafted into anti-aircraft (flak) work. Moreover HJ boys went into the Wehrmacht and into the SS. Towards the end of the war, young boys entered the Volkssturm (people's militia), defending the National Socialist state until the bitter end in 1945. Special issue of the journal Le Mouvement Sociale

This article argues that representations of space in Wuthering Heights provide a framework for Brontë's interrogation of several aspects of Romantic and Victorian ideology. I explore this thesis in relation to three spaces within the novel: the domestic, the natural and the liminal. The first part of the paper explores how Brontë critiques the Victorian ideal of domesticity by presenting the home as an ideologically hybrid space that is repeatedly disrupted by economic and political struggles emanating from the public sphere. The second part of the paper considers how Brontë's representations of nature in Wuthering Heights engage with eighteenth-century aesthetic theories of the sublime and the picturesque and provides a commentary on their social and ethical implications. I argue that Brontë rejects aesthetic theories that are grounded in universal models of subjectivity, such as those purported by Edmund Burke and Immanuel Kant, by exploring a range of different subjective relations and responses to nature in the novel. The final part of the paper argues that Brontë claims liminal spaces in the novel as sites of transcendence thereby resisting traditional philosophical and Christian dichotomies such as matter and spirit, self and other, immanence and transcendence. ; C1

Critics have generally dismissed the military novel as simply a minor version of the historical novel. This article reassesses the genre by examining what the Quarterly Review saw as the first 'military novel', Thomas Hamilton's Youth and Manhood of Cyril Thornton (1827). It argues that, while his novel is modelled on Scott's historical novels, Hamilton also established an entirely new aesthetics, based on the soldier's suffering body. Reading this aesthetic in relation to a biopolitics of life emerging in the long eighteenth century, the article proposes that the novel constructs a new version of military honour for the modern nation.

Although Frankenstein has long been read in relation to revolutionary politics, there has been little specific discussion of the themes of suffering and the trauma of war in the novel, concerns that were central to much of Mary Shelley's writing. Taking inspiration from Ahmed Saadawi's acclaimed Frankenstein in Baghdad (2014), which explicitly rewrites Shelley's novel as a war story, this article draws on recent rereadings of Romanticism that focus on the atmospherics and trauma of war, to examine how Frankenstein can be considered a postwar novel. In particular, it follows Carl Freedman's discussion of Shelley's novel as proto-science fiction that emerges in the same postwar historical matrix that informed historical novels such as Sir Walter Scott's Waverley (1814). However, where the historical novel, in Georg Lukács's reading, describes the wartime poetic awakening of the people in terms of the march of progress and development of the "inner life" of the nation, Frankenstein offers a different vision of awakening life by turning the novel, as Sara Guyer claims, toward biopolitical concerns with the organization of life and death. In Frankenstein, the wartime awakening of the people is entangled with estrangement, monstrosity. and suffering. The novel appeared in a postwar world of ruins, dismembered bodies, and revenants that formed around a newly heightened awareness of the living forces and traumas that compose war.

"The historiography of empire before the end of the eighteenth century lies in pieces," say Pincus et al., because historians, trapped in the teleology of nationhood, have failed to "think the Empire whole." A key part of the problem, they argue, is disciplinary. Imperial scholars are not trained in "political science, historical sociology, and institutional economies" ; they have been distracted by other putatively narrower concerns. For example, we have focused on networks rather than states As a result, we neglect the imperial state and fail to understand how people calculated their interests in an interconnected and imperial world – calculations that were suffused with keen interest in political economy, and with news of internecine metropolitan politics, scandal, profit and loss from other colonies. Metropolitans focused on empire too. It took up nearly 20 percent of Parliament's time, unless there was a crisis, when it occupied much more. Parliament was not alone in its concern with empire. A number of very popular eighteenth-century magazines were also full of empire. Proto-national blinkers have lead scholars to understate the British Empire's great strength, miss the impact two great schools of political economy (Walpole vs the Patriots) on imperial policy and everyday colonial life, and misinterpret theBoston Tea Party.

The four essays in this collection address the history of liberalism outside Europe, at the same time as they reinscribe European liberalism in global contexts. They ask where, beyond Europe and the North Atlantic, has liberal thought flourished as a way to think about problems of state formation, political economy and social order? They take historical scholarship beyond territories that were formally "colonies" of Europe (or of Europeans) to centres of intellectual activity stimulated and challenged by the global circulation of Western liberalism: the Ottoman Empire, the kingdoms of East Asia, the colonial world, the revolutionary world. Their "global" character is less evident in their individual geographical reach, and more apparent in their individual contributions to the sum of what we know about the appearance of liberal ideas beyond their transatlantic intellectual streams. We have brought them together here in order to raise questions about both the limits of liberalism as a concept, and the conceptual frontiers of intellectual history.

Historians have all but dispensed with a conventional chronology that marks the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) as the origin of a modern state-centric territorial sovereignty. Instead, they are accumulating evidence that, since at least the early nineteenth century, sovereignty stretches back to the imperial practice of intervention into polities elsewhere on humanitarian grounds. Imperial sovereignty was less uniform than imperial officials and cartographers asserted; instead, as Lauren Benton has argued, it was (and is) usually "more myth than reality, more a story that polities [told] about their own power than a definite quality that they possess[ed]". Then there is the increasing number of historical examples of nonnormative, quasi-invisible forms of extra-territoriality that shaped the global imperial political architecture of the late nineteenth century: from the remaining principalities of the Holy Roman empire, and the conceptually distinctive practices of the Habsburgs as they separated cultural sovereignty from political sovereignty within their imperial territory, to the European claims to commercial and municipal authority in the treaty ports that dotted China's seaboard and river system, carving out the spoils of war.

This article analyzes the relevance of family ties for the recruitment of chief executives - presidents or prime ministers - with special emphasis on gender. Based on a cross-national data-set examining political chief executives from 2000-2017 in five world regions (Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, Asia, Europe, and North America), we test several hypotheses and present four main results. First, belonging to a political family (BPF), is an advantage to entering national executive positions around the world, for both democracies and non-democracies. Among those with a sizeable number of executives in this period, regions range from 9 percent (Africa) to 13 percent (Latin America and Europe) of executives BPF. Second, executives' family ties are more powerful (with a previous chief executive) in Asia, Africa, and Latin America and more direct (with an immediate family member) in Asia and Africa. Across the globe, women only made up 6% of chief executives in the time period. Third, females who manage to become chief executives are more often BPF than their male counterparts, particularly in Asia and Latin America. Fourth, regardless of region, family ties nearly always originate from men, not women. ; Published version