Suchergebnisse

In the framework of the development of science in the Department of Comparative Religion Faculty Ushuluddin UIN Walisongo Semarang with concentration on Religion and Peace, since the academic year 2010/2011 has been opened Sociology courses that aim to provide additional supplies, and strengthening the special competencies possessed students. In the second semester of academic year 2014/2015 I taught courses in socio-logy, among others, discussed the subject of Social Relationships (Religion of the State). In addition, I gave lectures that discuss topics Citizenship Education socio-political reality in Indonesia, namely about Nationalism, Democracy, and the " Rule of Law. " This research in order to strengthen the scientific paradigm UIN Walisongo, namely the unity of science (wahdat - ulum / unity of sciences), the humanization strategy of Islamic sciences, spiritua-lized modern sciences, and revitalization of local knowledge and provide useful and meaningful contribution to the development of science (contribution of knowledge) to improve the life of huma-nity, and civilized Indonesia is a democracy, therefore the government should encourage and ensure the freedom of speech, religion, opinion, and association for all citizens, uphold the rule of law, the exis-tence of the majority who respect the rights of minority groups and communities whose citizens give each other opportunities together to get a decent life (living together). Republic of Indo-nesia is a unitary state with a fairly high level of plurality in the field of religion, ethnicity, race and class. In order to sustain the life of religious, social state and nation in a peaceful, healthy, prosperous and happy it requires Civil Religion. The background of this research is based on the existence of fairly strong academic anxiety in me. That almost every day the people of Indonesia witnessed various problems that arise in the middle of his life. And, the problem is almost always associated with religion (Islam) while Indonesia is famous for a religious state even sociologically majority of the population are Muslims. As for the various problems that arise among other corruption cases (Police feud versus KPK). This study is a phenomenological study focused on the analysis of the description and explanation of Civil Religion in Indonesia. This research uses a qualitative method because the symptoms studied is a social phenomenon - the political dynamic. Therefore, do phenomenological approach in interpreting the "meaning" of data. Phenomenological approach is intended to examine the data in accordance with the form of presentation. Phenomenological shows the process of "becoming" and the ability to determine the shape (visible symptoms) to gradually coming to know (the meaning) of the correct objects were targeted. Results of the study is that Pancasila can be a Civil Religion in Indonesia.

Mutlikulturalisme merupakan konsep yang bekerja untuk domain politik atau lebih tepat politik identitas. Ia berkembang di negara-negara yang terutama memiliki warga negara dengan keragaman latar belakang budaya, agama, ras, asal, etnis dan seterusnya. Gagasan multikulturalisme dalam wacana politik kontemporer dan filsafat politik adalah tentang bagaimana memahami dan merespons tantangan yang terkait dengan keragaman budaya dan agama. Wajah bangsa Amerika yang multikulutral dapat dilihat perbedaannya antara sebelum dan sesudah peristiwa Tragedi 9/11. Untuk melihat itu, salah satu caranya dengan melacak bagaimana hal itu digambarkan dalam buku-buku teks Sejarah yang terbit pada masa sebelum dan sesudah Tragedi 9/11. Sebagaimana yang telah disajikan di dalam pembahasan, bahwa penggambaran multikulturalisme di kalangan masyarakat Amerika (yang terekam dalam buku-buku teks Sejarah yang diterbitakan pada 1997 dan 2003) telah mengalami pergeseran. Pada buku-buku teks 1997 pendekatan multiculturalist progresif lebih terasa dibandingkan dengan buku-buku teks 2003, dimana pendekatan conservative lebih terasa dominan.

Promoting self-sufficiency for displaced populations can have the unintended consequence of undermining efforts to provide education for all Syrian children.

Care has become a focus of debate in feminist technoscience studies, with a recent call for researchers to be care-full about the politics of research and theorising and also to challenge 'care' as a taken-for-granted good. Care is a current focus of concern in Britain, where a crisis has been declared in national health and social care, and where previous policy has focused on quantity at the expense of quality. The influential government-commissioned Francis Report documents 'appalling and unnecessary patient suffering' and calls for action to put 'compassion at the heart of healthcare'. The report's conclusions are widely supported, and there are new policy interventions to promote compassionate care. However, current debates frequently cite policy as in tension with care: for example, policies are critiqued as meaningless to the realities of clinical practice and as attempting to control rather than to support practitioners. In order to explore how compassion is being done in diverse instantiations and enactments, in this article the authors juxtapose feminist technoscience studies on the politics of care with an analysis of health policy and with vignettes of located practices. The vignettes articulate affects, materials and relations in clinical locations and explore not only the good of what is considered compassion, but also possible harms, contestation and vulnerabilities. The analytical approach aligns with Martin et al.'s call for 'critical care' research that understands care as an affectively charged and selective mode of attention and that exposes the dark side of care. The authors reflect on the relationship between policy and care as a process of contestation, shifts and stabilisation and explore possibilities for formulations that especially attend to, and promote, affective and discretionary aspects of compassion.

This paper shares Andersson's interest in exploring the 'backstage' of Victorian civility and respectability. The adroit media manipulation of high-status leading reformers and their associations and societies, with their often overlapping membership, has accorded them an inflated importance as a representation of the Victorian Age, and can distort our understanding. The argument here begins by problematizing the ways some historians have made use of contemporary statistics and terms such as 'respectability' or 'vice'. For the Victorians these carried multiple meanings and cultural resonances, partially dependent on identities of class, gender, generation, Tory or Liberal political orientation, attitude to faith, and ethnicity. This meant that the complex nuances of understanding attached to activities sometimes labelled as unrespectable 'vices' such as drinking, sexual transgression and gambling could make them acceptable in a variety of cultural contexts despite the opposition of vociferous anti-'vice' groups. The paper concludes with a brief exploration of the potentiality of visual and digital resources for delving deeper into such issues.

This paper sets out a preliminary investigation of tha damtshig. In particular, it examines the concept of tha damtshig, and its role in the creation of a sense of moral identity among contemporary Bhutanese. The concept of tha damtshig is central to Bhutanese social values and based on Buddhist teachings. However, more recently the concept has become intertwined with notions of loyalty to the state and political allegiance. By focusing on how the concept of tha damtshig is created and embodied in everyday life, and in its use to create and maintain a moral sense of personhood, we can discern the interplay between popular, ground-level understandings and perspectives and state policies as Bhutan seeks to balance social and political transformation with maintaining its traditional values.