Suchergebnisse

The European Union has been negotiating regional Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with 79 African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Group of States since 2002 with different outcomes. For instance, while the negotiation with the Caribbean Forum concluded as envisaged in 2007, those with the Economic Community of West African States and other ACP countries have extended for nearly a decade after the initial deadline. This study discusses the rationale behind these different outcomes. The study concludes that for the European Union to have effective trade negotiations with the ACP countries, it needs to look beyond its market size attraction and policy to promote the idea of free trade. Moreover, it should analyse alternative trade options available to those regions and develop appropriate negotiation positions and strategies.

Since its formation the European Union (EU) has employed a rather complicated policy to ensure high prices to domestic sugar growers and trade preferences to certain sugar exporting countries, e.g. the African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group. One result of this policy is that the EU has been both the second largest importer and second largest exporter in the world market. Under pressure from the World Trade Organization (WTO), the EU agreed to reform its policies toward sugar in 2001, with the full effect of the reforms being fully implemented in 2006. In this paper, the impact of the sugar reform on EU production, consumption, imports, and exports is examined especially with regard to how it all affects the ACP countries who receive preferential treatment regarding access to EU sugar markets. Preliminary analysis indicates that lowering domestic EU prices, while quotas requirements for ACP countries remain intact might have negative revenue implications for poor sugar producers.

The decades of the 1960s and 70s can be characterised as a period of great excitement and euphoria with regard to expectations for wide-scale economic growth and development in the African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries. Despite the vast array of literature on the reasons for the failure of most of these ACP states to achieve development, very little has been written regarding the way initial exaggerated development expectations and ambitions among ACP states contributed to their eventual disappointment. This paper, therefore, discusses the two main sets of factors which contributed to some of these initial development expectations and the general mood of optimism which helped to fuel the mood for radical demands from the developing countries for political and economic change. The discussion takes places with particular reference to the first ACP-EEC Agreement signed in 1975, known as the Lomé Convention, which at the time, was regarded the 'litmus test' of North–South relations.

This article extends the thesis that globalization is imperialism by arguing that the actions taken by US banana multinationals and ruling elites to force open the European Union's (EU) banana market to bananas grown in Latin America, 'dollar bananas', played a significant role in the emergence of what I term 'European bloc imperialism' through the implementation of Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Group of States. Ten theses on EU bloc imperialism are presented and the role of US hegemony in its emergence is examined to support the idea that it is a by-product of neoliberal globalization. Developing the argument, I examine the rise of the EU and ACP blocs, the EU bloc imperialist stranglehold over the ACP states, the CARIFORUM-EU EPA, and conclude by focusing on the pushback against the EPAs.

Po pristupanju EU-u, 13 novih država članica preuzelo je i tradicionalne međunarodne odnose 15 starih država članica, među koje svakako spada i politički složena, financijski izdašna i pravno obvezujuća suradnja s bivšim kolonijama u dalekim zemljama s kojima je kontakt, znanje i prisutnost za nove članice i dalje ograničen. U jeku rasprave o budućnosti odnosa između EU-a i zemalja Afrike, Kariba i Pacifika nakon isteka Sporazuma iz Cotonoua 2020. godine, kojim su ovi odnosi politički, gospodarski i razvojno uokvireni, ovim radom obuhvaćeni su postojeći modeli i nove mogućnosti suradnje, naročito u razvojnoj domeni, promatrajući pritom nekoliko prevladavajućih čimbenika – vanjski u pogledu nove globalne arhitekture, izazova i dionika; unutarnji u pogledu nove, proširene Europske unije; i inherentni u pogledu novog razvojnog alata EU-a, koji je obogaćen iskustvima demokratske tranzicije novih članica. Rad je posebno usredotočen na položaj i mogućnosti Hrvatske kao najnovije države članice sa svojim izazovima, prilikama i preporučenom ulogom u ovome procesu. Koristeći metodu indukcije rad je započet deskriptivnom analizom sastavnica Sporazuma iz Cotonoua kao trenutnog okvira za odnose između EU-a i AKP-a da bi bio nastavljen sintezom ključnih elemenata novog globalnog razvojnogkonteksta. Poseban naglasak pritom je stavljen na element proširenog EU-a. U konačnici, ishod opažanja iskorišten je za donošenje zaključaka i konkretnih preporuka u pogledu nastavka suradnje dva bloka država. ; Having acceded to the European Union, the new Member States, or the EU13, as they are commonly called, have also acquired the traditional relationships of the older Member States, the EU15. Among them, the politically complex, financially massive and legally binding cooperation with former colonies in a very often far away land where contact, knowledge and presence is limited. With a view to the emerging post-Cotonou discussions within the EU, this paper examines how the relationship, in particular the development cooperation, between the EU and the ACP group of states can be advanced, having regard to several factors such as, externally, the new global architecture, challenges and stakeholders, internally, the new enlarged EU constellation, and inherently, the new upgraded development toolbox, enriched with the relatively fresh experience of democratic transition of the new Member States. Furthermore, Croatia, as the newest EU's enhancement, is taken into a more focused elaboration, with its obvious challenges, revealing opportunities and recommended role. Using the induction method, the paper begins with the descriptive analysis of the components of the Cotonou Agreement as a present framework for EUACP relations. It continues with a synthesis of the key elements of the new global development context, with a special emphasis put on the element of the enlarged EU. Subsequently, the results of the observation are used to establish conclusions and concrete recommendations for future cooperation between the two blocks of states.

Following the adoption of the Rome Treaty, the European Union (EU) developed a formal and privileged cooperation framework for its relationship with countries in Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific (ACP). Since 2000 cooperation between the EU and the ACP is governed through the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA), which encompasses three complementary dimensions: political dialogue, economic and trade cooperation, and development cooperation. The changing global context, along with institutional, political and socioeconomic developments in the EU and the ACP, raise questions about whether this approach to cooperation has sufficiently delivered on its objectives, and which evolutions – or revolutions – may be necessary for these regions' future cooperation. This paper seeks to complement existing evidence with the findings of a detailed review of the literature and the perceptions of past, present and future ACP–EU cooperation gathered from a wide range of stakeholders in ten ACP countries.

AbstractThe article reviews the EU's development policy in relation to the Caribbean members of the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group. It considers the particular challenges faced by these small economies before assessing their trade and aid relationship with the EU. The article evaluates both the regional assistance programme and the particular experiences of Guyana and Jamaica. Both countries are singled out because of the breadth and depth of their aid relationship with the EU. Finally, the article provides an analysis of EU aid policy within the context of EU–Caribbean relations more generally. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

In 1975, the Lomé Convention, which manages relations between the EEC and the countries of the ACP (Africa Caribbean Pacific) group, introduces a chapter on "industrial cooperation". This new policy aims to develop production sectors (industry, agriculture, mining and tourism) in the ACP countries, and embodies the egalitarian partnership discourse specific to the New International Economic Order. Using unpublished archives from the European Commission, the ACP Secretariat, the Centre for Industrial Development and interviews with the administrators in charge in the 1970s, we study the complexity of the networks of internal and external actors at DG- VIII responsible for setting up EEC-ACP industrial cooperation in Brussels. In doing so, we show that industrial cooperation is created out of the political will to rethink relations between European countries and previous African colonies in the framework of the NIEO; we also show the persistence of interests from private European economic circles, which remain close to the European Commission.

Economic relations between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States (ACP) have been characterized by non-reciprocal preferential trade agreements. These trade agreements have been continuously criticized for being incompatible with WTO rules. In order to conform to the norms of international trade, the EU has required that its economic relations with the ACP states are governed by the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA), which are negotiated with three African Regional Economic Communities. After more than twelve years of negotiations, the countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have signed the EPA with the EU, despite differing opinions on the real benefits that can be expected from such agreements. The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the impact of the EPA on the economies of the ECOWAS (in terms of trade creation and diversion), in particular Burkina Faso. The study uses a modified version of the computable general equilibrium model developed in Decaluwé et al. (2013). The static baseline model is calibrated using a social accounting matrix (SAM) for Burkina Faso's economy of 2012. Our results show that the APE give the EU a competitive advantage. Burkina Faso's imports originating from the EU increase, manifesting trade diversion. The trade agreements have no significant effect on Burkina Faso's exports to the EU or the ECOWAS. Furthermore, while the APE considerably improve population well-being, they do not lower poverty or social inequalities. ; Les relations commerciales entre l'Union européenne (UE) et les Etats d'Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique (ACP) ont longtemps été caractérisées par un régime préférentiel non réciproque. Ce régime a finalement été dénoncé en raison de son incompatibilité avec les règles de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC). Pour se mettre en conformité avec les exigences de l'OMC, l'UE a voulu que ses relations commerciales avec les Etats ACP soient désormais régies par des Accords de partenariat ...

Economic relations between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States (ACP) have been characterized by non-reciprocal preferential trade agreements. These trade agreements have been continuously criticized for being incompatible with WTO rules. In order to conform to the norms of international trade, the EU has required that its economic relations with the ACP states are governed by the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA), which are negotiated with three African Regional Economic Communities. After more than twelve years of negotiations, the countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have signed the EPA with the EU, despite differing opinions on the real benefits that can be expected from such agreements. The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the impact of the EPA on the economies of the ECOWAS (in terms of trade creation and diversion), in particular Burkina Faso. The study uses a modified version of the computable general equilibrium model developed in Decaluwé et al. (2013). The static baseline model is calibrated using a social accounting matrix (SAM) for Burkina Faso's economy of 2012. Our results show that the APE give the EU a competitive advantage. Burkina Faso's imports originating from the EU increase, manifesting trade diversion. The trade agreements have no significant effect on Burkina Faso's exports to the EU or the ECOWAS. Furthermore, while the APE considerably improve population well-being, they do not lower poverty or social inequalities. ; Les relations commerciales entre l'Union européenne (UE) et les Etats d'Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique (ACP) ont longtemps été caractérisées par un régime préférentiel non réciproque. Ce régime a finalement été dénoncé en raison de son incompatibilité avec les règles de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC). Pour se mettre en conformité avec les exigences de l'OMC, l'UE a voulu que ses relations commerciales avec les Etats ACP soient désormais régies par des Accords de partenariat ...

M.A.(Melit.) ; Development assistance is aimed at eradicating poverty and promoting the economic, environmental, social, and political development of developing countries (OECD C., 2021). The European Union (EU) is the largest contributor to Official Development Assistance (ODA). Ever since its foundation, the EU has supported Least Developed Countries (LDCs) from different regions in the world. One of these regions is the Caribbean, with a long history of colonisation. The majority of countries in the Caribbean are Small Island Developing States (SIDS) with unique characteristics that result in special vulnerabilities and challenges for their development. Effective development assistance is crucial for these countries to cope with those threatening disadvantages. One of the guiding principles for effective ODA is Country Ownership. Since the Caribbean islands are distinct from one another, with very different states of development and income levels, developing strategies and programs must be exclusively designed and implemented by each Caribbean SIDS individually. The main purpose of this dissertation is to answer the question "Was the EU development aid policy effective with respect to the implementation of the Busan Principle of Country Ownership in Caribbean Small Island Developing States?". ; N/A

The relationships between the European Union and developing countries in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (or ACP countries) have been called a model for North South development cooperation. The Lomé Conventions were the embodiment of this model. After 25 years, the European Union and the ACP group signed a new partnership agreement, the Cotonou Agreement. Given the disappointing results of the former conventions, this book investigates the innovations in the EU-ACP relationship. Authors from different backgrounds (including law, political science and economics) analyze the forces that gave rise to the new agreement as well as the negotiating process of the new agreement, and the negotiations that are taking place to produce the planned Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA) that are to replace the existing non-reciprocal trade preferences that are incompatible with WTO law. The potential benefits of EPAs are discussed, as is the alternative in the shape of an improved and general preferential system. The amended mechanism for aid delivery, the increased stress on political dialogue between the partners and the introduction of more civil society participation in the cooperation are extensively analyzed and discussed. The effects of the introduction of the Euro and the effect of the planned stimuli on Direct Foreign Investment in ACP economies make this volume very complete in coverage of the ACP-EU relations. Its relevance extends far beyond the ACP-EU relationship as it shows and discusses particular solutions for problems that occur in North South relations in general

This article focuses on the contribution that the European Parliament's standing committees, delegations and inter-parliamentary assemblies make as diplomatic actors in the post-Lisbon Treaty period. These three types of bodies and institutions are grouped together, because in practice they work in complementary ways. The committees play a coordinating role, the delegations act as 'embassies on the move' and the participation of the European Parliament in inter-parliamentary assemblies represents the clearest institutional sign of the European Parliament's external action. The article focuses on a case study: the involvement of the European Parliament in the eu's partnership with the African, Caribbean and Pacific group of countries (acp) through the Development Committee (deve), the competent European Parliament delegation, and the activities within the Joint Parliamentary Assembly. The article aims to analyse whether and how the European Parliament is able to play a distinctive diplomatic role through its standing committees, delegations and inter-parliamentary assemblies.